György Sántha

SAINT JOSEPH CALASANZ

Pedagogical Work

www.edicionescalasancias.org

44

Saint Joseph Calasanz. Pedagogical Work

Author: György Sántha

Year of publication: 2025

Título original: San José de Calasanz. Obra pedagógica

© Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1984. Madrid

Translated by Fr. Antonio Marco Moreno Sch. P.

Copyright is reserved.

Reproduction, publication and distribution, whether total or partial, of all the original material contained in this book is expressly forbidden unless written authorization has been given.

For further information contact: www.icce.es.

SAINT JOSEPH CALASANZ

Pedagogical Work

Foreword

Calasanz was “ordained” a priest in the chapel of Sanahuja Castle on December 7, 1583. The Calasanzian family wishes to celebrate this event - THE FOUR HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE PRIESTLY ORDINATION OF ITS FOUNDER - with several Piarist publications. This program opens with the reprint of “Calasanz and his work”. The contributions and intuitions of Calasanz, events in the field of education, form its content.

This work is dedicated to all educational actors. It is a legacy whose guardians are the Piarists and, by extension, all branches of the Calasanzian Family. Calasanz, who entrusted it to them, remains its inspirer. He received it as a gift of the Spirit to offer it without prejudice to all educators and the governments of the peoples. In that historical situation, they did not realize that controlling the education of children was the strongest and most effective “power” to create a type of society. Today, on the other hand, states that are aware of the transcendence of such “power” strive for a monopoly on education.

Calasanz’ institutions still radiate light today and are still goals from which even the most civilized peoples are far to reach.

Calasanz and his work have lost none of their topicality even after four centuries. To enable the reader to assess the truth of this assertion, some of Calasanz’ contributions to the field of education are reproduced below. Here they are:

- Free school for all

- Integration of the social classes

- Education from the youngest years

- Overcoming the dichotomy of culture - faith, with the Piarist motto of piety and letters

- The defense of the inviolable right of every human being to an integral education

- The compulsory nature of education for all, with the interest of the civil authorities

- The recognition of the abilities, rights and duties of the Christian laity as educators in the faith, in collaboration with the religious

- The freedom and independence of teaching and conscience from any control of the political party in power

- The description of the figure of the educator as a collaborator with the truth, respecting the truth and the human project in each child.

The most rigorous historical criticism may dispute Calasanz’ authorship of the first Christian elementary school. But it will have to acknowledge his merit of having shared the idea of the “creation of the elementary school” with other prophets of education. And no one can deny him the primacy of having systematically organized the “Christian elementary school” and spread it throughout Europe.

It was therefore right that Pope Pius XII decreed in his Brief of July 13, 1948:

WE APPOINT, ELECT AND DECLARE SAINT JOSEPH CALASANZ

AS THE PATRON SAINT OF ALL CHRISTIAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS WHICH EXIST THROUGHOUT THE WORLD

The memory of this patronage of Calasanz with his contributions to education is a service to educators and states. Because the problem of education remains unsolved. Moreover, it is getting worse every day all over the world. It is a burning problem, an urgent problem. Control over education is the primary ambition of all those who want to seize “power”. Inadequately resolved and directed, it will be a socially disruptive factor. Properly planned, with respect for the rights and freedom of all, it will lead to solidarity among citizens and peoples.

Therefore, the contributions of Calasanz with his achievements in the historical context of the 17th century are still a challenge today for all those who, through their vocation and service, are committed to building a society based on the “culture of love”. This will be the fruit of the new man and citizen that Calasanz dreamed of.

The “Calasanz of today” continue to bet on this new citizen by transmitting a liberating education, not a domesticated one. Therefore, they joyfully choose the EDUCATOR AND ONLY TEACHER who is the Lord Jesus, the WAY, the TRUTH AND the LIFE for every man. For He is THE MAN.

Salamanca, February 10, 1984.

Fr. ANGEL RUIZ ISLA, SCH.P.

Superior General of the Pious Schools

Introduction to the first edition

This work is published at the beginning of the fourth anniversary of the birth of St. Joseph Calasanz and presents the founder of the Pious Schools as an educator, the facet of his historical personality that has earned him the greatest reputation as a man and as a saint over the centuries.

In presenting it to the public, I would like to draw readers’ attention to one of the most characteristic aspects of the book: its Calasanzian universality.

The Danube, Tiber and Ebro are the framework in which it unfolds, because its author, Father György Sántha, Sch.P., son of Hungary, received his scientific-literary training in the distant Danube valley, where the Spanish Calasanz left an indelible mark on the spirituality of this nation through his schools. The book was conceived and written on the banks of the Tiber, where Calasanz devoted his entire life to the education of youth according to a pedagogical system that, although only fragmentarily and sententiously put down on paper in his rich collection of letters, was outlined in his mind with very concrete and clearly defined features; and finally, he is born on the banks of the Ebro, in the Saint’s homeland, where the Pious Schools are currently at their highest level.

In this geographical framework of Calasanzian universality lies the exceptional merit of the work, which we will never properly thank its author for: the merit of having traced with serene scientific objectivity the complete picture of the pedagogical system of Calasanz, even at the cost of untold sweat and fatigue in the five long years it took to compose the book. Not content with collecting and organizing all the good things that have been said on the subject, he has drawn directly from the sources - published and unpublished - of the archives and libraries inside and outside the Order, collecting the news about the saint with methodical and meticulous research.

May God grant us that one day we may be able to speak of the universality of readers and scholars, that the work may be read and studied in all nations where the Pious School has taken root, and that through the worldwide vehicle of the Spanish language, through the expansive power of the Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, it may reach all those countries where Calasanz’ work, though unknown, is instinctively loved!

May God give inspiration and encouragement through reading to the sons and daughters of Calasanz, to the students of the Pious Schools and to those who are not, to Christian educators and to all those who appreciate true natural and supernatural values in educational work!

May the light that emanates from its pages convince all those concerned with the development of pedagogical systems and give St. Joseph Calasanz his rightful place in the history of pedagogy!

I personally have the satisfaction of thinking that, as the author’s teacher in Budapest, I contributed to fostering in his soul the knowledge and love of the figure of the Saint, and that later, as his superior, I was able to place the author in favorable circumstances to bring the work to a successful conclusion.

Rome, September 11, 1956.

Fr. VINCENT TOMEK, SCH.P.

Superior General of the Pious Schools

Preface to the second edition

This work, whose author, Father George Sántha, died in 1975, was republished after twenty-seven years. It is not a biography, but an analytical study of the mentality and pedagogical work of Calasanz, based on rich documentation that was largely unpublished at the time of writing. Therefore, despite the years that have passed, it retains its full value, apart from some strictly biographical data that are now surpassed by historical research.

The author has indeed traced a historical-biographical profile of Calasanz as a summarizing account of the character in the introductory section he called “Historical Introduction”. He did not intend to say anything new, but simply drew on the most reliable biographies, especially the last one, published in 1949 by Father Calasanz Bau under the title Biografía crítica de San José de Calasanz. And although it must be recognized that no other has appeared after it that surpasses it as a complete biography, it is certain that so much has been written and researched about the life of the founder of the Pious Schools that it is necessary to correct some of Father Bau’s assertions, beginning with Father Bau himself in his Revision of the life of Saint Joseph Calasanz (1963). Father Joseph Poch has contributed much to the clarification of the so-called “Spanish period” of Calasanz (1557-1592) with numerous monographic articles, as has Father Sántha himself in other aspects of the historical career of Calasanz and his work, to name only the most important. All this has made it necessary to update the already outdated biographical data, respecting Father Sántha’s original text as much as possible.

Another aspect that required revision was that of documentary citations, since many of the sources used by the author, cited with abbreviations from the archives where the originals are kept, have already been edited, especially the two large volumes of letters referring to the letters addressed to Calasanz and those interwoven with his Piarist contemporaries, as well as other documents or memoranda. All these documents have logically disappeared from the “Manuscript sources” section of the “Bibliography” and have been transferred to the “Printed works” section.

All publications relating to the subject and published after the appearance of the first edition have also been included in the list of this section.

On the one hand, the abundant publication of Calasanzian documents to which we refer has led us to suppress the “Documentary Appendix”, that completed the first edition, for lack of interest, as they can be found in other publications. This suppression has in turn led us to change the original title by deleting the word “Writings”, which appeared in the first edition, and clarifying the title as follows: “Pedagogical work”.

Finally, it was planned to translate all the texts of the annotations, that appear in Italian and Latin, into Spanish to make it more convenient and understandable for the reader to whom the work is addressed. However, given the scholarly nature of this study, it was decided to leave the texts in their original language.

S. GINER

General introduction

“The work that St. Joseph of Calasanz accomplished with happy boldness, in giving the first example of popular and universal Christian teaching, is truly worthy of the gentlest remembrance, and is a work far greater than anything that can be praised”[1].

1 Letter of Pope Pius XII to the Superior General of the Pious Schools, 12-7-1948: Acta Apostolicae Sedis 40 (1948) p. 369.

With these words in mind and knowing their profound truth, I began writing this study. I hope to fill an unfortunate gap in the pedagogical work of St. Joseph Calasanz. If we are honest, it has hardly been known until now, not only to the majority of those less interested, but even in the same pedagogical environments[2].

2 A glance at the various histories of European pedagogy, written in different languages, suffices to confirm the truth of this statement. Only a few authors such as Lamanna (Storia della Filosofia vol. I 616-618,657) and Sebes (Neveléstörténet 76-84) see and recognize - and even these almost always only partially - the greatness and merits of Calasanz, while almost all others, guided by nationalistic or religious motives and even forced by the lack of reliable information, pay little attention to him. We will not repeat here the various opinions of these histories, which generally do not rely on first-hand sources and are mostly content with general assertions.

If we get to the heart of the problem, we can find two main causes for this lack of orientation. The first is that Calasanz - apart from the Constitutions of his Order, those of Collegio Nazareno, the Breve relazione and the Memorandum to Cardinal Tonti - left no systematic pedagogical work in which he comprehensively set out his educational doctrine. Most of the well-known pedagogues and educators did exactly the opposite, i.e. they wrote a lot about pedagogical issues without perhaps achieving a work of such magnitude as Joseph Calasanz did. Therefore, posterity, which wanted to find out about the saint’s pedagogical activity but did not know where to find the necessary data, has forgotten Calasanz.

And the other reason could be the painful fact that not only did St. Joseph Calasanz not write anything, however absorbed he was in pure activity, but almost equally so did his successors, the members of the educational Order he founded. There are biographical works on the figure and activity of the saint[3], and even some pedagogical works[4]. But in general, they are either incomplete or do not meet the requirements of modern critical historiography.

3 Cf. L. PICANYOL, In antiquos de S. losepho Calasanctio scriptores commentaria: Eph. Cal. I-IV (1932-1935); Id, Scritti stampati intorno a S G. Cal dal 1648 al 1748: Eco dei nostri centenari (1946) n.4ff; ld, Le Vite di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio: Eco dei nostri centenari (1948) n.11.12 p.39.48; Id, Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei p.7-8; José POCH, La bibliografia calasancia: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) n.26 p.393-411; R. PÉREZ, San José de Calasanz en la bibliografía: Revista Calasancia 12 (1957) 695-721; BAU, Revisión, p.3-9; S. GINER. Bibliografía y biógrafos de San José de Calasanz, in S. GINER, C. VILÁ, etc. Escuelas Pías, Ser e Historia p.25-34.

4 cf. José POCH: Escritos varios de pedagogía calasancia: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 411.415; to this index we must also add the book by Fr. John of Saint Mary Magdalene (Gio. Benedicti Felber) entitled Scolae Piae seu de origine, progressu, Instituto Scholarum Piarum quas hoc saeculo aperiunt Religiosi qui Pauperes Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum nuncupari solent (Cracovie, in officina Cristophori Schedelii, anno MDCXLVI).

As far as the biographical works are concerned, we must note that the saint’s scholars were more concerned with solving the not insignificant problems of his long and arduous life than with clearly illuminating the pedagogical aspect of his work. As a result, they found little room for a systematic presentation of his pedagogical thought. In fact, for most of these authors, the hagiographic interest almost always prevailed, i.e. emphasizing the figure of the saint who was also a pedagogue per accidens, instead of emphasizing the figure of the pedagogue who was also a saint. After the first biographers, such as Father Berro, Father Caputi and Father Bartlik, this was done by Fathers Talenti, Tosetti and Bonada[5]. And after them some other biographers, who did not always work with the sources, but were generally content to plunder the old biographies, always according to the criteria dictated by the needs of the moment.

5 Cf. PICANYOL, In antiquos de S. Josepho Calasanctio Scriptores Commentaria: Eph. Cal. I-IV (1932-1934).

Only the last, the most modern biographer of the Saint, Father Bau, gives greater importance to the pedagogical aspect in his biography[6]. But even he - although he insisted on some important points of Calasanzian pedagogy - did not undertake a systematic and scientifically rigorous presentation of this pedagogy, nor did he wish to do so.

6 BAU, Biogr. crit.; see the preface of the work, “To the reader” p.14; of the 77 chapters of this extensive and exhaustive biography, at least six are entirely devoted to pedagogical questions, without the other chapters ignoring this aspect of the Saint.

And as for the works and pedagogical studies on St. Joseph Calasanz, we must say that most of those who have decided to write a treatise of this kind on our Saint have generally done so without new historical research, contenting themselves with the data taken from the biographers, the Constitutions of the Order and some of Calasanz’ letters, supplementing the strictly historical part - which is sparse and not very reliable[7] - with philosophical and moralizing considerations or with abstract and overly general pedagogical questions[8].

7 Certainly wrong, because they also use sources that refer to an epoch after Calasanz’ life and pedagogical activity, such as the provisions of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1692, and thus falsely superimpose two different historical moments.

8 Cf. BAU, o.c., “To the reader” p.14. Father Giovanozzi, Campanella and Fr. Caballero have done the same, although each of them has undeniable merits, especially Giovanozzi for his original views on the Galileian Piarists and for his keen critical sense, with which he knows how to emphasize the most important achievements of the complete pedagogical work of St. Joseph Calasanz; and Fr. Caballero for his relatively extensive use of first-hand sources and for the care he has taken in presenting the pedagogical themes in a systematic and orderly fashion (even if this system may in some respects be more in keeping with the author’s philosophical reflections than with the facts of historical data).

On the other hand, the more recent pedagogical studies, carried out with a sharp critical sense by the former archivist of the Generalate of the Piarist Order[9], and others by various authors - especially those carried out on the occasion of the third centenary of the saint’s death[10] - also have the fundamental defect of being either too general, when they pretend to give a synthetic account of the entire teaching and pedagogical activity of Calasanz, or too monographic, focusing only on a specific point of his great pedagogical work.

9 Father Leodegario Picanyol was former General Procurator of the Pious Schools. The main works in which he deals with Piarist pedagogy in the Calasanzian period are: Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei (Roma 1942); Rassegna di Storia e bibliografia Scolopica. N. 11-12; La scuola dei nobili nelle Scuole Pie fiorentine e il suo fondatore P. Giovan Francesco Apa. Monografia Storica (Roma 1939); in the series Monurnenta Historica Scolarum Piarum II. De re pedagogica. 2, Duo prestantissima documenta de pedagogiae Calasanzianae initiis necnon de scientiis maioribus in Ordine nostro colendis, in the series Mon. Hist. Scholarum Piarum. II. De re pedagogica I (Roma 1938); Il Venerabile Glicerio Landriani, Apostolo della Dottrina Cristiana in Roma. Profilo storico (Roma 1938); in the series Mon. Hist. Scholarum Piarum. III. Subsidia hagiographica; Le Scuole Pie, origine, spirito, attività, storia. Sintesi storica (Roma 1949): Eco dei nostri centenari n.13-14, num. commemorativo; Epistolario di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio, edito e commentato da Leodegario Picanyol, vol.1-9 (Roma 1950-1956); Le Scuole Pie di Fanano. Monografia storica (Roma 1941); Le culte Marial dans l ‘Ordre des Clercs Reguliers Pauvres De la Mère de Dieu des Écoles Pies: Eph. Cal. XXI (1952) 89-96; cf. also the numerous unpublished publications concerning the Piarist pedagogy of the Calasanzian period, such as Tria pia exercitia a S. Iosepho Calasanctio concinnata ex tabulario generali Ordinis Scholarum Píarum deprompta (Romae 1933), in the series Parva Bibliotheca Calasanziana 2 and the publication of the Liber apologeticus contra impugnantes lnstitutum Scholarum Piarum, by Campanella: Eph. Cal. I (1932) p.170ff, 217ff, 258ff; the publication of Fr. Bartlik’s Annales Religionis Scholarum Piarum: Eph. Cal. I-XXVII (1932-1958), and other publications that have appeared here and there; or in the series of Parva Bibliotheca Calasanziana, or in Rassegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica I-XX (1937-1956), or in Archivum Scholarum Piarum Iss (1936), or in Eph. Calasantianae I-XXV (1932-1956).

10 Cf., for example, all the articles that appeared in the Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949): JUAN FRANCISCO YELA UTRILLA, Valores trascendentes de la empresa calasancia p.193 ff; VÍCTOR GARCÍA HOZ, El sentido actual de la empresa calasancia p.233 ff; PEDRO FONT PUIG, San José de Calasanz, maestro de psicología moderna y perenne p.247 ff; EMILIO HERNÁNDEZ RODRÍGUEZ, El ambiente educativo italiano en la época de San José de Calasanz p.263 ff; MARIA ÁNGELES GALINO, San José de Calasanz, creador de la escuela popular p.293 ff; A. GARMENDIA DE OTAOLA, La enseñanza popular durante la vida de San José de Calasanz: 1556-1648; FERMIN DE URMENETA, Ética y pedagogía. Reflexiones calasancias p.371 ff; and also the article by MANUEL TARRAGÓ Examen crítico de la influencia de San José de Calasanz. en la enseñanza y en los principales pedagogos posteriores, and Exposición de Los sistemas y principios didáctico-pedagógicos del Santo: Boletín de Educación, segunda época. n. 7 (1949); see also the articles by Professor GIOVANNI CALÓ. Il Calasanzio pedagogista ed educatore: Eco dei nostri centenari n.15 (1949) p. 3-17; by minister GUIDO GONELLA, Giuseppe Calasanzio, precursore della Scuola Popolare: Eco dei nostri centenari n.15 (1949) p.18-26; by Prof. L. VOLPICELLI, Modernità del Calasanzio. Supplemento pedagogico, serie 10 n. 1 p.51 ff; by FRATEL EMILIANO (Giuseppe Savino), L ‘Ordine dei Chierici Regolari delle Scuole Pie e l’istituto Lasalliano: Rivista Lasalliana 17 (1949) p. 3-47; by QUIRINO SANTOLOCI, Attualità e sapienza della pedagogia calasanziana nelle “Costituzioni” del Collegio Nazareno (excerpted from the Acts of the Santander Pedagogical Congress [1949] p.383-394; by GIUSEPPE TOMASSELLI, La pedagogia di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio (Fiesole 1949); the other articles and studies can be found in the index published by Fr. Joseph POCH in Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) p.411-415.

In order to fill this large gap, we have proposed in this study the systematic and organic investigation and presentation of the entire doctrine, activity and pedagogical achievements of St. Joseph Calasanz. We have taken into account not only the pedagogical works of the Saint[11], especially his letters[12], but also the extensive correspondence that Calasanz received on educational issues from his children or from various personalities such as kings, princes, cardinals and bishops, always on problems related to education[13]. We have also processed the various memoranda, apologies, defenses, reports, and rescripts written in favor or in the interest of the Order[14], the Common Rites[15], some timetables, programmes, and school regulations[16], the contemporary catalogs of the various Piarist houses[17], and the school texts written by the religious according to the guidelines received from Calasanz himself[18]. The economic books of the various schools were not spurned either, as they often contain valuable data for the complete reconstruction of the Saint’s educational work[19].

11 The works of St. Joseph Calasanz in which pedagogical themes are treated are: Constitutiones Ordinis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum (Roma 1922), particularly the Preamble and p. 2a cc.8-11 (last bilingual ed. with numbering followed by paragraphs: Constitutions of St. Joseph Calasanz (Salamanca 1980); Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Roma 1630) (Reg. Cal. XI, 10); Memoriale al cardinale Tonti (Italian ed. in Eph. Cal. XXVI [1967] 472-477 and in A. GARCIA-DURAN, ltinerario espiritual de San José de Calasanz p.170-179; last Spanish translation in J. M. LESAGA and others, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías p.179-193; Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI 5; Istruzione per i Maestri: Reg. Cal. XII 52, published in the Archivum Scholarum Piarum; Breve relazione de modo che si tiene nelle Scuole Pie per insegnar li poveri scolari li quali per ordinario sono più di settecento non solo le lettere ma ancora il Sto. timor di Dio: Duo praestantissima documenta paed. Cal. (Romae 1938); and some school regulations, as, e.g., Ordine per le Scuole Pie di Firenze (1618): Reg. Prov., XLII: Narni, 13; Ordine per le Scuole Pie di Narni e di Campi (1630): Reg. Cal. XIII 32. Scholastic texts (doctrine, rules, prayers) written by Calasanz are: Alcuni misteri della vita e passione di Cristo Signor Nostro: Tria Pia exercitia p.5-10; Modo di recitare la corona delle dodici stelle della Beatissima Vergine da recitarsi dagli scolari delle nostre scuole: Tria pia exercitia p.11-13; Regula summam faciendi trium, quatuor vel quinque numerorum fractorum: Reg. Cal. XII 15.

12 The complete publication of the 4,578 original letters of Calasanz, bound in ten volumes and kept in the General Archives of the Order in Rome, was carried out with commentaries by Father Leodegario Picanyol in nine volumes under the title Epistolario di San Giuseppe Calasanzio (Rome 1950-1956). After this publication, new unpublished letters appeared, which were also published in Eph. Cal. and other periodicals of the Order. Of the nine volumes that make up the aforementioned Epistolario, 694 letters were selected, translated and annotated by S. Giner and others in Cartas selectas de San José de Calasanz, 2 vols (Salamanca 1977). For the pedagogical content of these letters, see PICANYOL, Ep. I pp. XXXIII-XXXIV. See also P. VANNUCCI, Le lettere pedagogiche di Giuseppe Calasanzio: La Fiera Letteraria n.38 pp.1-2 and FERMÍN DE URMENETA, Bienvenida cordial al Epistolario Calasancio: Pro Infancia y Juventud 5 (1955) 97-101.

13 These letters in the General Archives fill four bundles (Reg. Cal. 15-18) and were published in their entirety by G. SÁNTHA: Epistulae ad S. Iosephum Calasanctium ex Europa Centrali. 1625-1648 (Roma 1969) and Epistulae ad S. Iosephum Calasanctium ex Hispania et Italia. 1616-1648 (Rome 1972). As a valuable addition to these letters, another volume was published by G. SÁNTHA and C. VILA, Epistolarium coaetaneorum S. Iosephi Calasanctii. 1600-1648 (Rome 1977-1978).

14 Among them, the Liber Apologeticus of Campanella, whose manuscript was found by Fr. Picanyol in the archives of the Piarist house of Carcare, undoubtedly deserves the first place; cf. Cal. I (1932) pp. 170ff, 217ff, 258ff; then follows the Apology of the Institute, written by Fr. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 604); his Discourse on the Institute of Pious Schools and the Good Education of Youth, Object of the Religion of the Poor of the Mother of God, with some means to be applied to disorders hitherto neglected, in order that it may attain its true form and improvement (Reg. Cal. XIV 603) and his Account of the origin and usefulness of the institute of Pious Schools (Reg. Cal. 69c); another important source is the Defense of the Religion written by the jurist Francisco Firmiani (Reg. Cal. 68). For further information, please consult the bibliographical index.

15 They contain some instructions on scholastic topics; they were written during Calasanz’ lifetime and approved by him. Their oldest version in Italian is in the General Archives, with the reference Reg. Cal. 741, and probably dates from 1628; the first Latin version of these Common Rites is also in the General Archives, with the signature Reg. Gen. 92, and probably dates from 1634. These Common Rites, with their meticulous prescriptions for school life, are a very valuable source for the complete reconstruction of the pedagogical work of St. Joseph Calasanz.

16 They are a source of precious data concerning the intellectual and moral education in the first Pious Schools (cf. the notes on p. 412-434).

17 With their bibliographical information, they constitute a rich arsenal of invaluable data on the intellectual, cultural and pedagogical orientation of the Pious Schools; cf. in particular the notes in the chapter entitled The Formation of the Calasanzian Educator.

18 Cf. pp. 181-187 and see the notes corresponding to pp. 502-556.

19 The extent of the social support that the Institute granted its students can be seen very clearly and concretely in these books in particular. And from the titles of the books acquired, we can draw very certain and reliable conclusions about the cultural and educational concerns of the first generation of Piarists.

In addition to these first-hand sources, which are of fundamental importance, the first biographers of Calasanz were consulted[20], as well as the first historical work written about the Institute, that of Father John de Saint Mary Magdalene (Father John Benedicti Felber)[21]. Also, some other contemporary historical or pedagogical works and documents in which Calasanz is mentioned or which are in some way connected with his work [22].

20 Among them, in a particular way, Fr. Vincent Berro, a close friend and faithful son of the Saint during the last difficult years of his life, has enriched with very important data; also Fr. Caputi and Fr. Barlik should be taken in account. Cf. PICANYOL, In antiquos de S. losepho Calasanctio Scriptores Commentaria: Eph. Cal. 1-IV (1932-1935).

21 It is entitled Scholae Piae seu de origine, progressu, instituto, utilitate etc. Scholarum Piarum quas hoc saeculo aperiunt Religiosi, qui Pauperes Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum nuncupari solent. Kraków MDCXLVI.

22 Cf., e.g., CAMILO FANUCCI, Trattato di tutte le opere pie dell’alma città di Roma (Roma 1601); TEODORO AMEYDEN, De pietate Romana libellus in quatuor partes divisus (Romae 1625); Id., Diario della città e Corte di Roma: Biblioteca Casanatense, Mss. 1831, 1832, 1833; various codices also from the Vatican Library (cf. the bibliographical index). Among the contemporary books of pedagogical content, the Liber de pia educatione, by Fr. John of Jesus Mary (cf. p. 241-242); the Giovanne Cristiano and the Giovanetto Cristiano, by Fr. Cesar Franciotti (cf. pp. 243-245); the Avviamento chiaro e facile, by Fr. Philip Angelini (cf. pp. 529-532), and the Tre libri dell’educazione christiana (Verona, 1583), by Cardinal Silvio Antoniani.

Of these works, the Liber de pia educatione was written precisely for the use of teachers in the Pious Schools and contains at its core the basic principles of moral and religious education as taught in the first Pious Schools. The Avviamento was written for the use of schoolchildren and also contains valuable information on the practice of the frequency of the sacraments.

In addition to the historical documents mentioned above, all of which date from the time of the saint, we have also consulted some others that, although they belong to an immediately later period, as custodians and immediate guardians of Calasanz’ pedagogical teaching, can complete the original documentation and confirm some assumptions that we propose with some reluctance in the absence of sufficient contemporary documents[23].

23 No doubt one would have found reasons to recommend an extension of this study beyond the purely Calasanzian period (1597, when the first schools were established, to 1648, when Calasanz died) to deal with the period immediately afterwards, up to 1692, the date of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris, which would have given a more complete picture of Calasanzian pedagogy. However, the desire to present Calasanz’ original doctrine in all its purity, without subsequent generations holding on to it, has prevailed over us for this period.

Finally, in order to align all of Calasanz’ pedagogical work with the exact historical moment, we have consulted numerous documents and historical works on the social, cultural and pedagogical issues of the time. In order to emphasize the importance of certain pedagogical and didactic issues that were already illuminated by the Saint pedagogue himself, we have traced their development through the centuries up to the present day in a documentary review.

It is therefore to be hoped that research carried out in this way will be able to fill the gap that still exists today in studies on the pedagogy of St. Joseph Calasanz[24]. However, we do not even presume, on our part, to have made a study that cannot be improved. Perhaps at a later date, thanks to careful research in the archives of the Vatican Library and in those of Campidoglio, we will discover a new document that will shed more light on some questions and fill in the possible gaps to complete the current documentation. It is also to be expected that in the near future the number of monographs, essays and studies on certain points of Calasanz’ extensive pedagogical work will increase. The current scarcity has hindered the rhythm of this work to no small extent, sometimes not even allowing the author to delve deeper into the problems because the nature of the study in question denies him the opportunity to devote himself to meticulous research, with the risk of not arriving at the necessary synthesis. Even under these working conditions, every effort has been made to provide scholars with a sufficiently comprehensive and carefully documented account of Calasanz’ entire pedagogical work. The origins, the purpose of the Pious Schools, the silhouette and training of the Calasanzian educator, the organic structure of the Institute, its activity and its achievements in the field of intellectual, esthetic, moral and social education have been studied with rigorous precision.

24 Here are the opinions concerning the matter: PICANYOL, Ep. I p. XXXIII; ID, Principi e documenti pedagogici: Eco dei nostri centenari n. 11-12 (1949) p.52-54; ID, Studi per una vita di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio: Echo dei nostri centenari n. 11-12 (1948) p.34-35; GIUSEPPE TOMASELLI, La pedagogia di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio (Fiesole 1949) p.11; P. VANUCCI, Ancora del Fondatore della Scuola Popolare: La Voce del Calasanzio 16 (1947) 194.

In this way, the true, authentic greatness of the Calasanzian educator can finally be disseminated and should be recognized by all. The present study will be above all a filial and humble homage to the founder of the first free elementary schools in Europe and to the celestial universal patron of the same.

And if it is true that the works show what man is - ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos -, then through this study of Calasanz’ activity it will be possible to better understand his relevant sanctity, a facet so unknown even in the same ecclesiastical circles.

On the other hand, the present study will, we hope, make a not insignificant contribution to the historiography of the universal Church, showing with all the evidence and in an absolutely concrete way how Holy Mother Church, the unsurpassable educator and pedagogue, through her geniuses and her saints, always had every cultural and social initiative in her hands and how she always strove to make a better, happier and more human life possible for all her children.

The history of European pedagogy will also be able to draw some lessons from the present study, which hopes to have shown in an irrefutable way who is the true creator of the first elementary school in Europe and of so many other pedagogical achievements of the modern era. The forever indisputable fact that Calasanz is the father of the post-Tridentine period of “paedagogia catholica et perennis” and that all his great successors, such as La Salle or Don Bosco, do nothing other than continue, complete and develop his initiatives, could lead the entire modern pedagogical historiography, which has ignored him to this day, onto new, fairer and more loyal paths.

The present work could also serve as a modest homage to Spanish and Italian national historiography. It shows once again how, the 16th century Catholic Spain was incredibly rich in extraordinary geniuses of holiness and wisdom who renewed Christian and European life and culture with their supernatural, cultural and social activity. At the same time, it is emphasized that Italy, the ancient model of all true culture, deserves the imperishable glory of having created and supervised the first elementary school in Europe and of having given birth to the new post-Tridentine period of “paedagogia catholica et perennis”.

Since history is a true teacher for life, our work can also help the sacred cause of education today, which is plagued by many problems and is tempted, almost forced, to deviate from the sure guidelines of the Church’s Magisterium. In this way we would like to demonstrate to everyone, through the sober pedagogical guidelines of Calasanz, that only an education based on the solid principles of Catholic doctrine and morals is truly worthy of its name. Only it can fulfill its mission of intellectual and social apostolate, that is, to lead children freely to the Eternal Father through their own rational nature, ennobled and healthily oriented with the help of the divine grace.

On the other hand, our study, in faithful interpretation of Calasanzian thought, shows that almost every pedagogical problem is happily solved as long as the school chairs are occupied by educators of strong character, learning and holiness. Without this, methods and instrumental means are of little value.

For those who, moved by conscience or by love, have already entered the delicate and responsible field of Christian education, the present study can certainly offer comfort and encouragement. The initial uncertainties and the inevitable difficulties of the path can be more easily overcome by contemplating the holy footsteps of the tireless standard-bearer, full of sacrifices and triumphs.

And finally, “last but not least”, going back to the sources and finding there the genuine pedagogical teaching of St. Joseph Calasanz will also give the Piarist Order itself everlasting impulses and indelible energies. The realization of the great pedagogical personality of Calasanz will lead his children, powerfully inflamed and encouraged, to continue with similar competence and holiness the “great work”, the Institute of Pious Schools, “degnissimo, necessariissimo, utilissimo”[25].

25 Memorandum to Card. Tonti (cf. note 11).

And if until today some of his children harbored a feeling of inferiority about to the greatness of their common father, to whom he wished even greater things, now, after the impartial information of the documents, he will be able to regain his confidence and his justified pride. He truly has a father of extraordinary greatness in the holiness of his life and in the depth and vitality of his doctrine. He should admire him with childlike devotion and follow him with loyalty and manly love.

And not only the Father is great, but his work is also great and modern. Especially in our time, which is so similar to that of Calasanz, because of the gravity of the danger that threatens the Church and the urgency of the social problems that require a radical and timely solution.

Undoubtedly, in these historic days, the Pious Schools have a special task in the illustrious squadron of Catholic schools. It is assigned to them by their tradition and by their special preparation. To realize this truth on the basis of historical documents should fill every true son of Calasanz with holy enthusiasm and a deep sense of responsibility. The new era, which is happier, more human and more Christian, should be born through his collaboration and under the paternal and effective guidance of the heavenly patron saint of all popular schools.

For all these and many other reasons, it seems that the approach of the fourth centennial of the birth of St. Joseph Calasanz is already an excellent prediction for a vigorous renewal of his spirit, his teaching and his pedagogical work. May this study provide the indispensable historical foundation for this hope, the vital support of a glorious past.

In presenting this work to the public, I would like to address a few words of thanks and sincere affection to all those who have been kind enough to help me with their understanding, their advice, their ideas and also with their effective collaboration.

In a special way, I would like to thank the Superior General of the Pious Schools, Fr. Vincent Tomek, for the fatherly care with which he has always accompanied the various stages of the work in progress. I sincerely and with filial gratitude recognize that without his effective and fatherly help my work would never have been completed.

I am deeply grateful to Father Laureano Suárez, General Assistant, for his valuable advice, for the ideas and observations he made with so much Piarist competence, and also for the generous gesture with which he undertook the tasks of revision, which were neither scarce nor small ... I could add more praise to his valuable help.

I am very grateful to the General Assistant, Father Julián Centelles, the tireless translator of almost the entire documentary appendix[26], and to the General Delegate, Father Agustín Turiel, who revised the Spanish text and organized the edition of the work in Spain.

26 This documentary appendix was deleted in this 2nd edition, as its texts, still unpublished at the time, have already appeared in other publications.

I am also sincerely grateful to Father Leodegario Picanyol, the General Archivist. His reports, explanations and personal notes, which he made available to me, were a great help in my research.

I cannot forget Father Vincenzo Vitillo, Provincial Assistant of Rome and Master of the Piarist Novices in Italy; he was an attentive censor of the work and did a great service in correcting the original Italian text.

Finally, it is with great satisfaction that I express my sincere gratitude to La Editorial Católica, which, extremely faithful to its noble plans and lofty ideals in the universal dissemination of Catholic doctrine and culture, wished to publish my humble work among its volumes, which are already part of the cultural history of Catholicism not only in Spain and Latin America, but in the entire civilized world. May God grant that their generous efforts may bear more fruit every day and that the Catholic spirit that this publishing house so zealously serves may enrich and ennoble all men more and more so that they may grow “in wisdom and grace”.

I would also like to express my deep gratitude to the translator César Aguilera. His love for Calasanz, his historical erudition, his mastery “in utroque sermone”, have made it possible for my humble work to be presented to our dear readers in this form and language.

Bibliography

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

I. General Archives of San Pantaleo, Rome

Regestum calasanctianum[27]

27 This Regestum contains all documents relating to St. Joseph Calasanz. See PICANYOL, Inventarium magni tabularii Ordinis Scholarum Piarum p.15. The numbers and acronyms indicate the position of the respective document in the archives.

REG CAL. XI. Books written entirely, or at least in part, by Calasanz.

3. Book of the professed (1617-1629), written by Calasanz.

5. Declarations about our Constitutions, rules and common rites.

6. Book of the houses and of the religious who are in them (1624-1625).

8. Constitutiones Congregationis Paulinae Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum. (With index and corrections; the entire volume was written by Calasanz).

9. Constitutiones Congregationes Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum. (Volume written by Ven. Fr. Pedro Casani, with notes and corrections made by the Most Reverend Master of the Sacred Palace and by Calasanz.)

11. Narratione del principio delle Scuole Pie et suo progresso fino al 1634. (With notes, corrections and additions by Calasanz; written by Br. Giovanni Bta. Morandi of St. Bartholomew).

11^1. Two little books in one volume. One has the title Elemosine, 1624; the other, Memorie delle cose di mandar alle case nostre fuor di Roma. (Written by Calasanz).

11^2. Booklet with the title Nota delle compre delle case delle Scuole Pie di Roma e del Novitiato. (Much of it is written by Calasanz).

11^3. Booklet with the title Uscita delle limosine (Written entirely by Calasanz).

11^4. Book containing a copy of our Constitutions, corrected by Calasanz.

REG. CAL. XII. Contains folios written entirely, or at least in part, by Calasanz; other folios signed by him or containing some word or remark of his.

A) Folios written entirely, or at least in part, by Calasanz:

15. Regola per summar tre quatro o cinque rotti (Composed by Calasanz).

17. News about the Introduzione delle Scuole Pie in Frascati e principio della Congregatione de secolari (Written by Calasanz).

27^2. Qualità del buon religioso (Written entirely by Calasanz.)

28. Patente per Rettori.

31. Patente per Provinciale.

41^3. Decrees of the Apostolic Visitation of 1625 and Calasanz’ reply, by his own hand.

42. Memorandum presented by Calasanz, in the name of Fr. Gaspar Dragonetti, to the Most Eminent Cardinals of the Holy Office (1626).

44. Memorandum of Calasanz in order to be able to raise the roof of the house of San Pantaleo (1626).

47. Declarationes aliquae quorundam locorum nostrarum Constitutionum per primam generalem Congregationem habitam Romae in Domo Probationis (mense octobris 1627).

52. lnstruttioni per i Maestri (Written by Calasanz).

60. Some lists concerning Collegio Nazareno. (Information made by Calasanz about the students).

76. Note of the expenses made by Calasanz in favor of Collegio Nazareno.

91. Memorandum made by Calasanz so that the lay brothers would be granted active voice in the Chapters (1637).

95. Plea to obtain the grace that Gregory XIII had granted to the Society of Jesus that the General may, at his pleasure, expel from the Order those who are lax.

96. Petition for the faculty, already given by the Constitutions themselves, to be able to expel some from the Order (1640).

97. Request for the faculty of being able to expel from the Order some of those who are lax.

99. Inconveniences to be remedied in the Order of the Pious Schools (1630-1631). (Memorandum written by Fr. Stephen Querubini and transcribed by Calasanz).

105. Points to be discussed in the General Chapter of 1641 concerning students and novices (1637).

109. Nonnulla dubia circa Constitutiones cum aliquibus declarationibus (Written by Calasanz before 1641).

110. Memoriale S. P. N. eius Assistentium nomine a Card. Cesarino scriptum, quo inter alia problema clericorum operariorum tractatur (1641-1642).

113. Sumario del Instituto de las Escuelas Pías (Written in Spanish by Calasanz).

116. Breve relatione del modo che si si tiene nelle Scuole Pie per insegnar li poveri scolari li quali per l’ordinario sono più di settecento non solo le lettere ma ancora il Sto. timor di Dio.

117. Some sentences of the Holy Fathers, transcribed by Calasanz.

121. Two papers containing sentences on well-ordered charity and on the rational soul.

B) Sheets signed by Calasanz.

115^1 The manner of reciting the “Crown of the Twelve Stars” (1623).

145. Decrees of the visitation of Naples made by Father John Baptist of Saint Tekla, Visitator (1638).

214. Rescript of the Sacred Congregation granting Father F. López the transfer to another Order.

C) Sheets in which the title or other words or observations are in the hand of Calasanz.

225. Elenchus religiosorum Familias Domorum Germaniae et Poloniae constituentium (1645).

227. Several slips written by Calasanz (1-22).

REG. CAL. VIII. Sheets and memoirs belonging to Calasanz up to 1644.

8. Attestatio authentica aggregationis S. P. N. anno 1594 Archiconfraternitati SS. Duodecim Apostolorum de Urbe (25 octobris 1698).

9. Attestatio authentica quod S. P. N. fuerit inter antiquiores et primos collegas Archiconfratemitatis Doctrinae Christianae (1695); die 8 dec. 1712: Accedunt aliquae notitiae ex opere P. Vincentii a Conceptione et P. Ioannis Caroli a S. Barbara.

9^1 Notizia della agregazione e Uffizj avuti nella Confraternità della Dottrina Christiana dal Ven. P. Giuseppe Calasanzio.

24. Lettera obbedienziale per cerca. (Written by Calasanz.)

25^3. Small book on Entrata et uscita for the year 1628.

25^4. Small book on Entrata et uscita from 1628 until 1632.

26. Transcriptio authentica Ordinationis a S. Congregatione Visitationis factae circa informationem pro bono religionis gubernio faciendam (27 oct. 1625).

32. Ordini del Calasanzio per le Scuole Pie di Campi (1630).

32^1. Ordini del Calasanzio per le Scuole Pie di Napoli (1630).

32^2. Ordini del Calasanzio per le Scuole Pie di Firenze (1630).

32^3. Ordini del Calasanzio per il buon governo delle scuole (1630).

32^4. Formola per le visite et informationi da mandarsi al P. Generale (1635) written by Calasanz.

43. Processus factus ob furtum cum ruptura in cubiculo S.P.N. (1637).

49. Under this number are various books and booklets, etc., containing copies of different letters, memoranda, orders, etc., of Calasanz.

REG. CAL. XIV. Sheets and memoirs belonging to Calasanz from the year 1644.

60. Giustificazione del governo del Fondatore e Compagni. (Most probably written and drafted by Fr. Castelli.)

60^1 Del vero stato dei fratelli operarii del quarto voto. (Handwritting of Fr. Castelli.)

60^2. Difesa del governo del fondatore e compagni delle S. P. (Handwriting of Fr. Castelli.)

60^3. Discorso del P. F. Castelli sulle Scuole Pie.

60^4. Apologia dell’lstituto delle Scuole Pie. (Drafted by Fr. Castelli.)

60^5. Relazione sommaria dell’origine e succesi delle Scuole Pie. (Drafted by Fr. Castelli.)

60^6. Della qualità dello stato più conveniente all’Istituto della buona educazione. (Drafted by Fr. Castelli.)

61^1. Esposizione ai Cardinali che l’Istituto delle Scuole Pie non deve alterarsi (1644-1645).

62^2. Appunti biografici sul Calasanzio. (Drafted by Fr. Nicolò Gavotti.)

64. Memoriale affinchè le Costituzioni fatte dal Calasanzio non siano cambiate (1644)

64^1 Memoriale affinchè le Costituzioni fatte dal Calasanzio vengano interpretate da Lui e no da altri.

74^1 Riti comuni delle Scuole Pie. (Handwriting of Fr. Giacomo Graziani.)

74^4. Istruzione per le Scuole Pie. (Done by Fr. Giacomo Bandoni.)

76. Oralia in funere Ven. Servi Dei P. losephi a Matre Dei Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum Fundatoris, et Generalis, cuius corpus in templo Sancti Pantaleonis M. ad aram maximam conditum iacet. Auctore R. P. Camillo a S. Hieronymo Collegii Nazareni rectore (4^0 Non. nov. 1648).

78. Oratione funebre detta nella chiesa di S. Pantaleo in Roma per le essequie del Ven. P. Giuseppe della Madre di Dia, Fondatore e generale delle Scuole Pie dal molto Rev. P. F. Giacomo di S. Vicenzo, Carmelitano Scalzo (25 nov. 1648).

83. lnventario delle robbe delle quali principalmente si serviva il P. Giuseppe della Madre di Dio Fondatore e Generate de Chierici Regolari delle Scuole Pie (17 giugno 1649).

90. Inventario delle cose esistenti nella stanza del Sto. Fondatore l’anno 1688.

REG. CAL. 30. Processus informativus auctoritate ordinaria conceptus (1650-1653); transcriptio ex originali.

REG. CAL. 31. Processus ne probationes perirent. (Copy.)

REG. CAL. 33. Transcriptio Processus Romani “de virtutibus in genere”. (1685).

REG. CAL. 68. Writings found in the archives of Cardinal Paolucci (from 1615 to 1646).

(b) Supplication asking for the grace of solemn vows (lib.28 p.221).

(c) Writing in favor of the Religion (lib. 10 p.93).

(i) Writing in which the reinstatement of Father General is requested and other means concerning the peace of the Order are proposed.

(v) Scriptura pro Religione super dubio suspensionis (1645) lib. 1 p. 1.

(x) Defense of the Religion made by attorney Francesco Firmiani.

REG. CAL. 69. Varia de statu Religionis Scholarum Piarum.

REG. CAL. 74. Documents relating to the family and the Spanish period of Calasanz’ life.

REG. CAL. 79. Fr. GABRIEL BIANCHI, Principio delta rovina della religione delle Scuole Pie.

REG. CAL. 82. Fr. JOHN CHARLES CAPUTI OF SAINT BARBARA Frammenti di notizie historiche (written in 1656).

REG. CAL. 83. Several lives of Calasanz.

REG. CAL. 84. Fr. PETER MUSSESTI OF THE ANUNCIATION, Vita del Venerabile P. Giuseppe della Madre di Dio, Fondatore e Generale delle Scuole Pie (1663-1665).

REG. CAL. 85, ID. Vita del Venerabile P. Giuseppe della Madre di Dio Fondatore e primo Generale delle Scuole Pie (Transcription with corrections and additions by Fr. Mussesti).

1. Bundle of papers relating to St. Joseph Calasanz and his work in the early years in particular.

1^1 Manuscripts of Fr. Fedele about the life.

2^1 A fragment of annals in Spanish written by Fr. Jericó.

3^1 A quintet with the life of the Saint, in Latin.

4^1 Fragments or historical sketches of the early times, written by Father Berro.

5^1 Spiritual documents of the Holy Founder about the novices and novitiates, taken from his letters.

REGESTA GENERALITITATIS.

A. Acta Generalitatis in genere

B. Epistolarium Generalitium.

REG. GEN. 4. Comitia Generalia ab anno 1637 ad annum 1748. Acta originalia. Exstat quoque exemplar authenticum Congregationis Generalis anni 1627.

REG. GEN. 76. Constitutiones Congregationis PP. Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum cum additionibus capitulorum Generalium ac summorum pontificum decretorum ad eumden Ordinem pertinentium, a P. Guidone Nicht ab Angelis, Assistente Generali in ordinem redactae (Romae 1765).

REG. GEN. 89. Regulae et Ritus Clericorum Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum, ad usum P. Camili a S. Hieronymo.

REG. GEN. 91. Codex omnium Constitutionum, Regularum, Rituum, et Decretorum Generalium et Litterarum Apostolicarum Religionis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum, ad usum P. Ioannis Francisci a S. Petro, Praepositi Generalis, anno MDCXCII.

REG. GEN. Collectanea de Regulis et Ritibus Scholarum Piarum. Volumen antiquum et magni momenti. (Perhaps from 1634)

REGESTA PROVINCIARUM.

Series A: contains the documents relative to each of the Italian Provinces.

Series B: contains the documents relative to each house of the Roman Province.

Series C: contains all the documents relative to the ultramontane and Spanish provinces.

REG. PROV. 6. Savona, 10. Familia domus Savonensis ( 1636).

REG. PROV. 8. Genoa, 8. Inventory of the novitiate of Genoa in the year of Pope Innocent’s suppression. (1646).

REG. PROV. 10. Province of Naples, 11. Famiglie of the Province of Naples (1638).

REG. PROV. 10. Province of Naples, 22. Familia domus for the houses of Spirito Santo and Duchesca

REG. PROV. 12. Province of Naples. House of Duchesca, I. Various plans of the Duchesca house.

REG. PROV. 12. Province of Naples. House of Duchesca, 11. Visitation, inventory and news of the House of Duchesca (1633).

REG. PROV. 12. Province of Naples. House of Duchesca, 15. Inventory of the House of Duchesca from 1635 to 1646.

REG. PROV. 17. Province of Naples. Campi, 2. Deed-inventory of the House of Campi (1628-1638).

REG. PROV. 17. Province of Naples Campi, 8. Familia domus of the House of Campi (1631).

REG. PROV. 17. Province of Naples Campi, 8. Historical memoirs of the House of Campi, with Catalogue of books (1633).

REG. PROV. 17. Province of Naples Campi, 9. Relation of the House of Campi, with Catalogue of books, done in the year 1635.

REG. PROV. 20. Domus professa fiorentina I. Fundation of the Pious Schools in Florence (memory and history).

REG. PROV. 20. Province of Tuscany. Domus professa fiorentina 3. Two speeches by Fr. Francesco Michelini in favor of the introduction of the Pious School in Florence.

REG. PROV. 20. Domus professa fiorentina, 7. Copy of the letter of Fr. Francesco Castelli sent to Sir Pedro Vettori concerning the Pious School of Florence and some religious, experts in mathematics.

REG. PROV. 20. House of Fanano, 6. Catalogue of the Library (1635).

REG. PROV. 20. House of Fanano, 13. Statement of the House with familia domus (1634).

REG. PROV. 26. Province of Sicily, I. Collection of memoirs pertaining to the Province, house, foundation and illustrious men of the Pious School of Sicily, written by Father Philip Scoma of Jesus Mary, General Assistant from 1721 to 1740, when he wrote it.

REG. PROV. 27. Province of Sicily. Palermo, 3. Copy of the letter of Philip IV, King of Spain, written in favor of the Pious School of Palermo. (Madrid 25-11-1634).

REG. PROV. 27. Province of Sicily. House of Palermo, 8. Copy of the letter of Philip, King of Spain, written in 1634 (October 4, Saragossa) to the Viceroy of Sicily in favor of the Pious School of Palermo.

REG. PROV. 29. Province of Sardinia, I. Compendiarium Chronicum Sardae Provinciae Religionis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum, by Fr. Charles of St. Vincent Ferrer (1742).

B) Each one of the Houses of the Roman Province

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 6. Bando contra chi disturba li Scolari e Scole Pie della Congregatione Paulina delli Poveri della Madre di Dio, nella Citta di Frascati. (Printed on 21 dec. 1620.)

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 8. Concessio aquae Aldobrandinae PP. Scholarum Piarum Tusculi (7 nov. 1622).

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 11. Affiliation granted by Calasanz to the Confraternity of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Pious Schools. (18-12-1625).

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 12. Copy of the rules of the above-mentioned Confraternity.

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 15. Notes of the Visitation to Frascati in 1627.

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 17. Notes of the Visitation to Frascati in 1629.

REG. PROV. 33. House of Frascati, 25. Index librorum qui sunt in aedibus Tusculanis pauperum Matris Dei Schol. Piarum (1625).

REG. PROV. 39. House of Moricone, 3. Catalogue of books (1624).

REG. PROV. 39. House of Ancona, 7. Familia domus del 1636.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 6. Index librorum qui in Scholis Piis Narniensibus a Clericis Regularibus Pauperum M. Dei explicabuntur a Pridie Non. Nov. anni MDCXXIV ad MDCXXXV.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 7. Testimony of the Bishop of Narni on the feast of St. Cassius worthily celebrated by the Fathers and the students of the Pious School in 1635.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 8. Testimony of the governor of Narni, Marcello Stella, of the same feast.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 11. Notes of the Visitation of Narni done in 1628.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 12. Notes of the Visitation of the house of Narni done in 1629.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 13. Copy of the orders made for the house of Narni by Calasanz in 1629. Copy of the decree of the visitation made in 1629.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 15. Catalog of books sent from Rome to Narni in 1630.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 21. Inventory of the entire house of Narni, with an extensive catalog of the books therein, made in 1635.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 22. Familia domus done in 1635.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 23. Familia domus done in 1637.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 30. Notes of the Visitation of Narni in 1642.

REG. PROV. 42. House of Narni, 3 I. Inventory of the library of Narni done in 1645.

C) The Ultramontane Provinces

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 7. Copy of the letter that Cardinal Dietrichstein sent in 1633 (5-5-1633) to the Congregation of Propaganda Fide.

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 8. Monita quaedam virorum magnorum circa propagationem Scholarum Piarum (1633, Nikolsburg).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 11. Proposals for Fathers Priests of the Province of Germania in Nikolsburg on the feast of Easter 1633 (made by Fr. John Stephen Spinola of the Mother of God, Provincial of the same Province).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 12. Account of the progress of the Pious School of Germania, with particular regard to the conversion of heretics.

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 13. Request addressed to Cardinal Barberini that Fr. Peter of the Nativity could be sent to Germania for the conversion of heretics (1637).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 17. Famiglie of the House of the Province in Moravia (1640).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 18. Authenticated copy of the information of the activity of the Province in the conversion of heretics, made by Father Onofrio Conti, provincial in 1640.

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 23. Famiglie of the Province (1641).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 24. Distribution of the Germanic Province by the war, made by Fr. Onofrio Conti, provincial in 1642. (17-6-1642).

REG. PROV. 51. Prov. Germaniae, 40. Familiae Prov. Germ. (1645).

REG. PROV. 52. Nikolsburg, 3. Copia fundationis Sacelli Lauretani (1625).

REG. PROV. 52. Nikolsburg, 4. Instrumentum eleemosynae assignatae Pro Scholis Piis (22-8-I 642).

REG. PROV. 52. Strassnitz, 7. Familia domus (1641).

REG. PROV. 52. Leitomischl, 5. Leges quas accurate observare debent qui Scholas Pias Littomisslii frequentare desiderant. Excudebat Mattheus Venceslaus Brzezyna anno Domini 1644.

REG. PROV. 56. Province of Poland, 2. Familia domus Podolinensis (1646).

Supplementum

Province of Sardinia, 4. Cagliari, 1. Acts of the General and Apostolic Visitation of Father Nicholas Mary of the Blessed Sacrament. (1643).

Roman Province, 23. Frascati, 3. Minutes of the meeting of the Municipality of Frascati held on December 31, 1620 in favor of the Pious Schools.

Roman Province, 29. Poli (unnumbered). Inventory with catalog of books made in 1639.

Roman Province, 29. Poli. Letter of Cardinal Roma to the Archpriest of Poli concerning Christian doctrine (Roma 13-1-1635).

Roman Province, 34. Collegio Nazareno (unnumbered). Liber ubi varia poemata et variae elucubrationes Oratoriae decantata et habita variis temporibus in Nazareno Collegio ab anno salutis doininicae MDCXXXII. Prid. Cal. Quinci.

Domus Generalitia S. Pantaleonis

Dom. Gen. I 26. Schedule of holidays and working days at the Pious School of San Pantaleo (Made in the year 1654).

Dom. Gen. 2 (no other number). Supplication of the Fathers of San Pantaleo to the Lords Conservatori of Rome (1646).

Dom. Gen. 48. Book with the title Entrata et uscita, from 1632 to 1637 inclusive.

HISTORIA-BIBLIOGRAPHIA

It contains manuscripts of all kinds related to the History of the Pious Schools.

HIST. BIBL. 1. Fr. VINCENT BERRO, Memorie historiche Annotationi della fondatione della Congregatione e Religione de Chierici Regulari Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, eretta dal P. Gioseppe della Madre di Dio, nel secolo Gioseppe Calasantio, aragonese, raccolte dal P. Vincenzo della Concettione, sacerdote professo dell’istessa Religione, 3 volumes, 9 books (three books in each volume), most likely written around 1660-1665.

HIST. BIBL. 2. Fr. JOHN BAPTIST MORANDI OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, Narratione del principio della Scuole Pie et suo progresso fino al 1634 cf. Reg. Cal. XI 11 y Ep. II 170-174). In this volume we can find as an appendix the first draft of the first chapters of the Annales of Father Bartlik.

HIST. BIBL. 3-8. Fr. JOHN CHARLES CAPUTI OF ST. BARBARA, Notitie historiche della Congregatione et Religione de Chierici Poveri delta Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, 6 volumes, 12 parts. Written around 1670-1680.

HIST. BIBL. 10. JOSEPH FONT OF ST. LAWRENCE Trionfo del santo Evangelio, volume on the Pious Schools.

HIST. BIBL. 24. Fr. LOUIS CAVADA OF ST. ANDREW, Crónica de esta nuestra Provincia de Sardeña. 1a parte. Desde su principio hasta el año 1694.

HIST. BIBL. 129, 14. Inventory and catalogue of Coscenza (1633).

Dom Gen. 42. Decree of the Congregation of the Most Holy Assumption at the Pious School of Rome.

II. Library of San Pantaleo

Fr. GIOVAN FRANCESCO APA DI GESÙ, De ratione dicendi libri sex (1635).

III. Provincial Archive of Tuscan Province, Florence

R. II 6. The house of Florence during the Visitation of 2/18/1634.

IV. Biblioteca Vaticana

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1063 (1595), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1068 (1600), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1080 (1612), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1085 (1617), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1100 (1630), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1102 (1634), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1105 (1637), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1110 (1646), Avvisi di Roma.

Cod. Urb. Lat. 1112 (1648), Avvisi di Roma.

V. Biblioteca Casanatense (Roma)

Mss. 1831, 1832, 1833: Diario della Città e Corte di Roma notato da Deone hora temi Dio (Teodoro Ameyden), from the year 1640.

PRINTED WORKS

ABBIATI, T., Le scuole dei Bernabiti. Criteri direttivi delle scuole dei Barnabiti. In the volume La Congregazione dei Chierici Regolari di S. Paolo nel IV centenario della loro fondazione (Genova 1933) 243-275.

ALLACCI (ALLATIUS), L., Apes Urbanae sive de viris illustribus (Romae 1633).

ALTRICHTER, A., Historia Gymnasii Nicolsburgensis. Ein Beitrag zur Schulgeschichte. In the volume Tribus saeculis peractis. Festschrift des Staatsrealgymnasiums in Nikolsburg (Nikolsburg 1931) p.6-124.

AMERIO, R., Di un punto meno noto nel periodo romano del Campanella: Rivista di Filosofia neoscolastica (1932) p.356ss.

- Galileo e Campanella. La tentazione del pensiero nella filosofia della riforma cattolica. In the volume Nel terzo centenario della morte di Galileo Galilei. Saggi e conferenze (Milano 1942).

AMEYDEN (AMIDENO), T., De pietate romana libellus in 4 partes divisus (Romae 1625).

ANGELINI, F., Avviamento chiaro e facile al sacramento santo della confessione et a quello della comunione per bene e santamente confessarsi e comunicarsi (Roma 1627).

ANTONIANO, M. S., Tre libri dell’educatione christiana (Verona 1583).

APA, G. F., I Principij della lingua Latina praticati in Firenze nell’Accademia degli Sviluppati (Roma 1643).

- Teatro della latinità (Napoli 1655).

- Centurio di esempi notabili di alcuni fanciulli e giovani (Napoli 1649).

ARCHlVUM SCH0LARUM PIARUM, R. P. L. PICANYOL, cura editum Romae l936ss.

ARGELLATI, F., Bibliotheca Scriptorum Mediolanensium seu acta et elogia virorum omnigena eruditione illustrium (Milano 1745).

ARISTOTELES, Ethica Nicomachea, recognovit L. Bywater (Oxonii 1949).

ASIAIN, M.A., El camino de José de Calasanz (Salamanca 1981).

- La experiencia cristiana de Calasanz (Salamanca 1980).

- La experiencia religiosa de Calasanz (Salamanca 1979).

- Siguiendo al Señor en la esperanza (Salamanca 1977).

AUSENDA, G., La escuela calasancia (Salamanca 1980).

- L ‘umile presenza delle Scuole Pie nella vicenda umana di Tommaso Campanella; Ricerche. Bollettino degli scolopi italiani 6 (1982) 147-169.

BALANYI, G., Kalazanci Szent József élete (Budapest 1941).

BARTH, P., Die Geschichte der Erziehung in soziologischer und gestgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung (Leipzig 1920).

BARTLIK, B., Annales Ordinis Nostri (Pious Schools): Eph. Cal. 1XXVII (1932-1958) and Archivum Scholarum Piarum 1-10 (1977-1981).

BARTOLOTTI, E., Studi e ricerche sulla storia della matematica in Italia nei secoli XVI e XVII (Bologna 1928).

BASSI, D., I Barnabiti educatori. In the volume La Congregazione dei Chierici Regolari di S. Paolo detti Barnabiti nel IV centenario della loro fondazione p.237-242.

BAU, C., Biografía crítica de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1949).

- Historia de las Escuelas Pías en Cataluña (Barcelona 1951).

- Historia de las Escuelas Pías en Cuba (Barcelona 1957).

- Revisión de la «Vida de San José de Calasanz» (Madrid 1963).

- San José de Calasanz (Salamanca 1967).

BENEDICTI (FELBER), J., Scholae Piae seu de origine, progressu, instituto, utilitate, etc., Piarum Scholarum (Varsaviae 1646).

BONACINI, C., Biografia delle arti scrittorie e della calligrafia (Firenze 1953).

BONADA, F. M., Vita Beati Iosephi Calasanctii a Matre Dei (Romae 1764).

BOSCO, SAINT G., Il metodo preventivo. Introduzione e note di Mario Casotti (Brescia 1945).

BRANCA, R., Avventura del Calasanzio (Cagliari 1968).

BUCHBERGER, M., Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche (Freiburg in Bresgau 1930-1938).

CABALLERO, V., Orientaciones pedagógicas según el espíritu de San José de Calasanz (Barcelona 1921), 2a ed. (Madrid 1950).

- Aportaciones pedagógicas de las Escuelas Pías (Madrid 1950).

CALASANZ, S. JOSÉ DE, Constituciones de San José de Calasanz (texto bilingüe) (Salamanca 1980).

- Memorial al Card. Tonti, en J. M. LESAGA y otros, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías (Salamanca 1979) p.177-193.

- Memorial al Card. Roma, en ibid., p.205-213.

CALÒ, G., Campanella e gli Scolopi a proposito dell’Apologia delle Scuole Pie. R. Accademia dei Lincei (1935). Serie VI: Clase di scienze morali 11 p. 403-427.

- II Calasanzio pedagogista ed educatore. In the series «L’eco dei nostri centenari» (1648-1748-1948), last issue 1949 p.3-17.

CAMETTI, A., La scuola dei pueri cantus di S. Luigi dei Francesi e i suoi principali allievi (Torino 1915).

CAMPANELLA, T., Liber Apologeticus contra impugnantes institutum Scholarum Piarum (Roma 1942).

- La Città del sole. Italian and Latin text by N. Bobbio (Torino 1941); ID., with introduction by F. De Sanctis (Milano 1929).

- Lettere, a cura di V. Spampanato (Bari 1927).

- Poesie. Nuova edizione a cura di M. Vinciguerra (Bari 1938).

CAMPANELLI, A., La pedagogia calasanziana (Roma 1925).

CANATA, A., L ‘educatore cattolico secondo lo spirito di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio, fondatore delle Scuole Pie (Firenze^3 1894).

CAPECELATRO, A., La vita di S. Filippo Neri (Milano^2 1884).

CAPÍTULO GENERAL ESPECIAL de las Escuelas Pías. Declaraciones y decretos (Madrid 1970).

- Declaración sobre la espiritualidad calasancia. Notes (Madrid 1971).

CARAFA, J., De Gymnasio Romano et de eius professoribus ab urbe condita usque ad haec tempora (Romae 1751).

CASTIGLIONE, G., Istorie delle Scuole della Dottrina Christiana fondate in Milano o da Milano nell’ Italia ed altrove propagate (Milano 1800).

COMPAYRÉ, G., Storia della Pedagogia. Traduzione, note ed aggiunta della storia pedagogica italiana per A. Valdernini (Torino 1909).

CONCILIUM TRIDENTINUM. Diariorum, Actorum, Epistolarum, Tractatuum nova collectio. Edidit Societas Goerressiana. Tomus octavus (Stephanus Ehses), Actorum pars quinta (Friburgi Brisgoviae 1919). Tomus nonus, ibid. (Stephanus Ehses).

CONSTITUCIONES Clericorum Regularium S. Maioli Papiae Congregationis Somaschae et Doctrinae Christianae in Gallia in 4 libris distinctae (Romae 1616).

CONSTITUCIONES Religionis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum cum notis et additionibus ex litteris apostolicis el decretis Capitulorum Generalium. Accedunt Regulae Communes, Ritus particulares et Canones poenales. Quae omnia ex autographis et locis authenticis extracta sunt et totidem verbis expressa (Romae 1826).

COSTITUTIONI et Regole della Compagnia et Scuole della Dottrina Christiana, fatte dal Cardinale di Santa Prassede, in essecutione del concilio secondo provinciale, per uso della provincia di Milano. Edidit J. Fontana, Acta Ecclesiae Med., opera et studio A. Ratti vol. 3 (Mediolani 1892) c.149-261.

CUEVA, D., Calasanz: mensaje espiritual y pedagógico (Madrid 1973).

- Calasanz y sus Constituciones (Salamanca 1979).

DICTIONNAIRE de Théologie Catholique (Vacant-Mangenot-Amann) (Paris 1913-1928).

ELENCO cronologico delle opere di Computisteria e Regionaria venute alla Luce in Italia dal 1202 sino al presente. Ministero del Tesoro. Regioneria Generale dello Stato (Roma^3 1886).

EMILIANO (SAVINO, G.), Br., L ‘ordine dei Chierici Regolari delle Scuole Pie e l’lstituto lasalliano: Rivista Lasalliana 23 (1949) 3-47.

ENCICLOPEDIA Cattolica I-XI (Citta del Vaticano 1948-1953) (Pio Paschini).

ENCICLOPEDIA Italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti I-XXXVI (Roma 1929-1939) (Istituto Giovanni Treccani).

EPHEMERIDES Calasanctianae. Commentarium bimestre de rebus Ordinem Scholarum Piarum respicientibus I-XXV (1932-1956) (Romae).

ERRA, C., Memorie de’ Religiosi per pieta e dottrina insigni (Roma 1759).

FANTUZZI, G., Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi (Bologna 1789-1794).

FANTINI, R., Le Scuole Pie di Bologna (Bologna 1942).

FANUCCI, C., Trattato di tutte le opere pie dell’alma città di Roma (Roma 1601).

FERRAIRONI, F., Tre secoli di storia dell’Ordine della Madre di Dio (Roma 1939).

FERRARI, L., Onomasticon. Repertorio bibliografico degli scrittori italiani dal 1501 al 1850 (Milano 1947).

FIRPO, L., Bibliografia degli scritti di Tommaso Campanella (Torino 1940).

FONT PUIG, P., San José de Calasanz, maestro de psicología moderna y perenne: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 247-262.

FRANCIOTTI, C., II Giovane Christiano (Venetia 1611).

- Il Giovanetto Christiano (Venetia 1611).

- Pratiche di meditazioni per avanti e dopo la Sma. Comunione (Venetia 1619).

FRIDECZKY, J., A barokk Roma szentje (Budapest 1939).

GAGLIARO, S., Instruttione per li Maestri di Scuola per allevare la Gioventù nelle lettere e nella pietà cristiana, come sta nel libro dell’Instruttioni della Congregatione dell’Assunta nel Collegio della Compagnia di Gesù in Napoli (Napoli 1637).

GALINO, M. A., San José de Calasanz, creador de la escuela popular: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 293-323.

GARCÍA-DURÁN, A., Itinerario espiritual de San José de Calasanz (1592-1622) (Barcelona 1967).

GARMENDIA DE OTAOLA, A., La enseñanza popular durante la vida de San José de Calasanz (1556-1648): Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 325-369.

GARCÍA Hoz, V., El sentido actual de la empresa calasancia: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 223-246.

GAMBA, C., Il poligrafo tedesco Gaspare Scioppio (1576-1649) e il suo programma di riforma degli studi (Bari 1950).

GARRIDO, T, S. Josephus Calasanctius, primus scholae popularis christianae et gratuitae institutor: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 25. 63. 115. 165. 213. 252; II (1933) 24. 62.

- Calasanctiades insignes latinitatis assertores: Eph. Cal. II (1933) 111. 259; III (1934) 25. 258; IV (1935) 13. 59. 122. 195. 238; V (1936) 91. 126.

GERINI, G. B., Gli scrittori pedagogici italiani del secolo decimosesto (Torino 1897).

- Gli scrittori pedagogici italiani nel secolo XVII (Torino 1900).

GERSON, J., De parvulis trahendis ad Christum (Basileae 1518).

- Tractatus de arte audiendi confessiones (Basileae 1518).

- De confessione mollitiei (Basileae 1518).

GINER, S., El carisma de San José de Calasanz según los testigos del Proceso de Beatificación: Analecta Calasanctiana 38 (1977) 183-212.

- El Proceso de Beatificación de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1973).

GINER, S.-RÓDENAS, A.-ASIAÍN, M. A.-LECEA, J.-BANDRÉS, L. M., Cartas selectas de San José de Calasanz, 2 vols. (Salamanca 1977).

GINER, S.-VILÁ, C.-CUEVA, D.-FAUBELL, V.-ASIAÍN, M. A.-AUSENDA, G., Escuelas Pías. Ser e historia (Salamanca 1978).

GIORDANO, F., Il Calasanzio e l’origine della scuola popolare (Génova 1960).

GIOVANOZZI, G., Il Calasanzio e l’opera sua, a cura del P. D. Mosetti (Firenze 1930).

GONELLA, G., Giuseppe Calasanzio, precursore della scuola popolare: L’eco dei nostri centenari (1949) p.18-26.

GRIGNANI, L., Cento laudi Spirituali; molte delle quali non sono state più stampate, con molte altre nuove. Per uso delli scolari delle Scuole Pie di Roma (Roma 1624).

GULYÁS, J., A podolini piarista kollégium története (Budapest 1933).

GUZZO CAPONE, C., Il programma pedagogico di Lutero: Levana 5 (1926) 149-169.

HARDUINUS, J., Acta conciliorum t.4 (Parisiis 1714).

HEFELE-LECLERCQ, Histoire des Conciles t.5 (Paris 1913).

HEIMBUCHER, M., Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche (Paderborn 1933-1934).

HERMAN, J. B., La pédagogie des Jésuites au XVIe siecle. Ses sources, ses caractéristiques (Louvain 1914).

HERNÁNDEZ RODRÍGUEZ, E., El ambiente educativo italiano en la época de San José de Calasanz: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 263-292.

HUGHES, T., Loyola and the educational system of Jesuits (New-York 1917).

IOHANNES A IESU MARIA, O.C.D., Liber de pia educatione sive cultura pueritiae compendio scriptus (Romae 1613).

KOCH, L., Jesuiten Lexikon. Die Gesellschaft Jesu einst und jetzt (Paderborn 1934).

KOVALLEK, H., Scioppius, en las Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte vol.2 p.401-482 (Gottingen 1871).

LAMANNA, E. P., Storia della Filosofia (Firenze 1952).

LANCELOTTI, F., Quadro letterario degli uomini illustri della città di Fossombrone: Antichità Picene (G. Colucci) XVIII (Fermo 1796).

LANDINI, G., S. G. Miani (Roma 1947).

- Il primo libro delle Laude Spirituali a tre voci. Stampato ad instanza delli Rev. Padri della Congregatione dello Oratorio (Roma 1583).

- Il secondo libro delle Laude Spirituali a tre e quattro voci. Stampato ad instanza delli Rev. Padri della Congregatione dello Oratorio (Roma 1583).

LEONARDI, St. John, Trattato della buona educazione dei figli (Roma 1862).

LEONETTI, A., Memorie del Collegio Nazareno (Bologna 1882).

LESAGA, J. M.-ASIAÍN, M. A.-LECEA, J., Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías (Salamanca 1979).

LETURIA, P., Perchè la Compagnia di Gesù divenne un Ordine insegnante? Gregorianum 21 (1940) 350-382.

LOMBARDELLI, O., Degli Uffizii e costumi de’Giovani libri IV (Firenze 1584).

LÓPEZ, S., Educar es liberar (Salamanca 1979).

MANSI, J. D., Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Firenze 1759-1798).

MARINI, G., Lettera dell’Abbate Gaetano Marini al Chiarissimo Monsignor Giuseppe Muti Papazurri già Casali, nella quale s’illustra il Ruolo de’ Professori dell’Archiginnasio Romano per l’anno 1514 (Roma 1797).

MARROU, H.J., Storia dell’educazione nell’antichità. Traduzione dall’ originale francese di U. Massi (Roma 1950).

MARTÍN, R., Tercera clase de religiosos en la Orden de las Escuelas Pías (Madrid 1962).

MAZZEI, C., Selectae Latinitatis Epistolarium: Archivum Scholarum Piarum I (1936) 25-104; II (1937) 32-74.

MINIERI RICCIO, C., Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel regno di Napoli (Napoli 1844).

MONCALLERO, G. L., La fondazione delle scuole degli Scolopi nell’Europa centrale al tempo della controrriforma (Alba 1972).

MONCALLERO, G. L.-LIMITI, G., Il codice calasanziano palermitano (Roma 1965).

MONTALTO, L., Il Clementino: 1595-1875 (Roma 1938).

MONUMENTA HISTORICA SOCIETATIS IESU:

Vol.63: Mon. lgnatiana. Series tertia: Constitutionum Soc. lesu tomus I (Roma 1934).

Vol.64: Mon. Ignatiana. Series tertia: Constitutionum tomus II. Textus Hispanus (Roma 1936).

Vol.65: Mon. lgnatiana. Series tertia: Constitutionum tomus III. Textus Latinus (Roma 1938).

MONUMENTA PAEDAGOGICA SOCIETATIS IESU, quae primam Rationem Studiorum anno 1586 editam antecessere (Madrid 1901).

MONUMENTA HISTORICA SCHOLARUM PIARUM:

Serie I. De re paedagogica. I. Duo praestantissima documenta de paedagogiae calasanctianae initiis necnon de scientiis maioribus in Ordine nostro colendis.

Serie II. De re paedagogica. 2. La Scuola dei Nobili nelle Scuole Pie Fiorentine e il suo fondatore, P. G. F. Apa. Monografia storica a cura del P. Leodegario Picanyol (Roma 1939).

Serie III. Subsidia hagiographica. 2. Il ven. Glicerio Landriani, apostolo della Dottrina Cristiana in Roma. Profilo storico a cura di P. L. Picanyol (Roma 1938).

MORETTI, G., Un pedagogista santo: Il P. Nicola Barrè, dei Minimi delle Scuole di Carità del S. Bambino Gesù (Torino 1929).

MORICHINI, C. L., Degli istituti di carità per la sussistenza e l’educazione dei poveri e dei prigionieri in Roma libri tre (Roma 1870).

MORONI, G., Dizionario di eruditione storico-ecclesiastica da S. Pietro sino ai nostri giorni (Venezia 1840-1879).

PACHTLER, G. M., Ratio Studiorum et institutiones scholasticae Societatis Iesu (Berlin 1887). In Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica (K. Kerbach) vol. 5.

PALTRINIERI, O. M., Elogio del Nobile Collegio Clementino (Roma 1795).

PARVA BIBLIOTHECA CALASANCTIANA, Studi storici e bibliografici sull’Ordine delle Scuole Pie. Serie I (1932-1935) a cura di P. L. Picanyol.

1. Liber Apologeticus contra impugnantes Institutum Scholarum Piarum a P. Th. Campanella, O.P., compositus (Roma 1932).

2. Tria pia exercitia a S. Iosepho Calasanctio concinnata ex tabulario generali Ordinis Scholarum Piarum deprompta (Roma 1932).

17. Lo Scolopio Giuseppe Font di S. Lorenzo (Roma 1936).

PASCHINI, P., S. Gaetano Thiene, Gian Pietro Carafa e le origini dei Chierici Regolari Teatini (Roma 1926).

PASCUCCI, F., L’ insegnamento religioso in Roma dal concilio di Trento ad oggi (Roma 1938).

PASTOR, L., Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (Freiburg in Bresgau 1886-1933).

PAULSEN, F., Geschichte des gelehrten Unterrichts auf den deutschen Schulen und Universitäten (Leipzig^3 1919).

PIAZZA, C., Opere Pie di Roma (Roma 1679).

- Eusevologio Romano ovvero delle Opere Pie di Roma (Roma 1698).

PICANYOL, L., Brevis conspectus historico-statisticus Ordinis Scholarum Piarum (Roma 1932).

- Epistolario di San Giuseppe Calasanzio vol.1-9 (Roma 1950-1956).

- In antiquos de S. Iosepho Calasanctio scriptores commentaria: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 18. 60. 118; II (1933) 55. 248; III (1934) 166; IV (1935) 155.

- Inventarium magni tabularii Ordinis Scholarum Piarum (Roma 1937).

- La biblioteca scolopica di S. Pantaleo di Roma. Parte prima: Libri, opuscoli e scritti minori (Roma 1952).

- La Provincia scolopica di Catalogna nel secondo centenario delta sua erezione (Roma 1951).

- L ‘eco dei nostri Centenari. Studi sull’Ordine delle Scuole Pie. Serie IV (1945-1949).

- Le culte marial dans l’Ordre des Clercs Réguliers Pauvres de la Mère de Dieu des Écoles Pies. Maria. Études sur la Sainte Vierge, II (Paris 1952) p.925-934. (Extract from Eph. Cal. XXI [1952] 89-96.)

- Le Scuole Pie di Fanano (Roma 1941).

- Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei (Roma 1942).

- Memoriae S. Josephi Calasanctii in dioecesi Urgellensi: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 55.109.200; II (1933) 105.

POCH, J., Aportación documental a la historia de la Universidad de Huesca durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI: Analecta Calasanctiana 15 (1966) 131-252.

- Aportación documental biográfico-calasancia: ibid., 22 (1969) 261-283.

- Calassans a l’Estudi General de Lleida (1571-1577/1581-1583): Catalaunia 174 (1975) 1-8.

- El fundador de las Escuelas Pías en la historia eclesiástica de la Corona de Aragón: Analecta Calasanctiana 20 (1968) 219-453.

- Heráldica y sigilografía Calasancia: Argensola 38 (1959) 97-106.

- Josep Calassans plebá de Claverol i Ortoneda: Catalaunia 181 (1976).

- Manuscrito inédito, del siglo XVIII, de Los Calasanz de la villa de Casserres: Analecta Calasanctiana 19 (1968) 5-104.

- Mossen Josep Calassans a la diocesi d’Urgell (1587-1591): Catalaunia 195 (1977).

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Acronyms and abbreviations

BAU, Biogr. Crit. BAU, C., Biografía crítica de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1949).

BAU, Revisión BAU, C., Revisión de la Vida de S. José de Calasanz (Madrid 1963).

c chapter

Constit. Constituciones de S. José de Calasanz (texto bilingüe) (Salamanca 1980).

Duo praestant. doc. Duo praestantissima documenta de paedagogiae calasanctianae initiis necnon de scientiis maioribus in Ordine nostro colendis. (Monumenta historica Scholarum Piarum. Series II. De re paedagogica 1. Roma 1938).

EEC G. SÁNTHA, Epistulae ad S. Josephum Calasanctium ex Europa Centrali (Roma 1969).

EHI G. SÁNTHA, Epistulae ad S. Josephum Calasanctium ex Hispania et Italia (Roma 1972).

Enc. Catt. Enciclopedia Cattolica, I-XI. Citta del Vaticano 19481953 (Pio Paschini).

Enc. It Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti, I-XXXVI (Roma 1929-1939) Istituto Giovanni Treccani.

Ep. PICANY0L, L., Epistolario di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio. Vol. I-IX. (Roma 1950-1956).

EPC G. SÁNTHA, C. VILA, Epistolarium coaetaneorum S. Josephi Calasanctii 1600-1648 (Roma 1977-1978).

Eph. Cal Ephemerides Calasanctianae. Commentarium bimestre de rebus Ordinem Scholarum Piarum respicientibus, 1-XXV (1932-1956), Romae.

L Letter of Calasanz, following the numbers in Ep.

n note, footnote / number

p page / pars

PICANYOL,Galileo PICANY0L, L. Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei (Roma 1942).

Reg. Cal Regestum Calasanctianum.

Reg. Prov Regestum Provinciarum.

Historical introduction

I. The life of Calasanz

It is undeniable that before presenting the pedagogical work of St. Joseph Calasanz, we must first make his own figure known. Far be it from us to give a detailed account of all the events and problems of his long and arduous life[28]. I only wish to present the most important stages and trace the most characteristic lines of his precise profile, in order to show the personality of the saintly educator whom we venerate today as St. Joseph Calasanz, from his first moment to his complete development. Thus, if we know the author, we can better understand his work. At the same time, if we know the work better, we will grasp the personal values of the author, as it says in the Gospel: By their fruits you will know them.

28 The last major work on the life of St. Joseph Calasanz available to Father Sántha when he wrote this work was that of Father C. BAU, Biografía critica de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1949). And he used it as a source for the historical-biographical news about Calasanz. Bau’s work has not yet been surpassed by any other, neither in its scope nor in its critical rigor, although methodologically it leaves much to be desired. The author himself attempted to adapt it to the scientific criteria of historical methodology in a further reduced edition, which he published under the new title Revisión de la Vida de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1963). Since then, other critical studies have been published on the different periods or specific questions about the life of the Saint, some of which are the work of Father Sántha himself. For this reason, we have taken the liberty of correcting the data that no longer correspond to the new research, especially in this first section, which Sántha titles “The Life of Calasanz”. Of his own findings up to the time of writing these pages, the author said in this No. 1 of the first edition: “I have found very few documents of purely biographical value, and these add little to what is already known. They have more of a psychological value. Since they are sources of foreign origin, i.e. not “piarist”, they seem to have a higher degree of objectivity. In any case, they faithfully reflect the contemporary public opinion. Of these documents, two refer to the holy death of Calasanz: 1. Avvisi di Roma, August 29, 1648 [Biblioteca Vaticana, Cod. Urb. Lat. 1112 fol.271 r]: “Essendo anco morto in età di 93 anni il Pre Gioseppe della Madre di Dio, Spagnuolo, Generale delli Padri delle Scuole Pie, fu tenuto mercordí esposto nella chiesa di S. Pantaleo di detti Padri con gran concorso di popolo a vederlo per esser morto in concetto di vita molto essemplare” [Rome, August 29, 1648]. 2. Diario della Città e Corte di Roma. Notato da Deone hora temi Dio [Teodoro Ameyden] 1648 [Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms.1831 fol.126 v-127r]: “Questa mattina si vidde isposto nella chiesa di S. Pantaleo il corpo di Gioseppe di Calasan, Cappellano al mio giudizio Catalano, o Biscaino, huomo novantatre anni, fondatore di una nuova congregatione chiamata delle scuole pie poco fa da Papa Innocenzio soppressa, però vivono anche insieme li professori di questo istituto, è morto con grido di Santità, il Concorso del popolo alla detta Chiesa fu grande e gli tagliarono le vesti attorno et à pena fu salvato il cadavero, tanto facilmente la religione trapasssa nella suspensione”). And another informs us of the sad event of Calasanz before the Holy Office (Diario della Città e Corte di Roma. Notato da Deone hora temi Dio [Teodoro Ameyden] 1642 [Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms.1833 f.205r]: “Hieri fue condotto prigione al Santo Officio il generale delle Scuole Pie ma fu subito ritornato.” The date of the writer is most probably August 16; cf. BAU, Biogr. crit., 910 and PICANY0L, Galileo Galilei 19. As for the bibliography of all the biographies of the Saint, cf. n. 3 on p. 16 of this work

Joseph Calasanz was born in Spain, in Peralta de la Sal, now in the province of Huesca and at the time head of the barony of the same name, which, together with that of Castro, formed the joint barony of Castro-Peralta in the Kingdom of Aragon. In all probability, Joseph must have been born in the first days of September 1557[29]. His parents were Peter Calasanz and Maria Gastón, and he was the last of two brothers (John and Peter) and five sisters (Mary, Joanna, Magdalene, Hope and Elisabeth). Despite their nobility[30], the family lived in modest social circumstances, as the father was, as the documents state, a “faber ferrarius”. At the same time, he held the office of “bayle” (bailiff), a kind of mayor, in his home village[31]. As Joseph was not the first-born, he had to devote himself to his studies in order to earn his daily bread in any profession. He spent the first nine or ten years of his life in his birthplace and received an excellent family upbringing from his Christian parents. The child Joseph was taught the elements of faith and the fear of God and also learned to read and write at this time[32].

29 We have written elsewhere: “The date of birth of St. Joseph Calasanz is still a problem that has not been definitively resolved, as is the case with other saints (John of the Cross, John of Ribera, Ignatius of Loyola, Vincent de Paul, Anthony Mary Claret, etc.). Neither the day, nor the month, nor the year have been clarified. The tradition that has prevailed points to the date of September 11, 1556 and is based on contemporaries. But even then, the variants December 11th, July 31st and September 3rd or 4th of the years 1556 or 1558 appear. The most difficult thing is to determine the day and month. Berro, who deserves more credit for his usual accuracy with chronological dates, says that he was born on 3rd or 4th September and that he was baptized on the 11th of the same month. Greater historical certainty no longer seems possible. As for the year, there were witnesses in his beatification processes who said that the Saint died at the age of ninety-five, ninety-three or ninety-two. This last figure has prevailed and is the one given on the lead plate in his coffin and in the notarized declaration of death. He would have been born in 1556 and would have been ninety-two years old in September, as he died on August 25, 1648. However, the Saint’s personal testimony about his age, which he repeats a dozen times in his letters, categorically excludes the year 1556 and only suggests the years 1557 or 1558 as possible. If the Saint counted his years as already completed, as is customary, he would have been born in 1557. If he had counted them according to the Latin formula annum agens, i.e. before his birthday, he would have been born in 1558. Picanyol neither in his commentaries on the Epistolario (cf. letters 1662, 2213, 2441, 2902, 3134, 3987, 4408, 4429, 4505, etc.) nor in his other publications (cf. Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei pp.14-15; L’eco dei nostri centenari n.11-12 [1948] p.32-33; Rassegna di storia e bibliografia scolopica XXVI-XXVII, p.47-48, etc.) he does specifically choose one of these dates and always leaves them uncertain. Other contemporary authors point to the years 1556 (C. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.42-68) 1557 (E. LLANAS, Escolapios insignes vol.l [Madrid 1899] p.10-11; A. GARCÍA-DURÁN, Itinerario espiritual de San José de Calasanz [Barcelona 1967] p.27- J. POCH El fundador de las Escuelas Pías en la historia eclesiástica de la Corona de Aragón . Analecta Calasanctiana 20 [1968] passim) and 1558 (cf. BAU, Review, pp.25-26). From other indications given by the Saint himself in his letters about the age of other persons, it seems indisputable to us that he counted by completed years, and therefore, on the basis of these indications, we believe that his year of birth was 1557, so that at his death he was a few days short of his ninety-first birthday” (S. GINER et al., Cartas selectas de San José de Calasanz [Salamanca 1977] vol.l p.329 n.8). In 1956, the fourth anniversary of the Saint’s birth was officially celebrated, respecting the traditional date of 1556, and among the works of homage is this one by Sántha.

30 BAU, Biogr. crit. 1-41. The concern of the hagiographers, especially the ancient ones, to emphasize the ancient nobility of the family is understandable, but today the question is of less importance to us. The Saint himself did not value nobility without virtue. However, modern research has clarified that the Calasanz family belonged to the rank of “infanzones”, the last degree of the Aragonese nobility, corresponding to the “hidalgos” of Castile (see J. POCH, Heráldica y xigilografia calasancia: Argensola 38 [1959] 97-106; ID, Manuscrito inédito, del siglo XVIII, de los Calasanz, de la villa de Casserres: Analecta Calasanctiana 19 [1968] 5-104).

31 In view of the analysis of new documents relating to the Saint’s family, “we get the impression of an economic situation of middle-class landowners who were wealthy rather than modest, but without reaching the position that the upper noble classes tended to have” (cf. J. POCH, Aportación documental biográfico-calasancia: Analecta Calasanctiana 22 [1969] 275). Regarding the meaning of the office of “fabriferrarius”, the same author says: “Not a single document has confirmed the “fabriferrarius” as equivalent to the simple smith of anvil and hammer. For us, the “fabriferrarius” in question - given the archival instruments of the time and those places, in similar families - must be identified with the “master gunsmith” (scopetarius, in some documents)” (ibid.).

32 Cf. Processus informativus: Reg. Cal. 30. Br. Lawrence Ferrari testimony (p.592-593): «Io ho inteso da Padre Gioseppe che il Padre e la Madre suoi l’allevavano con il timor di Dio, e li facevano imparare le buone lettere e da lui medessimo ho inteso dire, che essendo piccolino li suoi l’allevavano sequestrato delle compagnie, acciò si avvezzassero da piccoli col timor di Dio, e che così bisognaria, che facessero tutti li Padri e Madri di allevare i figliouli nel timore di Dio.» Cf., also, BAU, Biogr. crit., p.86-87; Revisión p.28-32; CAPUTI o.c. t.l, p.6.a n.479 fol.120.

Regarding his deep faith, all biographers speak of the well-known adventure when, as a young boy, he went out into the countryside armed with a knife to challenge the devil. (Cf. the sources cited above).

When he was nine or ten years old, he moved to Estadilla, the capital of the common barony of Castro-Peralta, to devote himself to the study of grammar, rhetoric and poetry in the Trinitarian monastic school founded in 1550[33]. Here he distinguished himself not only by his diligence in learning, especially in Latin, prose and verse[34], but also by his exemplary habits and his early piety. True to his parents’ guidance, he did not abandon his usual pious practices[35], and his zeal even found a way to instill the same beliefs and rules of life in his little companions, which is why they called him the “Santet”, i.e. the little saint[36]. It was probably during this period of his studies that he wrote those Latin poems on religious themes which the Fathers of Barbastro claim to have seen in the possession of the parish priest of Benabarre as late as 1680 and which were later regrettably lost due to the injustice of the times[37].

33 Cf. BAU, Revisión p.33.

34 Cf. the Breve notizia, by Fr. Bonaventure Catalucci (Reg. Cal. 14,611): «Dopo haver studiato Grammatica, retorica con molto profitto in versi e in prosa, fu mandato al università di Lérida, Valenza et Alcalá” (cf this document, trans. into Spanish in BAU, Revisión p.11-13).

35 That means, praying the rosary and the Office of Our Lady. Cf BAU, Biogr. Crit. 83-84; Proc. inf p.528: Reg. Cal. 30.

36 Proc. inf. p. 213; Reg. Cal. 30; cf. BAU, Biogr. Crit. p. 83.

37 Cf. TALENTI, o.c., p.6: “The vicar of Benabarre until the year 1680 jealously kept a manuscript book written by him, with very elegant poems on the Trinity, the Eucharist and other sacred and sublime themes” Cf. even more TALENTI o.c. p. 676.

After completing his secondary education, Calasanz, who was about fifteen years old, moved to Lérida in 1570 or 1571 to attend classes at the University[38].

38 Cf. BAU, Revisión p.35-37; PICANYOL, Ep II p. 14; J. POCH, Calassans a l’ Estudi General de Lleida (1571-1577, 1581-1583). Catalaunia 174 (1975) 1-8.

Here he studied for seven years, that is, until 1577. It is very likely that he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree during the academic years 1570-1573. Then, from 1573 to 1577, he studied canon and civil law, but without obtaining a doctorate, as the old biographers wished[39]. The holiness of his student life, which had already earned him the nickname “Santet” in Estadilla, is now reaffirmed at the University of Lérida, where some of his fellow students refer to him as “their Holy Spirit”[40].

39 Cf. J. POCH, Aportación documental a la historia de la Universidad de Huesca durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI. Analecta Calasanctiana 15 (1966) 196-197. 240 bis Cf. also the pages cited in the previous note.

40 “D. Mateo García, a priest and fellow disciple of the Servant of God, told me that in his youth he studied at the University of Lérida: “Since I was very rebellious and often got into trouble, which put me in great danger, I turned to young Joseph, who got me out of trouble with his advice and help. And he used to say that Joseph was for him his Holy Spirit, since he had no other counsellor than him in his difficulties” (Testimony of Miguel Jimenez Barber: Proc. inf: Reg. Cal. 30, p. 231, quoted and translated in BAU, Revisión, p. 36).

Moreover, it seems that because of his relevant qualities, he was elected “by the students of his Aragonese nation as “conseller” (advisor) to the rector, as provided for in the university’s statutes[41].

41 “He also told me that all the student youth of his Aragonese nation had elected him prior of their kingdom, and that he served as an effective aid to all, and was regarded by all as a man of great virtue and goodness. And this was, as I said, in his youth in the Study of Lérida” (ibid.). This text led almost all hagiographers of the Saint to interpret the word “prior” as “prince of the students”, in accordance with the Italian academic mentality. However, an examination of the statutes of the University of Lérida revealed the possibility that the word “prior” could be understood as “rector”, since such a position was always held by a law student, as Calasanz was in his first term (1571-1577). However, there seem to be no reliable documents confirming that St. Joseph Calasanz was rector of the General Studium of Lérida. However, it is very likely that he could be “conseller del rector”, as this latter was elected and represented the members of his own nation, in this case the Aragonese. This is the most accurate way to give meaning to the expression “prior of his kingdom” used by the witness Jiménez Barber (cf. J. POCH, San José de Calasanz y seis obispos españoles: Revista Calasancia 12 (1957) 109; Id, Calassans a l’Estudi General de Lleida (1571-1577; 1581-1583): Catalaunia 174 (1975) 1-8; Id, Cuatro cartas inéditas de don Ramón Gayá Massot: Ilerda 37 (1976) 300; J. GAYÁ MASSOT, San José de Calasanz no fue rector del Estudio de Lérida: Ciudad 9 (1957).

But one of the most decisive steps of his life, in terms of his vocation, was taken during this first period of his studies in Lérida; on April 17, 1575, he received his first tonsure from the hands of his own bishop of Urgel, Don John Dimas Loris, in the sanctuary of the Holy Christ of Balaguer[42].

42 Cf. the translated document in BAU, Revisión p.35. In the document it has been translated, erroneously, “bishop of Lérida” instead of “bishop of Urgel.”

After completing his law studies at the University of Lérida, he moved to Valencia to study theology. And here, as in Estadilla and Lérida, he proved his deep spirituality and the sincerity of his vocation, already confirmed by receiving the clerical tonsure, overcoming the blandishments of a woman who tried to defile his chastity[43]. Because of this setback, or for other reasons that we do not know, Calasanz left the city of Valencia and continued his theological studies in Alcalá de Henares[44].

43 This is what Don Ascanio Simón, who was a Piarist at the time, said before a notary in 1659 when he recalled a conversation with Calasanz: “Once when I went to the venerable servant of God to give him an account of conscience , after we had discussed many things about the Spirit, he told me that at the age of twenty-one in Valencia, when he was studying Sacred Theology, he was incited to sin by a lady, and that by the grace of the blessed God and his august Mother he escaped the snare which the devil had laid for him by leaving the woman who incited him to sin ... “ (BAU, Revisión p.40-41). In September 1648, Father Bonaventura Catalucci wrote, without naming the place where it happened: “It happened that he had to perform the office of secretary to a very noble lady who, noticing his modesty and his habits, was so much in love with him that, having distributed her ladies to other tasks, she remained alone in the bedroom and called our Calasanz, to whom she revealed her lustful desires. But he, like another Joseph of Egypt, fled from that house in search of his confessor, and there he resolved not to enter that lady’s house again, which he did” (ibid., p.11). Bau denies that Calasanz studied in Valencia, and so the scene of the temptation is set in Barbastro, where he tries to prove that he studied theology.

44 The biographical tradition repeats without interruption that Calasanz studied at the universities of Lérida, Valencia and Alcalá, based on the Breve Notizia by Catalucci, who had written just a month after the Saint’s death: “After studying grammar [and] rhetoric in verse and prose with great profit, he was sent to the universities of Lérida, Valencia and Alcalá” (BAU, Revisión p.11). However, it has not been possible to find documentary confirmation of Calasanz’ presence as a student in the official records of the universities of Lérida, Valencia and Alcalá, despite the research carried out in Valencia in particular (cf. BAU. Revisión pp.41-42, 321-324) and in Alcalá ‘(cf. POCH, J., Aportación documental a la historia de la Universidad de Huesca durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI: Analecta Calasanctiana 15 [1966] 198 n.123).

Although we must affirm, through the convergence of documents and testimonies, that he studied at the universities of Lérida, Valencia and Alcalá, it is not easy to determine precisely the years he was in each of these cities until he began to receive the minor orders[45].

45 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.94-112; ID., Revisión p.35-43; ID., in Ruta 25 (1962) 16-19; 27 (1963) 26-30; J. POCH, in Catalaunia 174 (1975) 1-8; ID in Analecta Calasanctiana 15 (1966) 196-198 240 bis.

In 1579, his brother Pedro died, a victim of the socio-political revolts that arose in the county of Ribagorza. His grief-stricken father tried to dissuade Joseph from his ecclesiastical career so that he could take over the family estate as the only surviving male and continue the dynasty. But soon afterwards, a serious illness of the young student forces his father to abandon his intentions and give him the freedom to follow his clerical vocation.

And indeed, he managed to continue his theological studies at the University of Lérida, from whose General Vicar he received the licenses to receive the four minor orders and the subdiaconate and became the holder of an ecclesiastical benefice in the church of Saint Stephen in Monzón[46].

46 “Die duodecima mensis decembris M.D.LXXXII per dominum Vicarium generalem Mahull fuit facta licentia Iosepho Calassans loci de Peralta de la Sal, dioecesis Urgellensis, beneficiati beneficii Scti. Stephani ville Montissoni ad quatuor minores et Subdiaconatus ordines, cum dispensatione” (Matrícula de Ordes y Licencies de Missa desde l’any 1540 al de 1614, del Archivo Episcopal de Lérida). Cited in J. POCH, Aportación documental a la historia de la Universidad de Huesca durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI: Analecta Calasanctiana 15 (1966) 198. He could not be ordained in Lérida because it was a vacant see at the time. He had to go to Huesca with such licenses and received the four minor orders and the subdiaconate from the hands of Bishop Peter del Frago on successive days (17 and 18 December 1582) (cf. ibid., p. 199). With similar licenses from the Chapter of Lérida, he was ordained deacon in Fraga on April 9, 1583, taking advantage of the stay of the elected bishop of Albarracín, Caspar John de la Figuera, in that city, as Lérida was still a vacant see (cf. ibid., pp.200-205)

On December 17, 1583, after completing his theological studies in Lérida, he was ordained a priest by his own bishop of Urgel, Friar Hughes Ambrose de Moncada[47]. However, he did not enter his diocese, but went to Barbastro to serve the bishop, Friar Philip de Urríes, as a familiar and teacher of a small group of children who were occupied with the religious and domestic duties of the palace[48]. For the first time in his life, we are introduced to the future founder of the Pious Schools as a teacher of children in the Episcopal Palace of Barbastro. But this task did not last long, because when Friar Philip de Urríes died in June 1585, Calasanz left the city of Barbastro and joined the entourage of the elected Bishop of Lérida, Don Caspar John de la Figuera.

47 Cf. ibid., p.214.

48 Cf. ibid., p.190-193. The presence of Calasanz in the episcopal palace of Urríes is documented from February 10, 1584 to October 12, 1585, although on the latter date he is said to be absent (cf. ibid., p.210-211). Cf. also J. POCH, El Fundador de las Escuelas Pías en la historia eclesiástica de la Corona de Aragón: Analecta Calasanctiana 20 [1968] 258 and 295).

As assistant to the aforementioned bishop, he stayed in Monzón during the General Courts convened by the king Philip II from June to October 1585, in which La Figuera also took part. And during these months and on the margins of the General Courts, an assembly or “congregation” was held, convened by Felipe II and presided over by Bishop La Figuera, to discuss the reform or observance of the Augustinians of the Crown of Aragon. “I was appointed secretary - Calasanz wrote in an affidavit dated 1637 - to write the dispatches to be sent to Rome. And that was in August or September of the said year 1585”[49].

49 Cf. ibid., p. 341. This reform of Augustinians has nothing to do with the Recollection or Discalced reformation that was decided in Toledo in 1588, as has sometimes been said in Calasanzian biographies (cf. ibid., p.319-356).

At the end of October 1585, he left Monzón on his way to Montserrat, accompanying the prelate La Figuera, who had been appointed Apostolic Visitator of the famous monastery. Calasanz was one of the familiars to the bishop as “confessor and examiner”[50]. The apostolic visitation was abruptly interrupted by the death of La Figuera in February 1586, and Calasanz left the monastery and returned home to assist his dying father.

50 Cf. ibid., p.356-418.

In the years 1587-1589 he was in the service of the Chapter of Urgel as master of ceremonies and secretary of the Chapter. In this capacity, he took part in the pastoral visitation of the diocese in October and November 1587 as companion and secretary to Canon Rafael Gomis and visited the archpriesthoods entrusted to them by the Chapter of Urgel[51]. From November 1588 to September 1591, he was also responsible for the “plebania” (parish) of Claverol and Ortoneda[52].

51 Cf. J. POCH, Mossen Josep Calassans a la diocesi d’Urgell (1587-1591): Catalaunia 195 (1977) 2-6; P. PUJOL I TUBAU, Sant Josep de Calassans, oficial del Capitol d’Urgell (1587-1589) (Barcelona 1921).

52 Cf. J. POCH, Josep Calassans, plebá de Claverol i Ortoneda, Catalaunia 181 (1976); Id. Mossèn Josep Calassans a la diocesi d’Urgell, o.c., p.20-26. Cf. also. P. PUJOL I TUBAU, op. cit.

As soon as the new bishop of Urgel, D. Andrew Capilla, arrived at his official residence, he relieved Calasanz of his capitular functions and appointed him successively as his familiar, visitator of the archpriesthood of Tremp together with the canon Peter Gervás de las Eras (June 28, 1589), archpriest and ecclesiastical official of Tremp (July 1, 1589); and, again together with Gervás de las Eras, visitator of the officialates or archpriesthoods of Tremp, Sort, Tirvia and Cardós (May 5, 1590)[53].

53 Cf. POCH, Mossèn Josep Calassans a la diocesi d’Urgell, o.c., p. 7-19- P. PUJOL I TUBAU, o.c.

On September 6, 1591, he resigned his “plebania” of Ortoneda because he wanted to obtain a canonry, no doubt at the instigation of his friend and protector Andrés Capilla, Bishop of Urgel. To this end, he obtained a doctorate in theology, probably in Barcelona or Lérida, and then travelled to Rome in February 1592 to work on the matter personally[54].

54 Cf. J POCH, o.c., pp.27-49; PICANYOL, Ep.II pp.27-28.36; BAU. Revisión P-59-64. That the Saint’s explicit motive for his journey to Rome was the desire for a canonry, is clear from his own letters (cf. I. 2-7: Ep. II p. 25 47) as well as from other reliable sources such as the letter of the priest Francisco Motes (Eph. Cal. I [1932] 111), the testimony of the painter F. Gutiérrez in the Informative Process (Reg. Cal. 30 302) and that of the sacristan Thomas Simón in the process De virtutibus in genere of 1684 (Reg. Cal. 30 145). Cf. Eph. Cal. XVI (1948) 118. All this does not prevent him from believing that a certain inner voice that told him to “go to Rome” had a part in his decision, as some biographers of the Saint report, as do some of the testimonies of the Processes of Beatification (cf. PICANYOL, Ep.II p.31; TALENTI, o.c., pp.28-30; BAU, Biogr. crit. S.195-202). Our opinion agrees with a report by Father Berro, according to which Calasanz greatly appreciated such inner voices - and he often had them - (BERRO, o.c., II p.115: “Ma la voce di Dio [said Calasanz] è una Aura suave ... e delicata, chi no sta attento non la può sentire, e forse in quella Iddio ha posto la sua salute e guai se la perde o non fa conto di quella occasione”). Berro certainly refers to letter 131 (Ep. II 169): “La voce di Dio è voce di spirito che va e viene tocca il cuore e passa; ne si sa donde venga o quando spiri, onde troppo importa lo star sempre in osservatione perchè non venga all’improviso e passi senza frutto.”

Already in the Eternal City, he received a canonry in Barbastro only in 1594, which he renounced in 1595 due to the various complications that arose. By express order of the Pope, however, he received a certain pension as compensation for his renunciation[55]. Psychologically speaking, this renunciation marked the end of the Spanish period in the Saint’s life and the beginning of his pedagogical apostolate and increasingly intense sanctity.

55 Cf. L.6-7: Ep II p.27-47, with Picanyol’s comments; also, BAU, Revisión p.65-71; A. GARCÍA-DURÁN, Itinerario de San José de Calasanz p.31-65; G. SÁNTHA, La canonjía de Barbastro obtenida por San José de Calasanz, in Ensayos críticos p.27-34.

Looking back on the period we are considering, some useful reflections are offered. If the English proverb is true, which says that “the child is the father of the man”, then we must already find in this Spanish period of the Saint’s life, at least in germ, the great Calasanz of the Roman period: saint, educator, social apostle.

Let us therefore try to analyze his figure, his intellectual and moral portrait, which corresponds to this period.[56]

56 This sketch of the intellectual and moral portrait of the Saint is based only on the explicit testimonies of the historical documents available to us. A more in-depth analysis of Calasanz’ character, based also on the study of his handwriting and his mask, was carried out by Father Angelo Sapa (Psicología de San José de Calasanz: Revista Calasancia 12 [1957] 401-437. Cf. also R. TRILLAT, Estudio grafológico de San José de Calasanz, C.0.P.P. [Valencia 1971]). However, we can already see that both his handwriting and the mask show Calasanz as a strong-willed, extraverted, active type.

The first fact that is immediately offered to us in the biographical data and facts of the Saint, and which we can and must verify, is that Calasanz was not a pure scholar, but at least an extremely learned and erudite priest. The entire course of his studies proves this. The biographical documents clearly confirm this.

He had a bachelor’s degree in Arts and a doctorate in Theology. His preparation in canon law must have been particularly good, because it was precisely because of his expertise that he was chosen by various bishops as an advisor, secretary, familiar and visitator. And his expertise in liturgical matters was not lacking[57].

57 He was master of ceremonies of the Chapter of Urgel. Among the few books found in his room at the death of the Saint was the treatise on liturgy by G. Durando entitled Rationale divinorum officiorum (Reg. Cal. XVI 83).

As for the more specific direction of his studies and the characteristics of his formation, we know that Calasanz was a student at the University of Alcalá de Henares when the majority of the faculty was made up of Dominicans. This gave him the opportunity to get to know in depth the Thomist doctrine to which he and his children would later profess[58]. On the other hand, we know that he was a close familiar of the learned Dominican Friar Philip de Urríes for a long year. The Thomistic orientation of his theological and philosophical formation was therefore rather certain.

58 Cf. VICTOR GARCIA Hoz, El sentido actual de la empresa calasancia: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 231; cf. also part 2nd. c. 1 and 6 of the present work.

As for his character, on the basis of the data we have from this period, we can say that Calasanz was a tough and strong-willed personality, a “self-made man”. At that time, noble birth was very important. He was a nobleman, albeit of very low rank (infanzón). Without any protection, he managed to conquer an extraordinarily prominent position using only his own will, his natural, spiritual and intellectual gifts and his personal ability. While still a student, he was elected “advisor to the rector” for the “Aragonese nation” at the University of Lérida by his fellow students. As soon as he finished his university career and was ordained a priest, he was successively accepted as familiar, confessor, advisor and friend of the bishops of Barbastro, Lérida and Urgel[59]. This healthy energy, this vitality of character, later enabled him to create his own environment in Rome, to win friends and admirers. Only on this basis could he build his Institute and found the Order of the Pious Schools. This is undoubtedly the time when Calasanz became the strong man who subordinated himself to no one and who possessed the special ability of “savoir faire”.

59 This attitude of the young priest Calasanz is problematic, who, instead of joining his own diocese of Urgel as soon as he was ordained priest, immediately entered the service of the bishop of Barbastro, Felipe de Urríes, and when the latter died, he joined the entourage of the bishop of Lérida, Juan Gaspar de la Figuera. And from the sudden death of the latter (February 13, 1586) exactly one full year passed until February 12, 1587, when Calasanz appears incorporated as secretary and master of ceremonies in the documents of the Chapter of Urgel (cf. J. POCH, Mossen Josep Calassans a la diócesis d’Urgell: Catalaunia 195 [1977] 2-3).

Perhaps this fact gives rise to an aspect of his personality that can appear as “authoritarian” and which cannot be overlooked in the later Roman period of his life[60]. It is precisely this life experience, together with his strength of will and his no less intellectual gifts, that made him stand out in life and emphasized a positive and strong-willed aspect of his character that was observed by many[61].

60 Cf. PICANYOL, Ep.I p.31; Ep.III p.193; S. GINER and others, Cartas selectas de San José de Calasanz vol. I p.14; Sacra Congregatio pro Causis Sanctorum, Romana seu Lucana Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Petri Casani ... Positio super virtutibus ... (Rome 1982). In this work, the author has insisted, with immoderate frequency and exaggeration, on the authoritarian and despotic character of Calasanz.

61 Cf. VANNUCCI, Il Collegio Nazareno p.18; ID., La Fiera letteraria. Le lettere pedagogiche di Giuseppe Calasanzio VIII (1953) n.38 p.2.

And therein lies - alongside the mysterious influence of divine grace - the secret key to his tenacity, the determination with which he stood his ground against all events and difficulties in order to achieve the goal he had set himself[62].

62 L.1148, Ep.IV p.41: «... ma considerando che ogni cosa mi viene dalla mano di Dio et che io quanto fo lo fo per amor suo, essendo egli un Padre tanto benigno et amorevole supporto con patienza ogni cosa, resoluto prima di morire che di abbandonare l’impresa et così mando via ogni afflitione et melancolia.» L.247, Ep. II p.256: «Io sin dell’anno passato ero crepato di una parte e da pochi giorni in qua di tutti due, ma non per questo si è diminuito l’animo di servire et patire per amore suo quanto si offerirà, massime in utilità del nostro Istituto che è l’educazione et riforma di giovinetti.» In order to achieve his goal, he was ready to sacrifice everything. L.1603, Ep.IV p.363: «Il Sig. ci dia grazia che sappiamo usar il rimedio opportuno al bene della religione in servitio della quale ho speso quanto ho possuto e saputo, et non vorrei che hora cadesse per non saperla guidar con prudenza senza metterla in mano de scolari et superiori.»

Perhaps because he had this tenacity in the midst of fatigue, sacrifice and toil, he later demanded a little more from others than their strength allowed[63]. However, this tenacity was always tempered by an appropriate prudence in his decisions. A prudence that later led him to say that an undertaking should not be started without first checking whether it will last[64]. It is beautiful to see how these energies, which we could call natural, guided by self-education and supported by grace, were later sublimated in the Roman era. To achieve his supernatural goal, he was prepared to do anything: “wash dishes”, “beg for bread” in Rome with his saddlebag around his neck, because “the Kingdom of heaven suffers violence, and the violent are those who snatch it away”[65].

63 Cf. P. CASTELLI, Discurso sobre las Escuelas Pías (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^3). «…è per altro (Calasanz) troppo rigido in caricar a usanza de cameli.»

64 L.118, Ep.II p.160.

65 L.2757, Ep.VI p.264: «Quanto al negotio di lavare i piati non solo l’ho fatto io che fatico non meno che quelli che tengono la scuola, ma ancora sono andato alla cerca del Pan con le saccoccie in collo per Roma, et accompagnare li scolari, et son pronto di presente a farlo perciochè regnum caelorum vim patitur et violenti rapiunt illud“.

Well, his stubborn “violence” was born of a pure love of heart. From the heart that he wished all founders to have[66]. He unfolded his strength and tenacity in the thousand different actions of the holy, strong and loving pedagogue.

66 L.8, Ep.II p.57: «Et essendo che Iddio benedetto ha chiamato alla Vostra Paternità Molto Reverenda per capo della Congregatione della Madre di Dio che deve fondare nella Sua Chiesa l’istituto nuovo delle Scuole Pie in essa estremamente neccessario vorrei che ad imitatione degli altri Padri antichi fondatori di nuovi instituti havesse il cuor largo li quali nei principi con pochi huomini fecero cose grande nel suo servitio confidati più nell’aiuto celeste che nelli consigli humani”.

Another outstanding feature of his character was his practical sense, his natural disposition to an active life. He was a learned and prudent man who needed these two qualities to be able to fulfil his very delicate positions of trust[67]. However, he was not an “introverted” type - to use Jung’s terminology - but an extraverted type, i.e. gifted for external activities.

67 To the preceding evidence (cf. p. 12) we can add two letters from later times, which speak of his erudition and wisdom in circumstances that make any conventional politeness unlikely: letter of Fr. Onofrio Conti addressed to Father General (Nikolsburg 11-10-164 EEC p. 201) “...non essendo io sogetto da dare consiglio a persona cosí prudente come è V.P....” Letter of Fr. John Baptist Ferraris (Cagliari 29-1-1648: “... V. P. giudichera ben fatto come persona dotta che è” (EHI p. 838).

This is precisely the reason why he so often held the office of secretary. On the one hand, he knew how to anticipate the will of his superiors; on the other, he had the not common ability to put the strict rules of the law and the abstract concepts of Christian morality into practice[68]. During his career as advisor to the rector of the University of Lérida and later as secretary, he learned the great and difficult art of dealing with people; an art that later, supported by the grace of the priesthood and sublimated by a corresponding sanctity, had a remarkable importance for his apostolic and pedagogical activity[69].

68 This activity of his in the last times reached heroism. L.4024, Ep.VIII p.147: «Hier sera per trascuragine del secretario non risposi al capo della ratificazione delli voti sollenni et hora a mezza notte che mi son ricordato le scrivo dicendo che la ratificazione delli voti sollenni o professione fatta per puro amor di Dio è attione tanto grata a Dio che avanza in meriti tutte le altre attioni che puo far l’huomo salvo il Martirio .... et pregarò il S. dia a tutti un nuovo fervore per diventar heroici nel puro amor di Dio che è il primo et principal precetto della santissima legge del Signore ...» (20-7-1642). And he did not abandon it even in his advanced old age. L.4204, Ep.VIII p.241: «… non ricordo di che santo sia se ben mi pare sia di Sto Agostino che dice: qui orat, bene facit, sed qui iuvat, melius facit, et questo che io ancora vecchio come sono vado spesse volte per le scuole ad aiutar. Il S. ci benedica et ci faccia conoscer questa verità» (28-6-1644). Cf. also L.760, Ep.III p.211: «...o se sapesse quanto mi trapassa il cuore questo negotio che l’huomo fattica per tutta la vita per aiutar il prossimo et un scelerato imbratta ogni cosa».

69 Cf. the commentary of Fr. Picanyol to letter 1089 (Ep.III p.457-458). See a letter of the Saint himself (Ep.III p. 363): “... et io se ben sono assente conosco benissimo quanto pesa ognuno.» Moreover, his skill in dealing with people can be deduced from the fact that at the end of his life he succeeded in recruiting more than 500 religious to his institute. To see how sympathetic his people’s correspondence was to his “savoir faire”, it suffices to quote one of the many letters that his religious addressed to him (letter of Fr. Glicerio Mazzara, Strassnitz 9-6-1642; EEC p. 785-786) : «La lettera di V. P. fu di non poca consolatione a tutti di casa, e perchè la lessi in presenza di tutti, tutti parimenti vedendo il suo scritto e sua sottoscritione la volsero nelle mani e la baciarono, remanendo tutti esortati del Santo conseglio et avviso che in essa contineva, e che V. P. amorevolmente c’invia.» This natural kindness of his was always, later on, accompanied by a certain affability, a virtue that was in him probably the result of a careful self-education and the effect of divine grace, given his “bilious complexion”, already observed by Fr. Berro (o.c., t.l 1.2 p.92): “... per esser grandissima la sua patienza vincendo la sua naturale compressione biliosa”. This being the case, he must certainly have begun soon to master himself, because with such a strong temperament one cannot exercise those offices that our Saint had. Cf. also VANNUCCI, Il Collegio Nazareno p.18, 28-29; GIOVANNOZZI, o.c.: p.26. See VANNUCCI. Le lettere pedagogiche di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio: La Fiera Letteraria 8 (1953) n.38 p.1-2.

This was also the time when he learned to know people and things[70].

70 Documents from the Roman period of his life speak volumes about his knowledge of men. Cf., e.g., L.561, Ep.III p.61: «…io noto e conservo ogni cosa con quelli che avisati molte volte non si curano di emendarsi ...» L. 1747, Ep.V p. 21; «Quelli che sanno poco o niente di spirito parlano et straparlano scioccamente di quello che non sanno». L. 475, Ep.II p. 407. «...Vi ho poca fede nei pittori perchè l’ordinario sogliono essere variabili.» L.1532, Ep.IV p.315: «...è costume dei musici l’esser variabili.» L. 1881, Ep.V p. 114: «...i fiorentini, li quali entrando nella vita spirituale sogliono far cose grandi.» Later, perhaps his heroically practiced love for his neighbor and his natural goodness sometimes caused him to err on this point; cf. the letter of Cardinal Dietrichstein to the Saint. (Krems, 26 de diciembre de 1635): «Venne poi qua queI polaco Archidiacono, il quale ha operato molto diversamente da quello che V.P. mi scrisse nelle sue lettere, della cui relatione, pero non mi maraviglio, poiche com’ella è santa, cosi giudica gli altri santi...» (EEC p.383).

On the other hand, the Calasanz of the Spanish period is presented to us as a very orderly man. The administrative books of the Chapter of Urgel, which can still be seen today, were kept by him in perfect order. Not only did he have his part impeccably organized, but he even corrected the inaccuracies of his predecessors, added the missing titles, made the titles meaningful, etc.[71] His own calligraphy, with its energetic and confident characters which always flow smoothly and evenly, also bears brilliant witness to his orderly and serene mind[72]. The many notes and thousands of letters he wrote, which are now kept in the General Archives of the Pious Schools, confirm our observation. His position as Master of Ceremonies in the Chapter of Urgel, a position which also required a certain sense of order and discipline, left a lasting impression on his mind[73].

71 Cf. PICANYOL, Memoria S losephi Calasanctii in dioecesi Urg.: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 56; PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.29-30

72 Ibid.

73 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.162-163. Cf. also n.57 of this work.

There is no trace in the documents from this period of how Calasanz dealt with his superiors. However, it may not have been very different from the one he maintained in Rome with Cardinal Marcantonio Colonna, about whom Father Berro writes: “The prince-cardinal held him in high esteem because, among other virtues, he knew him to be very loyal in speech, not flattering, but humbly telling the truth about the matter on which he was asked, even if it ran counter to His Eminence’s opinion”[74].

74 BERRO, o.c., t. 1 1.1 fol.20.

Later we will see that it was principally his painful social experiences that prompted Calasanz to found the Pious Schools. Perhaps he was the first to recognize the great importance of the public school with all its consequences; the school that frees from the slavery of illiteracy and ignorance; the school that especially frees from the slavery of the passions which so easily afflict the miserable, the abandoned, especially in the big cities. But the documents relating to the Spanish period of his life assure us that the interest and social sensitivity are not purely Roman in origin. In fact, when Calasanz gave up his “plebania” of Claverol while still in Spain, he reserved a pension of 17.5 escudos for himself and used this annual sum to set up a pious foundation which distributed grain to the poor of his former parish every Easter and Pentecost and which operated until 1833[75]. With this generous action, Calasanz showed himself to be a selfless apostle of the poor even in Spain[76]. There is a clause in the document of this pious foundation that deserves to be noted. Calasanz ordered that the foundation would be entrusted to the “Hospitali generali Barchinonensium” in the event of misconduct by the administrators[77].

75 PICANYOL, Ep.I (1932) 111-112. 200-204; ID., Ep.II p.68. 97-98; L.16, Ep.II p.68; L.45, Ep.II p.97.

76 “Nec respexit carnem aut sanguinem,” said the priest Motes in 1648 (Eph. Cal. I [1932] 111-112), and he did everything in the hope of eternal retribution (“ab illo qui in centuplum remunerat praemium gloriae expectantes”), as expressed in the document of the pious foundation (Eph. Cal. I [1932] 201).

77 Doc. originale fundationis: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 201.

This order by the Saint shows that he was very familiar with the pious institutes that existed in Spain at the time to serve the poor. He was also aware of the deplorable social situation in his country in the 16th century, a situation that also prevailed in the other European countries at the time[78].

78 Dr. A. GARMENDIA DE OTAOLA, S. I., La enseñanza popular durante la vida de San José de Calasanz: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) p.326-336. Regarding Germany, see PASTOR, o.c. IX p. 780; regarding France, see Enc. It. XV p.936. 938.

Calasanz was certainly aware of all the attempts that were being made in his time to solve this urgent problem. It is therefore very likely that, while still in Spain, he was aware of the famous treatise by the great Louis Vives entitled De subventione pauperum, in which an entire chapter speaks of “de cura puerorum”, full of valuable suggestions for a future educator. Reading that book, Calasanz could clearly sense that the core of the social problem lay in the good education of the poor: “... transferantur ad publicam scholam... nam pauperum filiis a nulla re est maius periculum quam a vili et sordida et incivili educatione...”[79].

79 L.2 p.81. Our Saint did not really fail to observe those phrases that later constituted the main motive of his apostolic-pedagogical activity: «Pueri et puellae litteras, religionem, frugalitatem et vitae artes docebuntur, quibus probe ac honeste ac pie vita traducetur. Omnes deinceps recipient mentem, sensum, pietatem. Versabunt inter homines educate, civiliter humano more. Puras continebunt manus a flagitiis. Recordabuntur Dei ac bona fide. Erunt homines, erunt quod nominantur Christiani. Quaeso quid aliud est multa millia hominum reddisse sibi ipsis et acquisivisse Christo» (ed. Lugd. 1581, p.66).

But apart from the treatise by Luis Vives, Calasanz was probably also influenced by the sacred social activity of his contemporary, the canon Michael Giginta, who promoted the foundation of numerous hospitals on his travels through Spain and Portugal and wrote several works on the same subject at the same time[80].

80 Michael Giginta, spanish priest and writer of XVI century. He was born in Perpignan; he was Canon and General Vicar of Elna. He wrote: Tratado de remedio de pobres (Coimbra 1579); Cadena de oro (Perpignan 1584); Exhortación a la compasión con los pobres (Madrid 1584); Atalaya de caridad (Zaragoza 1587); cf. Dr. A. GARMENDIA DE OTAOLA, S. I., La enseñanza popular durante la vida de San José de Calasanz: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) 341-342.

Another man whose social and charitable commitment was of great importance in the Spain of Calasanz’ time was Philip II’s protomedicus, Pérez de Herrera. A tireless promoter of social welfare in his country with his writings, we can see what he did and wished to do for the poor in his capital work: Discursos del amparo de los legítimos pobres y reducción de los fingidos y de la Fundación y principio de los albergues de estos reinos y amparo de la milicia de ellos (Madrid 1598).

In this work, the author also speaks of the “reformation of the children of the houses of doctrine”. In addressing this topic, he recognized and proclaimed the importance of teaching Christian doctrine. He desired the poor children to learn a trade, and he wanted some of them to learn mathematics so that they could be useful as engineers or technicians in the army[81].

81 Cf. Dr. A. GARMENDIA DE OTAOLA, o.c., p.349-361.

Knowing the aforementioned data, we can undoubtedly better understand the Calasanz of the Roman era. It seems quite natural that he “non ignarus mali miseris succurrere didicit” given the social situation in Rome, which was not very different from the one he had already experienced in Spain”[82].

82 Cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.21: «Calasanzio già in Spagna, ma certamente in Roma si fece un idea della necessità di redimere il popolo dalla schiavitù dell’analfabetismo, e dell’importanza che poteva avere la scuola non già semplicemente come mezzo di cultura, ma come funzione educativa e rigeneratrice dell’intelletto e del cuore.»

We cannot conclude the analysis of the Spanish period in the Saint’s life without at least referring to the few clues we have been able to find about his future pedagogical vocation. Since he was elected “advisor to the rector” by his university comrades, we have some indication that he had special gifts for dealing with young people and solving their problems. And the impressions he had of the university environment remained forever imprinted in his soul. Half a century later, with the experience of an old and holy pedagogue, he realized that a certain licentiousness and youthful excesses can only be tempered by the sacraments. And he refers to his own personal experience to confirm his assertion[83].

83 L.3091, Ep.VII p. 76: «V. R. faccia che si confessi e comunichi ogni Domenica che facendolo con devozione si smorzaranno i romori giovanili, altrimenti troverà alcun che forse lo ferirà senza potersi confessare et Dio suol permettere simili cose a quelli che hanno del Bravo come più volte si è visto in tempo mio» (4-6-1639).

On the other hand, it is also true that even as a child Calasanz knew the Jesuits and their educational system well, which he held in such high esteem throughout his life[84].

84 L.3704, Ep.VII p.417-418: «...et però conservi V. R. la dovuta riverenza con li detti Padri [della Compagnia] quali io sin da giovinetto ho riverito come P. mandati da Dio al mundo per illuminarlo con dottrina et esempio tanto efficace come aparisce chiaramente oggi massime a quelli che hanno qualche memoria dell’antiqua relassatione.» As a young priest, Calasanz had the opportunity to know the Jesuits and their educational system even better, since his bishop of Urgel, Andrew Capella, before becoming a Carthusian, was a Jesuit and a professor at the Collegio Romano (cf. PICANYOL, Ep. II p.28).

But more concretely than these somewhat general statements, we must remember his activity as a “study assistant” in the episcopal palace of Barbastro, that is, as a teacher of a group of pages who were in the service of the bishop[85]. For the first time in his life, we find documentary evidence that the future founder of the Pious Schools devoted himself to the task of teaching children. One of his first letters, which he wrote from Rome to Spain, shows us how convinced he was of the great importance of a good education for young people. In this letter, Calasanz rejoices that a Latin school had been opened in his village, offering parents the opportunity to teach their children literacy, “which is one of the best legacies they can leave them”[86].

85 Cf. J. POCH, Aportación documental a la historia de la Universidad de Huesca durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI: Analecta Calasanctiana 15 (1966) 191-193 n.116.

86 L.4, Ep.II p.37 (25-11-1592).

From another source, we know that during his stay in Urgel, he took great care of his servant’s education[87].

87 PICANYOL, Ep.II p.17.

However, Joseph Calasanz also took special care of the education of the youth as a parish priest. As a priest who was committed to the Counter-Reformation, he could not neglect the prudent regulations that the Council of Trent had issued on this subject[88].

88 Fr. Picanyol affirms that in Tremp there is a popular tradition according to which «l’indole irrequieta dei fanciulli di quella città avesse influito non poco nell’istituzione delle Scuole Pie» (Eph Cal I [1932] 109).

Apart from that, we know little about Calasanz’ inner life at this time. The old biographers and the testimonies of the processes tell us about the episode of his struggle with the devil[89]. From the same sources we know that he was a sincere devotee of the Blessed Virgin[90] and that he was called “Santet” by his companions because of his piety and righteousness[91]. Even as a young man, he professed a special devotion to the Most Holy Trinity and the Most Holy Eucharist[92]. We can cite here a document which, despite the rigour of its juridical expressions, reveals with powerful eloquence his sincere love and spirit of adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. It is a permission he granted in 1591 as an official of Tremp to allow the Holy Eucharist to take place in the small parish church of Ortoneda: “iustissimis causis animum nostrum moventibus”[93]. As far as his charity is concerned, the Saint’s pious foundation shows us that this virtue was active and fruitful in him[94].

89 Cf n.32.

90 Cf. n.35.

91 Cf. n.36.

92 Cf. n. 37.

93 PICANYOL, in Eph. Cal. I (1932) 204.

94 Cf. n.75 and n.76.

When we look at the inner life of Calasanz, we must not overlook the fact that during his stay in Spain two great saints, among others, lived there at the same time: St. Theresa of Jesus and St. John of the Cross. We have no evidence of a personal encounter between them. What is certain is that the Calasanz of the Roman era had a close relationship with the Discalced Carmelites; he followed their strict poverty and spiritual guidance[95]. We also know from some documents that the Saint greatly appreciated the mystical teachings of St. Theresa. Among the few books found in Calasanz’ room when he died was a Compendio della festa fatta in Spagna a Santa Teresa[96]. And a letter from the Saint himself reveals that he had read and was very familiar with the Way of Perfection and strongly recommended it to his sons[97].

95 Cf. Revista Calasancia I (1955) 183-203.

96 Cf. Reg. Cal. XIV 83. lnventarium in hora mortis: «Compendio della festa fatta in Spagna a S. Teresa, libro coperto di carta rossa, in lingua spagnuola letto spessissimo dal P. Generale».

97 L.2860, Ep.VI p.341: «Se li sacerdoti della nostra religione sapessero quanto importa il faticare per amore di Dio non stariano un punto di tempo oziosi et se il tempo che non poterebbero aiutare i figliuoli conforme ordina il nostro Istituto l’impiegassero in leggere il Camino della perfettione di S. Teresa, vederebbono como si infiammarebbe il cuore loro; perciò che le parole della detta santa hanno grande efficacia con chi le legge con devotione» (19-5-1638).

It is also worth mentioning the contact that the future founder of a new Order in the Church had with various religious. He studied humanities in Estadilla with the Trinitarians. During his university studies in law and theology, he must have had various religious as professors who held chairs at the universities of Lérida, Valencia and Alcalá. We know that he had known the Jesuits since his youth. He lived in Barbastro with Bishop Urríes and other Dominicans, who also had a house in Tremp. During the Cortes of Monzón, he worked as secretary in the committee for the reform of the Augustinians of the Crown of Aragon. As assistant to Bishop La Figuera, he accompanied this prelate during the visitation reform of the Benedictines of Montserrat. These last two personal experiences, which brought him into contact with the reform demands of post-Tridentine religious life, are not without significance for a man who later founded an Order with strict observance nuances.

Finally, to complete the portrait of Calasanz from this period, let us say something about his physical constitution, his stature.

Biographers often speak of his extraordinary strength and physical prowess[98] and tell various anecdotes on this subject[99]. But the document that should be given more credence refers to the last years of his stay in Spain and tells us: “And so I say that when I was fourteen or fifteen years old, I met him and saw him often because he was a close friend of my father. As if I were to see him now, he was a tall man, of venerable figure, with a brown beard and a long white face...”[100]. So Calasanz was a tall and strong man; his face with the almost black beard radiated innocence and integrity and inspired respect[101].

98 Cf. BERRO, o.c., t.1 1.1 fol. 11-14.

99 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p. 179-180; TALENTI, o.c., p.23-24.

100 Letter of priest Francis Motes (Cf. BAU, Revisión p.60).

101 This description of his face perfectly matches the features of his mask, which is preserved in the motherhouse of San Pantaleo. There is also a crutch that the Saint used in his last days, which can give us an idea of his extraordinary height.

We have reached the end of our analysis. It cannot be said that Calasanz was already a saint and pedagogue in the Spanish period of his life. However, it is certain that he had the qualities and dispositions to fulfil the vocation that he would later bring to fruition[102] by the grace of the Lord. With this baggage of inclinations and qualities, without any other dignity than the sacred order of his priesthood[103], he began a new life in Rome and dedicated himself to the holy enterprise of “the education and reform of youth”[104].

102 Cf S. THOMAS, Summa Theol. 3 q.27 a.4: “Respondeo dicendum quod illos quos Deus ad aliquid eligit, ita praeparat et disponit ut ad id, quod eliguntur, inveniantur idonei: secundum illud II Cor 36: ldoneos nos fecit ministros Novi Testamenti”.

103 Cf. L.2162, Ep.V p.297: “...(the priesthood) which is the greatest dignity that I have been able to obtain...”.

104 L.247, Ep.II p.256.

The roman period of the life of the Saint (1592-1648)

In Rome, as a theologian and relative of Cardinal Marco Antonio Colonna, Calasanz quickly adapted to his new environment. As he became a member of various confraternities, in particular the Christian Doctrine and the Twelve Apostles[105], he had the opportunity to become acquainted with the great moral and social misery of Rome at the end of the 16th century[106]. To remedy this situation, he founded the Pious Schools, the first free elementary schools in Europe, in late fall 1597[107]. Initially he taught with lay teachers and priests who lived together in a quasi-religious community[108], later he joined the Congregation of the Mother of God, which had been founded by St. John Leonardi. However, in order to safeguard the vital interests of the Institute, he energetically separated from it in 1617, and so the “Pauline Congregation of the Clerics Regular Poor of the Mother of God of the Pious Schools” was founded at the resolve of Pope Paul V and Joseph Calasanz[109]. On March 25th of the same year, Cardinal Benedict Giustiniani clothed the Saint with the Piarist habit, and on the same day Calasanz clothed his first fourteen companions. After much effort on the part of the Saint and for will of Gregory XV, the congregation was elevated to a religious Order with solemn vows in 1621[110], and in the same year the Saint was responsible for the final draft of the Constitutions of the new Order. In 1622, the Constitutions were approved[111] and Calasanz was entrusted with the leadership of the Order for nine years, with the office of Minister General[112], an office that was later extended by Urban VIII for the rest of his life[113].

105 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.222-239. 260-266; G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos Críticos p.39- 58 (Calasanz’ membership in the Confraternities of Christian Doctrine and the Twelve Apostles) and p.113-123 (his membership in other Roman confraternities).

106 Cf. chapter 2 of 1st part of the present work.

107 Cf. chapter 3 of said 1st part.

108 Cf. part 2nd chapter 2 of the present work. Also G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.125-141.

109 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.333-348; PICANYOL, Ep.II p.51-55, and p.119-120 of the present work. Also, VANNUCCI, in La Fiera Letteraria 8 (1953) n.36 p.2; G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.209-220. The Bull of the foundation of the new Congregation is Ad ea per quae (cf. J. M. LESAGA et al., Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías p.159-176. Latin text in Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.18-21).

110 With the Bull of Gregory XV In Supremo Apostolatus solio (18-11-1621). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.24; Spanish translation and commentary in J. M. LESAGA, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías p.197-203.

111 By Gregory XV, with the Brief Sacri Apostolatus ministerio. Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p. 22-23.

112 With the Brief Apostolici muneris sollicitudo (28--4-1622). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.27-28.

113 With the Brief Inscrutabili divinae providentiae arcano (12-1-1632). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.38; BAU, Biogr. crit. p.705-728.

On May 7, 1622, Calasanz and his Assistants made their solemn profession. These last official acts concluded the legal part of Calasanz’ work. The Saint had become the founder and Minister General of the first educational Order par excellence in the history of the Church.

At the same time as the legal development of the new Institute, the schools were also expanded and developed. As early as 1616, a school was opened in Frascati, and successively in Liguria, Naples, Tuscany, Sicily, Sardinia, Bohemia, Moravia and Poland. In 1646, the year of the suppression of Innocent X, there were already around 500 religious dedicated to the education of young people, in six provinces with 37 houses, as Calasanz states[114]. But a work of such great importance for the history of the Church could not remain without difficulties. The years between 1640 and 1648 were a real via crucis for Calasanz[115]. Difficulties related to the nature and structure of the new Order itself led to his dismissal from the Generalate in 1643[116]. In 1646, Innocent X reduced the entire Order to a simple free federation of several religious houses that were independent of each other[117].

114 Cf. PICANYOL, Brevis conspectus p.41-52.

115 Cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.20 n. 1.

116 With the decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office In causa Patris Marii (15-1-1643); cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.952; G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.277-281. A year earlier, on 8(9)-8-1642, Calasanz was brought to the Tribunal of the Holy Office. Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.902-921; also, n.28 of this work.

117 With the decree Ea quae pro felici (16-3-1646); cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p. 45-49; G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.243-253.

In this situation, the holy old man died on August 25, 1648, having endured all adversities with heroic patience and having fought and worked with unwavering steadfastness until his last breath. Everything was done for the great work, for the Institute through which the reform of the Christian republic would have been carried out and the felix totius vitae cursus assured to all children[118].

118 We quote here some of the Saint’s letters which give splendid testimony of his unshakable confidence in the future of his Institute: L.4335: Ep. 309 (to Fr. Vincenzo Berro, 24-2-1646): «... et sebene alcuni vanno scrivendo certi mali pronostichi spero niente di meno in Dio Benedetto che la Religione resterà in piedi e maggiormente ancora debba crescere per utile de prossimi.» L. 4336: Ep.: VIII 310 (to Fr. Berro, 3-3-1646): «... Tutto si disfarà con l’aiuto di Dio e potrà più la verità che l’invidia. Pero V.R. stii di buon animo et insieme quelli che amano l’istituto che senza dubbio ritornarà farsi più glorioso che prima. Salutarà da parte mia il P. Gio. Luca et il P. Marco li quali in questa occasione dovvriano accrescere più lo spirito circa l’istituto e lasciare da parte altrl vani pensieri e tentationi ma che stiino allegramente perchè dabit Deus his quoque finem.» L.4341: Ep. VIII 313 (to Fr. Berro, 17-3-1646): «... e sia come si voglia non mi posso dar ad intendere che un Istituto tanto utile e ricercato per tutta l’Europa e lodato etiam dagli heretici possa la malitia humana distruggerlo cosl facilmente e mentre havrò spirito, havrò speranza di vederlo ritornato nel suo pristino essere ...». L.4347: Ep. VHI p.316 (to Fr. Minister of Messina, 22-3-1646): «... sperando che mantenendo costi l’Istituto in piedi, il Signore vi metterà l’ordine opportuno per servitio del popolo ...». L.4348: Ep. VIII p.317 (to Fr. Berro, 24-3-1646): «... e stiamo con ferma speranza che Iddio benedetto non permetterà che si perda un Istituto tanto ricercato in tutta l’Europa ...». L.4354: Ep. VIII. p.320 (to Fr. G. Pennazzi, Pesaro 4-4-1646): «... e tenga per certo che resterà in piedi l’Istituto ...». L.4359; Ep. VIII p.324 (to Fr. Berro, Napoli 14-4-1646): «... se bene dicono alcuni che il Papa sta molto male informato contra la Religione si procurerà nondimeno quanto sarà possibile di mantenere l’Istituto in piedi ...». L.4401: Ep. VIII p.347 (to Fr. Berro, Napoli 8-9-1646): «... solo vi è la speranza in Dio benedetto e nella sua M.re Santissima che si scoprirà alcun rimedio, col quale si conosca la malitia degli avversarii e la necessità del nostro Istituto ...». L.4417: Ep. VIII p.355-56 (to Fr. Grien, Nikolsburg 20-10-1646): «... gli avversarii del nostro Istituto con tante ragioni politiche et apparenti persuadono a nostri Superiori che l’Istituto nostro e superfluo nella Chiesa di Dio. Il che non hanno conosciuto li Pontefici passati; ma approvatolo come utile universale e necessario a tutta la Rep. Christiana et Dio li perdoni a quei, che di presente procurano estirparlo affato per i suoi interessi particolari, e benchè molte persone principali hanno voluto aiutarci, non han trovato buone risposte ...». L.4452, Ep.VIII p.376 (to Fr. Grien, Niklolsburg, 19-4-1637): «... Il Signore faccia che ci restino nel nostro Istituto tanti, che bastino a tenerlo in piedi».

The events that followed his death proved Calasanz right. In 1656, the Institute was partially restored by being constituted as a congregation with simple vows[119], and in 1669 the restitutio in integrum was finally granted[120]. Calasanz himself was declared Blessed by Benedict XIV in 1748[121] and canonized by Clement XIII in 1767[122]. Finally, in 1948, on the third anniversary of his death, he was declared the universal patron saint of all Christian elementary schools by Pius XII in his Brief Providentissimus Deus[123].

119 With the Bull of Alexander VII Dudum felicis recordationis (24-1-1656). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.53.

120 Clement IX with the Bull Ex iniuncto Nobis (23-10-1669). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.58-63.

121 With the Bull Caelestis Paterfamilias (7-8-1748). Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.148-152; S. GINER, El Proceso de Beatificación de San José de Calasanz (Madrid 1973).

122 More precisely, on 16-7-1767, together with Saints John Cantius, Joseph Cupertino, Jerome Emilianus, Seraphim of Ascoli and Frances Fremiot of Chantal. Cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.180-194; G. SÁNTHA. Critical Essays, p.331-340.

123 Dated 13-8-1948. Cf. the Brief in L ‘eco dei nostri centenari 11-12 (1948) 7-10.

We do not intend to enter into an analysis of Calasanz’ life at this time. The motives and secret sources of the external events, which we are only briefly outlining now, will be examined in more detail when we describe the individual pedagogical problems that he resolutely confronted. Nevertheless, we can now briefly summarize that the Roman period in Calasanz’ life is a worthy continuation, a perfect integration of the Spanish period. Calasanz finally found his special mission in Rome, a great idea was born in his priestly heart: the reform of the Christian Republic through a good education of youth, especially of poor and abandoned children. In view of the pulsating topicality of such an idea, Calasanz dedicated himself to its service with strength and heroism, to the complete exhaustion of his energies. He was truly “iustus et tenax propositi vir”.

To discover the driving ideas, the ideals of a great man, means to understand the motives of his life and his sacrifices, to comprehend the whole man in his whole being. Therefore, it is perhaps not useless to consider Calasanz in one of the most important moments of his life, when he fights and struggles for the definitive systematization of his Institute, when he reveals all his particular certainties in his memorandum to Cardinal Michelangelo Tonti[124].

124 Cf. J. M. LESAGA and others, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías (Salamanca 1979) p.177-193.

Here, in this memorandum, Calasanz says - among other things - that the Institute of Pious Schools is “most worthy (dignissimo), to focus entirely on the health of souls as well as of bodies themselves. Most meritorious (meritorissimo), to create and exercise in the Church a most effective preservative and curative remedy against evil, inductive and illuminating good for all young people of all conditions, and therefore for all men since they first pass through this age, by letter and spirit, manners, education, the light of God and of the world.

Most reasonable (ragionevolissimo), for the princes and the city, for whom it is of great importance to have vassals and temperate citizens, obedient, well-ordered and faithful, peaceful and able to sanctify and increase themselves in heaven, their homeland, with the governments and dignity of the earth, all of which is more clearly known by the contrary effects, by ill-educated men, who disturb the peace and disturb the public with their vicious actions.”

Here, in these few lines, we have the whole Calasanz of Roman times: the man, the pedagogue, the saint.

For this reason, for the Institute and for the young people, there were so many letters often written late into the night; for this reason the exhausting journeys; for this reason the extensive and grandiose organizational activity carried out throughout Europe; for this reason the nightly prayers and vigils; for this reason the calculations prepared for the children with so much care and concern; for this reason the constant studies and for this reason the thousands and thousands of other sacrifices.

So, if the last years of his life and his last terrible trials earned him the sacred name of the second Job, then we can already discover the secret key to such patience and such heroic endurance ... Nisi granum frumenti ...

In his address to the sons of Calasanz, heirs of his spirit and continuators of his work, Pius XII could rightly say[125]: “Your Father has built his Institute on the foundation which the Divine Redeemer laid as the basis for all his work and which will always be a sure guarantee of the authenticity and duration of every institution in the Church: on the foundation of the Cross. What he endured with heroic virtue in the last years of his long life shines forth as one of the most brilliant and precious gems in the history of the saints”.

125 Discourse of Pius XII delivered on November 22, 1948 at Castelgandolfo. In L ‘Eco dei nostri centenari, May 1949, p.5-9.

Finally, let us not forget what Pius XII himself says: “To Calasanz we can apply in an excellent way the promise of the Psalm: Qui seminant in lacrimis, in exultalione metent (Ps 15:6)”[126].

126 Ibid.

So we already know the great stages of his glorious triumph apud Deum et apud homines.

II. Rome towards the end of the sixteenth century. Its social, moral and educational situation

It would be difficult to understand and properly evaluate Calasanz’ work in its full scope without knowing, at least per summa capita, the Rome in which the first Pious Schools were founded in the fall of 1597. The historical background will undoubtedly emphasize the originality, greatness and historical relevance of Calasanz’ institution and allow us to better contemplate the venerable person of its founder.

The Saint, who left Spain in 1592, arrived in Rome where he was seized by the spirit and zeal of the Council of Trent. He was passionately committed to social and moral reforms to eliminate the devastating effects of the floods, pestilences and famines that ravaged the Eternal City in that century, and to eradicate every last vestige of the unbridled freedom of the Renaissance.

In fact, Rome was in a far from comfortable economic and social situation at the end of the 16th century. We must not forget that Rome - always deprived of its own resources - was never rich. Even in the golden age of the Roman emperors, alongside the few beati possidentes there was a large, miserable rabble, the plebs, the proletarii, who wanted nothing more than panem et circenses.

But the sixteenth century brought the Romans a particular series of harsh trials. In 1527, the massive sack of Rome took place. The city was also struck by the plague several times during the century, the most severe scourges of which were in 1522-23, 1527, 1576 and 1590-91[127]. Another major scourge for Rome were the frequent floods. The Tiber burst its banks in 1513, 1530, 1547, 1557, 1571, 1589 and 1598. The flood of December 24, 1598 was the most catastrophic that Rome had ever experienced. It destroyed numerous buildings and the number of victims amounted to 1,400 according to some or 4,000 according to others[128]. The devastation and loss of goods and supplies of all kinds in the warehouses was immeasurable. The horrors of the flood were compounded by the scourge of famine.

127 P. PECCHIAI, Roma nel Cinquecento, p. 415-418 and 447.

128 Ibid., p.421.

But in addition to these setbacks, the shortage of flour and other essentials made itself felt more than once in 16th century Rome, so that on many occasions the popes of that century had no more urgent task than to supply Rome with wheat[129].

129 Ibid., p.421-411.

It must be remembered that the economic structure of the Eternal City was also always very precarious in itself, as Rome was not rich in agriculture, industry or trade. In the countryside, pasture farming was superior to arable farming, and in the city itself, industry was so sparse that it barely employed a few hundred workers. The population was also unprepared for trade[130].

130 Ibid., p.286-287 and 293-294.

If we add to all this the indisputable historical fact that the Romans, as almost always since the days of the Empire, were “very lazy in their work and entertained themselves mainly in the inns and with popular amusements”[131], it does not take much imagination to imagine what the economic and therefore also the moral situation of the Eternal City was like when Calasanz arrived there[132].

131 Ibid., p.319.

132 The extent to which morals had degenerated in the second half of the sixteenth century is also shown by the severe punishments imposed on blasphemers and sodomites, against revilers, gamblers and whores who lived near churches or pious places. It was forbidden to send “ragazze piemontesi” over the age of eight to sell chicory or lettuce. There were countless prohibitions regarding weapons (PECCHIAI, n.c., pp.375-376; see also PASTOR, n.c., XI pp.620-621). It was even forbidden to dance or perform comedies in the courtesans’ houses, as well as in the inns. Innkeepers were forbidden to have women in their houses to attract customers (PECCHIAI, n.d., p.376). On these prohibitions, see the following official proclamation of the government of Rome: Governatorato di Roma. Regesti di Bandi; Editi, Notificazioni diversi relativi alla città di Roma ed allo Stato Pontificio vol.1-4 (Rome 1920-1932). While we note the great public and private corruption of the highest spheres of Roman society in the 16th century, the corrupt life of the courtiers (PECCHIAI, pp. 297-230), the vices and crimes of the patricians (ibid., pp. 335-338), we cannot fail to observe at the same time the great economic and moral misery also of the “nihil habentes”, that heterogeneous multitude which throughout the century was grouped together in the fourteen rioni (neighborhoods) of Rome. At the beginning of the century, Rome had about 50,000 inhabitants; under the pontificate of Gregory XIV and at the end of the century, a census was carried out in February 1591, in which a total of 116,698 people were counted (PECCHIAI, o.c., p.247, quoted from Cod. Vat. Ottob. 2434 fol. 856).

We must note, however, that it was not only Rome that had such a deplorable social situation and such corrupt customs at the end of the sixteenth century. Naples was also in the same situation (cf. the Neapolitan letters of Calasanz, shortly afterwards, and in particular letter 560, Ep.lll p.60. “Qui havemo aperte le scuole nel quartier della duchesca che per venirvi noi hanno fatto sgombrar più di 600 meretrici che vi habitavano et ci hanno dato per chiesa un edificio grande che serviva per farvi le comedie; si che dove prima tanto si offendeva Dio adesso si loda da piu di 600 fanciulli...” And Letter 563, Ep.III p.64-65), Paris and all of France at that time (cf. E. I., vol. 15 p.936,938; A. FRANKLIN, Paris et Les Parisiens au XVI siecle, Paris 1921), as well as Germany (cf. PASTOR, o.c., IX p.780; JANSSEN-PASTOR. Die Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Aus gang des Mittelalter VllI pp.13-14. 301-377) and Spain (cf. pp.17-18 of the previous chapter), not to mention the other countries.

On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that in Rome the sensitivity of the competent authorities towards the morals and customs of the citizens was always much greater than in other places, with the result that all abuses were severely and invariably punished and reprimanded, which in other places might not even have been noticed. For this reason, it is obviously only an appearance that the Rome of the XVI century was more corrupt than the other capitals or great cities of Europe. Historical objectivity tells us exactly the opposite. While the other capitals were more or less immersed in corruption, and often had neither the desire nor the hope of escaping it, Rome had the moral force and conscience to concretize the symptoms of evil, and produced in her bosom men capable of curing evil, and nourished them with her spirit. In no other city was the cure for the often-unavoidable evils of society so easily found as in Rome, which for this very reason became the center of the general reform of Christianity and the improvement of morals in general (cf. PECCHIAI, op. cit., pp. 297-298 and what follows in the following sections).

But if the moral and social situation of Rome was bleak when our Saint arrived, it is also true that its inexhaustible moral strength and its profoundly Christian tradition, which remained a vital force even in its best men (cf. PECCHIAI, 298), knew how to find the necessary remedies. The great saints of Rome, the various confraternities and the pontiffs themselves often tried to improve the situation[133]. Among the saints, St. Cajetan of Thiene[134], St. Ignatius of Loyola[135], St. Philip Neri[136], St. Camillus of Lelis[137], in particular, rendered immortal services to the great work.

133 PECCHIAI, p.362-363.

134 PASTOR, IV 2 p.592-594.

135 PASTOR, V p.393. 388-402. 406-407.

136 PASTOR, IX p.117-142.

137 PASTOR, X p.105-107.

As far as charity is concerned, much was done by the Society of the Blessed Sacrament in San Lorenzo in Damaso[138], the Oratory of Divine Love[139] and the Archconfraternity of Charity (called ´San Girolamo della Carità´ since 1524)[140]. The Archconfraternity of the Twelve Apostles was also of great public benefit, as it helped the needy, who were prevented from begging, and the sick, who could not be taken to hospitals, and distributed around 2,000 escudos worth of aid every year[141]. Towards the end of the century, in the Brief Pietatis et charitatis studium (1-2-1581), Gregory XIII entrusted the Archconfraternity of the Most Holy Trinity with the care of the poor, whom he wanted to gather in the monastery of San Sisto[142].

138 This Society, founded by four simple villagers and a poor priest in 1501, was not limited only to Eucharistic adoration but also distributed financial aid and dowries (cf. PECCHIAI, p. 361:386).

139 It was founded, at least in Rome, by St. Cajetan Thiene (PASTOR, IV p.587 note), in the church of St. Dorothea, in Trastevere, in 1517 (cf. PASTOR, IV2 p.586-592; and cf. also PECCHIAI, p.362, who says that the oratory was the brainchild of the Genoese Hector Vernaccia, who had already founded it in his country in 1497).

140 It was founded by Cardinal Julius de Medici (Clement VII) in 1519 to help the shameful poor, visit prisoners and bury the poor (cf. PASTOR, IV p.588-590).

141 The society had its origin in some meetings of twelve gentlemen grouped by St. Ignatius to dispense the alms collected by him (PECCHIAI, p.386).

142 MORICHINI, o.c., p.461; FANUCCI, o.c., p.60.

Later, in 1587, Sixtus V, dissatisfied with the results of his constitution Quamvis infirma, took new social measures and founded a pious institute for the poor, after describing in vivid colors the misery of lazy beggars who “wander about like animals without religious instruction and without morals, seeking only food to fill and nourish their bellies, to such an extent that no one administers the sacraments to them”[143].

143 MORICHINI, o.c., p.465-466.

In the same century, the hospices of Santa Maria in Aquiro and of Letterato, the retreat houses of the Neophytes, of the SS. Quatro, of St. Catherine of Funari, of the Holy Trinity of Pilgrims and of Convalescents were founded[144]. From the beginning of the century, a group of “curiali”, jurists and prelates of the Sacred Rota, met in the church of San Paolo Decollato, forming the Congregation of St. Ivo, Advocate of the Poor (archconfraternity since 1616), which took care of the civil issues of the poor after Holy Mass[145].

144 Ibid., p.460.

145 Ibid., p.369-370.

On the other hand, we must not forget that the hospitals, in particular the Hospital of the Holy Spirit in Sassia, the Hospital of the Incurables (San Giacomo in Augusta), the Hospital of the Trinity of Pilgrims and Convalescents (founded by St. Philip Neri), the Hospital of the Fatebenefratelli (founded in 1581 by St. John of God), also played a remarkable role in the care and support of the sick poor and invalids[146].

146 PECCHIAI, o.c., p.383-384; cf. also PASTOR, III p.42-45.

But in all this, the issue of poverty was not resolved, and an observer wrote in 1601: “In Rome one sees nothing but poor beggars, and in such great numbers that one cannot walk through the streets without being constantly surrounded by them, to the great dissatisfaction of the people and the beggars themselves”[147].

147 FANUCCI, o.c., p.67.

But even more attention deserves the social and educational aid provided in this century for orphans, abandoned and poor young people of both sexes. The frequent floods and epidemics of the century had the natural consequence of constantly increasing the number of these abandoned children. The charity and natural sensitivity of the Romans demanded that these unfortunate beings, who without the intervention of society would either perish miserably or inevitably take the painful path of vice and later suffer total ruin of body and mind, should be helped before anything else. In order to prevent so much evil, the Hospital of the Holy Spirit took in foundlings from 1476 onwards by order of Sixtus IV. They were educated there, taught to read and write and various trades[148].

148 PIAZZA, Eusevologio c.23: Degli Orfani o Proietti di S. Spirito p.63-66. It is deduced from the documents that these orphans in their acts of community wore turquoise blue habits (PIAZZA, ibid.).

In addition, the generous spirit of the 16th century Rome gave rise to a suitable archconfraternity next to the church of Santa Maria in Aquiro, which was called “of the orphans” to specify its activities[149]. Cardinal Antonio Maria Salviati distinguished himself in his zealous care for the orphans of Santa Maria in Aquiro, leaving magnificent monuments to his charity in the hospitals of St. Roch and St. James. He also rebuilt the church of Santa Maria in Aquiro and erected a new wing on the site of the orphanage. There he founded the Collegio Salviati in 1591, so that the most intelligent children of the orphanage were devoted to the study of letters for at least three or four courses from the age of twelve[150].

149 We see in Morichini (o.c., p. 108-111) that “nel 1538, all’imitazione delle instituzioni di S’Girolamo Emiliano, si formò una società di illustrissimi uomini, cardinali, vescovi, prelati ed altri ufficiali della curia Romana, i quali presieduti dal Cardinale Gio. Domenico de Cupis, detto il Cardinale de Trani, colle elemosine radunarono and collocarono sia in case religiose sia presso famiglie dabbene, un alto numero di orfani di ambo i sessi, vaganti ed abbandonati, ed intrapresero in tal maniera ad educarli alla religione ed alle arti» (P. SILVIO IMPERI, Memorie della Chiesa di S. Maria in Aquiro c. 3, Roma 1866). Paul III, with a motu proprio (4-2-1540), confirmed the new society, which was already entitled Santa Maria degli Orfani, and endowed it with the title of Archconfraternity, granting it forever the premises adjoining the church of Santa Maria in Aquiro, giving them Cardinal Trani as protector. In another Bull (Altitudo divinae sapientiae, 13 February 1541) he confirmed all this. Cardinal Caraffa (Paul IV), Father Angiol Mario Gambarana, the first Superior General of the Somascans, and also several Fathers of the said Congregation worked there. At first there were orphans boys and girls simultaneously here, but later -around 1562- the girls were transferred to the church of the Cuatro Santi Incoronati (cf. the Bull of Pius IV Exposcit debitum pastoralis officii 14-4-1562).

150 MORICHINI, o.c., p.511-512. The cardinal placed the school under the direction of the archconfraternity, but the two institutes were also to remain separate in their administration. The habit of the pupils of the orphanage was a large white cloth shirt with a vest and a white hat; the habit of the school was a white cassock with a sopraveste in the manner of the seminarians. Leo XII dissolved the Society and entrusted the management of the institute to Somascan Fathers.

But with all these foundations, it was still far from being able to provide for the ever-increasing number of orphans. Towards the end of the century, hundreds and hundreds of abandoned children were still wandering the streets of Rome. Further help came in the form of a hospice run by a humble man of the people called Leonardo Cerusi, nicknamed “Letterato”. Let us take a closer look at this institute, which was dedicated to the paternal, we would almost say maternal, care of poor, abandoned children. Letterato’s activities immediately preceded the founding of the Pious Schools.

Cerusi was born in 1551 in Carisi, near Casale di Severino, in the diocese of Salerno. His brother was priest of San Bartolomeo in Carisi, and he was a sacristan and sometimes stood in for him at school, from which he received the nickname Letterato. Once in Rome, he was in the service of Cardinal Fernando de Medici as a groom and also held the office of sweeper of the papal palace. Other details of his life are hardly known. We only know that in the icy winter of 1582, when he saw several abandoned children outside, fainting from cold and hunger, he was moved by the sight, collected them and sought shelter for them. After several temporary solutions, he finally found a permanent place in Santa Maria dei Miracoli, in Piazza del Popolo. The new hospice began to operate regularly here. In order to receive alms for his orphans, Cerusi initially led them through the streets of Rome in pairs and had them sing spiritual songs. So that they would not remain idle, he had them sweep the streets in front of the houses and palaces of the cardinals, the nobles and the rich and in front of the stores. The noble landowners and shopkeepers, who were obliged to sweep the streets on this day, gladly gave a few alms. Cerusi then took off his layman’s habit. “He took on a light blue robe that reached to his knee. Underneath he wore only a shirt not much coarser than sackcloth and a pair of cloth tights. He wore a thick rosary around his neck; he walked barefoot and with his head uncovered; only in rainy and very cold weather did he wear a cap, also light blue”. Saint Camillus called him “the silent preacher” because of his modest and moderate way of walking.

The little orphans wore blue and went to many acts of piety singing according to their custom. They all carried a wooden cross with the inscription “Charitas” in the middle.

Literato also carried a small tin box in his hand, in which he deposited the alms, and a leather whip in the other, with which he did not beat the children, but only sometimes hit them on the floor or the walls to frighten them.

The orphans were also taught Christian doctrine. A companion of the Literato also collected some little orphan girls who, entrusted at first to a certain pious and honest lady, formed the origin of the Conservatory of St. Euphemia founded by Cardinal Baronio.

The Hospice of the Literato had many and great protectors from the very beginning, in particular Cardinal Federico Borromeo, who hosted the same Cerusi in his last illness. Despite the cardinal’s extreme care, the latter died on February 15, 1595 at the age of almost forty-four[151]. The contemporary descriptions of his solemn funeral also show how deeply his holy initiative had penetrated the hearts of the Romans[152].

151 Regarding the life and activity of the Letterato, see: PASTOR, o.c., XI p. 432-433; MORICHINI, o.c., p.469-470; PECCHIAI, o.c., p.384-385; MARCELLO MANSI, Vita di S. Giovanni Leonardo Ceruso, detto Letterato (Rome 1625, 2nd ed. 1834).

152 Cod. Urb. Lat. 1063 fol. 101r (15-2-1595): «In casa del Card. Borromeo è morto Letterato e portandosi alla sepoltura ha havuto gran seguito di popolo oltre ai suoi poverelli de’ quali il detto Cardinale dicono haver preso la protezione.» (18-2-1596) fol. 106r: «Letterato Calabresse che servì in Corte del Granduca mentre era Cardinale abbandonando l’ambitione delle Corti si decide alla vita austera facendo di molte opere caritatevoli con haversi di elemosina fabbricato un ridotto sulle mura al Populo, dove riceveva molti poveri putti, et orfani et vagabondi instruendoli alla Dottrina Christiana et sopragiunto da pontura fu domenica mandato a levar in cocchio dal Cardinale Borromeo e governare con ogni diligenza nel suo palazzo, con tutto ciò martedì notte passato a miglior vita. Fu posto in S. Agnese in Agona et d’indi su le 23 levato dall’Arciconfraternità della morte tanto numerosa che fu meraviglia e portato nella lor Chiesa da Confrati, et da quattro palafrenieri di detto Cardinale precedendoli i suoi putti et orfanelli con 10 Torci bianchi accesi et seguitato da tanto Popolo che fu miracolo di Dio passando mille persone col Vicegerente et altri Ufficiali dell’Illustrissimo Vicario et Prelati, fu fatto vestire di Turchino dal Card. Borromeo, che più volte era stato a consolarlo e mandato a presentarlo con promessa di pigliar cura de’ suoi putti che si vedono mestissimi della sua morte.»

After Cerusi’s death, Clement VIII entrusted Cardinal Baronio with the care of the hospice, which was soon moved next to the Converts, where, according to Fanucci, 150 children were housed at the time (1607). They learned to read, write, Christian doctrine and the mechanical arts[153]. in 1693, the hospice was merged with that of St. Michael, which was founded by Msgr. Charles Thomas Odeschalchi at the time of Innocent XI and entrusted to the Piarists. The people first called the Institute the “Hospital of the Lost Children”; after Cerusi’s death it was called the “Hospital of the Letterato”[154].

153 FANUCCI, o.c., p.75.

154 The foundation of Cerusi did not correspond to the ideas of Calasanz, who had more profound ideas regarding the education of poor children. This is even made clear in a letter from the Saint himself (cf. L.835 [Ep. III p.265]: «Ho vista le capitulazioni che mi ha mandato, le quali sono a proposito per una congregatione come quella del Letterato di Roma o vero come quella della Pietà di costì, dove tanti giovinetti vestiti di turchino vivono presso il largo del Castello [Napoli], però in nissuna maniera penso approvarle et se cotesti signori non aiutaranno l’opera, l’aiutarà il Sig....»).

*******

Having seen in broad outline the social and moral state of Rome at the end of the XVI century and having looked at the main charitable works, especially those that cared for abandoned children, we are also interested in looking at the situation of the Eternal City from the point of view of public education. This is not the time to examine the vicissitudes of public education in Rome over the last few centuries. It is true that such a study would be interesting. However, for practical reasons and in order not to go beyond the scope of this study, we will content ourselves with a synchronous examination of the situation in Rome at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century.

It is an indisputable fact that “humanism” in Rome, as elsewhere, instead of leading to progress, led to a delay in the field of public education, at least as far as practical achievements were concerned. While the pedagogical literature of the Italian sixteenth century is full of healthy and fruitful practical ideas - it even referred more than once to the need for popular education[155] - the cause of public education in the practical field was increasingly neglected. The exaggerated studies of humanism led to the loss of the just concept of the gradual instruction of youth, which had already been practiced in the Middle Ages in monastic and diocesan schools.

155 GERINI, Gli scrittori pedagogici italiani del secolo decimosesto (Torino 1897) p.486-490.

Now, only a very small selection of young people from wealthy families - who were provided with private tutors and preceptors by their parents - could devote themselves to the desired classical studies, while the great mass did not even attain a knowledge of grammar. “Thus, the public schools became fewer and fewer, and the phenomenon of a great backwardness and a generalization of ignorance took place in an age in which learned men argued in Latin and Greek, endeavored to write letters and speeches in the style of Cicero, and lyrical and epic verses of the Virginian and Augustan poets. Whereas in the Middle Ages education was always accessible to all, in the splendor of the Renaissance it became a luxury reserved for the privileged few”[156].

156 PECCHIAI, o.c., p.393-394.

If we now go into detail, we can see that in Rome, primary education - the principle, basis and foundation of any solid culture - was entrusted to the so-called rional teachers from the beginning of the century. Each of the thirteen “rioni” of Rome[157] (the Borgo is the last “rione”) had its public school with a teacher who was controlled and paid by the Sapienza, i.e. the University of Rome.

157 I. Monti. -II. Trevi. -III. Colonna. -IV. Campo Marzio. -V. Ponte. -VI. Parione. -VII. Regola o Arenula. -VIII. H. S. Eustacchio. -IX. Pigna. -X. Campitelli. -XI. S. Angelo. -XII. Ripa. -XIII. Trastevere. -XIV. Borgo.

It is not known exactly when these teachers began to teach reading, writing and grammar to the young schoolchildren of Rome. A book of payrolls - register - of the Sapienza from 1514, in which the thirteen regional teachers and their respective salaries are listed, provides some of the oldest information in this regard. This book shows that the college of “rional teachers” was an appendage of the University, either because the rional teachers received a fixed salary at the expense of taxes on studies or because they always depended on the authority and jurisdiction of the Rector of the Sapienza and were under the supervision of the so-called Reformers of the University[158].

158 CF. RENAZZI, o.c., 3 ap.2 p.238-239 «In Grammatica pro regione Montium:

Flor. 50 Magister Jacobus de Genezano.

Flor. 50 Pro regione Trivii: “ Magister Jacobus C ...

Flor. 50 Pro regione Columnae: “ Magister Angelus de ...

Flor. 50 Pro regione campi Martis: “ Magister Joannes Baptista de ...

Flor. 50 Pro regione Póntis: “ Magister ... “

Flor. 50 Pro regione Pariónis: Magister Joannes Baptista de ...

Flor. 50 Pro regione Arenule: Magister Franciscus.

Flor. 50 Pro regione S. Eustachii: Magister Andreas.

Flor. 50 Pro regióne Pinee: Magister Antonius. ,

Flor. 50 Pro regione Campitelli: Magister ...

Flor. 50 Pro regione S. Angeli: Magister Angelus.

Flor. 50 Pro regione Ripae: Magister.

Flor. 50 Pro regióne Transtiberim: “ Magister Iulius.

Pro reverendo Domino Rectore ducatus auri in auro papales 100.

Pro quatuor Reformatoribus ducatus auri in auro pap. 100.

Pro Notario Reformatorum ducatus auri in auro pap. 25.

Flor. 25 Pro Bidello. Flor. 25 Pro campana.»

According to the regulations of the V Lateran Council, these teachers had to teach their students not only reading, writing and grammar, but also “quae ad religionem pertinent”, i.e. Christian doctrine, and they also had to encourage them to lead a virtuous life[159].

159 Conc. LAT. V ses.9 (MANSI 32 col.881 5 maius 1514): «Reformationes curiae et aliorum. Et cum omnis aetas ab adolescentia prona sit ad malum, et a teneris assuefieri ad bonum magni sit operis et effectus, statuimus et ordinamus, ut magistri scholarium et praeceptores, pueros suos sive adolescentes, nedum in Grammatica et rhetorica ac ceteris huiusmodi erudire et instruere debeant, verum etiam docere teneantur ea quae religionem pertinent, ut sunt praecepta divina, articuli fidei, sacri hymni et psalmi ac sanctorum vitae; diebusque festivis nihil aliud eos docere possint, quam in rebus ad religionem et bonos mores pertinentibus, eosque in illis instruere, hortari et cogere, in quantum possint teneantur; ut nedum ad missas, sed etiam ad vesperas, divinaque officia audienda, ad ecclesias accedant, et similiter ad praedicationes et sermones audiendos impellant, nihilque contra bonos mores, aut quod ad impietatem inducat, eis legere possint.». Cf. also the Bull Supernae, of Leo X, on 5 May 1514, with the same text (cit. por MARINI, p.78).

The teachers’ salary, as recorded in the register book of 1514, amounted to 50 gold florins, a sum that was sufficient for a modest living. However, after the Sack of Rome (1527), the economic situation of the Urbe was so deplorable that Clement VII closed the University and it was not reopened until Paul III at the beginning of 1535[160]. As a result, the rional teachers at the Urbe were not paid during this time either. It was only at a meeting of the heads of the neighboring communities on 8 October 1543 that their matter was finally settled again[161]. This agreement was due to the painful observation of those responsible, according to whom “it is quite clear today that very few in this city make a profit from their studies”. And all this had its origin “in the inadequacy of the teachers who are at the head of the public schools, for where the first principle and foundation is weak and empty, everything else is necessarily useless and unprofitable”.

160 PECCHIAI, o.c., p.369.

161 Ibid., p.394; RENAZZI, o.c., III p.113-114; Arch. Stor. Cap. cred. l vol.36 fol.444.

According to the pay book of 1548, the teachers again received 50 florins per year, with 100 florins allocated to the teacher of the Rione San Eustaquio as dean of the college[162]. In 1559, however, they again received only 18 florins and under Gregory XIII an even smaller sum, so that they could barely pay the rent for their house and were forced to demand a certain amount even from the poor pupils[163].

162 RENAZZI, o.c., Ill p.248 ap.12.

163 MARlNI, o.c., p.78. According to Moroni (Dizionario vol.63-64 p.3a s.v. Scuola), the teachers demanded a “baiocco” from each pupil every Saturday.

The extreme social situation of schoolmasters at the time of Gregory XIII can be seen from a memorandum submitted to the Pope by the dean of the “rioni” teachers[164].

164 The text is provided by Marini (o.c., ap.37: «Sanctiss. D. N. pro tredecim Magistrorum Regionum Almae Urbis Collegio Brutus Decanus Orator.-Beatissime Pater: In Regionibus tredecim almae Urbis Collegium est antiquum tredecim publicorum Grammaticae Professorum Gymnasii Publici membrum ac fundamentum rei litterariae, quae tam diu florere ferreque fructus uberrimos est solita, quam diu hoc Collegium Nostrum ordine recto fuit in statu felicitatis conservatum; ac ordine rerum, iniuria temporum confuso de statu felicitatis ad eum infelicitatis est elapsum, quo fere nihil infelicius, nihilve miserius dici possit, quando nec ei de stipendio publico pro Scholis conducendis, nec de privata mercede pro sustentandis Magistris tantum, quantum est satis, provisum sit: quae poena culpae Superiorum Magistrorum; qui silendo nec sibi sapere, nec aliis didicerunt, nec diutius immerito luetur a nobis, qui cupimus officio nostro recte fungi cum omnibus honoribus, onerimus et emolumentis publicis legitime promissis necdum servatis. Iuxta formam legitimae promissionis ratae nobis in nostris privilegiis, cum Poeta canente. Pan curat oves, oviumque magistros, appellamus Te, Pater Sancte, vere Papa nostrum, qui christianas oves, oviumque magistros prudentissime curas, ut memor esse velis Collegii nostri, quod omni officio ac pietate pueros per viam virtutis doctrinaeque christianae compellere non desinit, ac hommes quodam modo ex belluis reddere studet, in eo quo perseverare possit, et curare dignetur ut singulis Magistris aedes publicas atque stipendia publica oneri sustinendo necessaria, qualia quondam ab Alexandro Severo Imperatore, teste Lapridio, constituta iniuraque temporum irrita compilataque restituantur et augeantur, quo parentes inmunes praesertim pauperes, filios, qui repudiantur a pcrsonarum acceptatoribus, ad Collegium nostrum erudiendos et moderandos mittere possint. Opus profecto magis quam dici possit necessarium, idque factu dignissimum, quod inter tot praeclara Pontificum acta, tamquam caeleste sydus fulgebit sempre cum immortali laude Vestrae Sanctitatis, quae post haec tam bonitate sua, quam illustrissimi Moroni favore, contenta sit praecipue commendatum habere me Brutum servum suum, et Oratorem humillimum, qui pauperes immunes per annos iam sexdecim continuos docui semper, ac in omnibus congregatiombus ac examminationibus praeteritis coram reverendissimo Perusco, Sansonio Draco, de Grassis, Illustrissimo Sarello et aliis Praefectis Nostris cónfirmatus, nunc etiam doceo pro Regióne Trivii animo perseverandi usque ad mortem, munificentia ac liberalitate V. Sanctitatis aucto saltem mihi Decano stipendio pensioni Scholae, vitaeque sustinendae necessario, quod si ut spero, mihi fuerit auctum ad immunitatem populi et praesertim Pauperum, tanti beneficii memor, quamdiu vivam, cum ipsis pauperibus indefessus orabo semper pro V. Sanctitate, quam Deus Opt. Max. ad summam unius gregis et Pastoris Monarchiam evehat ac in optimo statu felicitatis diutissime nobis propitiam conservet.»

This document also says something about the service that the college of rional teachers rendered in the care and education of poor and neglected children, and it is also clear from this document that the teachers were examined more than once by various congregations and tribunals. We do not know what immediate effect this memorandum had, but it is certain that the social and economic situation of the rional teachers worsened over the years instead of improving. At the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent X, the stipend was reduced to 30 escudos per year, and while the pope himself was still reigning, all salaries were cut, so that the rional schools were gradually closed for lack of funds, causing serious damage to the public instruction of the poor[165].

165 RENAZZI, o.c., IV p.172-173.

Both the moral behavior and the culture and erudition of these teachers could not always be sufficient and impeccable. These are at least the conclusions that can be drawn from certain reports by the school inspectors. These reports also suggest a serious control of the teachers’ moral behavior and literary erudition. For example, the report of the Arcibidello of the State of 1556 on the need for an examination of “rional teachers” suggests “quod diligenti examinatione de moribus et litteris facta prius coram DD. Conservatoribus per D. Rectorem et Reformatores fiat Visitatio, et qui idonei fuerint probentur, qui vero non, de aliis provideatur, constituta salarii idonei provisione”[166].

166 MARINI, o.c., p.78.

The report of 1567 deals with the same problems and also advocates the reform of teachers[167]. The report from 1569-1570 once again emphasizes the need for well-trained teachers, both morally and culturally[168]. In 1595, according to a report in the Avviso di Roma, examinations were still being insisted on[169].

167 ID.: «De Magistris Regionum etiam consulendum est, ut presentibus DD. Reformatoribus et Rectore et examinante Domino Paulo Manutio illorum fieret reformatio, ut qui idonei forent, laudarentur et praemiarentur, et qui non, abirent in bonam crucem. Idoneique substituerentur, habita prius diligenti illorum de litteris et moribus examinatione.»

168 ID.: «De Magistris Regionum etiam summopere consulendum. Nam maxime interest ut et litteris et moribus imbuti sint, ut et caeteros instruere possint; et bonum esset si visitatio fieret regionatim.»

169 Avviso di Roma, Cod. Urb. Lat. 1063 fol.831r: «Per la buona educazione et istruttione de Putti è stato mandato fuori editto che ciaschedun Mro. di Scola deve tra certo termine andar’ dal Rettor della Sapienza per esaminarsi, acciò si veda se idoneo, il che dovranno far tutti quelli ancora che di nuovo vorranno metter scole» (1-11-1595).

But the whole question does not seem to have been finally settled until 1629 under Urban VIII with the Edictum in Ludimagistros by Cardinal Hippolytus Aldobrandini, who once again prescribed the examination of teachers - whether they were rional or not -, required the profession of faith and the patent of the teachers and made them dependent on the Rector of the University for everything[170].

170 RENAZZI, o.c., IV. p.247-248 ap.27: «Hippolytus S. Angeli in foro Piscium Diaconus Cardinalis Aldobrandinus S.R.E. Camerarius.

Cum fundamentum reipublicae sit recta Iuventutis institutio, qua catholicae pietatis, bonorum morum et litterarum illa rudimentis laudabiliter imbuatur, magni sane interest eiusmodi pueros praeceptoribus tradi, qui tam probitate vitae, quam doctrinae scientia pollentes, eos ad haec idonee informare et erudire possint. Quare nec passim permittendum est, ut quisque sibi pro arbitrio suo munus publice docendi, scholasque aperiendi propria auctoritate usurpare et arrogare queat. Igitur de mandato Smi. Domini N. Papae vivae vocis oraculo nobis et inviolabiliter observando ac eodem Sanctissimo in Congregatione almae Urbis Gymnasii praesentibus Illustrissimis et Reverendissimis dominis Scipione Burghesio, Julio Sabello, Ludovico Ludovisio, Laurentio Magalotto, Aloysio Caetano, Hippolyto Aldobrandino, Francisco Barberino et Antonio Barberino S.R.E. Cardinalibus, et praedicti Gymnasii Protectoribus matura consideratione promulgato sub poena 200 aureorum locis piis aplicandorum ac irrogatae infamiae et perpetui ab Urbe exsilii praecipimus et singulis, cuiuscumque conditionis ordinis aut professionis, ne quisquam eorum publice docere, scholam aperire, aut Scholares apud se discendi causa in contubernio habere audeat aut praesumat, nisi prius R.P.D. eiusdem almae Urbis Gymnasii Rectori pro tempore existenti se praesentaverit, eiusquc vel alterius ab eo deputati examini se subjecerit et apud eumdem R.P.D. Christianae fidei solitam professionem emiserit: atque ab eodem facultatem docendi per Litteras, quae vocant patentes habuerit. Quocirca et qui hodie sunt regionum Magistri aut quomodocunque Scholas apertas, aut studiosos domi convictores habent, exceptis dumtaxat collegiis publicis approbatis, infra triginta dies ab harum Litterarum promulgatione praedictum R.P.D. adire, et praedicta omnia subire et observare sub eisdem poenis omnino debeant, sub quibus etiam omnes hoc edicto comprehensi indicem tabellam pro foribus habere teneantur, qua professionem quisque suam attestetur. Volumus autem et decernimus, ut praesentes singulis annis die festo S. Lucae post Albi recitationem legantur et publicentur, atque illarum exemplis impressis subcriptione R.P.D. Rectoris pro tempore existentis ac sigillo praedicti Gymnasii munitis plena et indubitata fides adhibeatur tam in Iudicio quam extra, dictaque earum publicatio et ad valvas eiusdem gymnasii affixio quemcumque arctet perinde ac si personaliter unicuique intimatae fuissent. In quorum fidem, etc.

Datum Romae in aedibus nostris die 18 Octobris 1629 Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris et D. N. D. Urbani VIII. Anno VIII. -Hippolytus Card. Aldobrandinus Cam.-Diomedes Varesius, Rector Deputatus.»

Apart from the general indications in the documents cited (the often-inadequate culture of the teachers, the not always impeccable lifestyle), we know very little about their activities, or more specifically, about the way in which they carried out their teaching activities. It is true that the great social, moral and cultural poverty in which they found themselves prevents us from any possible optimistic interpretation. In this context, it should be noted that the great pedagogue of the 16th century, Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, who can be said to represent the official position of the post-Tridentine Church in the field of education[171], was not very satisfied with these teachers. All too often they are “vagabond and unstable people who care little for children’s learning, but who are sometimes themselves such that they should go to the school of the fear of God and of good morals, and for whom, even if for no reason, teaching children is an abominable and despicable activity”[172].

171 Cf GIO. VIDARI, L ‘educazione in Italia dall’Umanesimo al Risorgimento p.99-102; see also LAMANNA, Storia della filosofia I p.617 n.1.

172 ANTONIANO, o.c., p.142.

It seems that some teachers were contaminated with unorthodox doctrines, and for this reason the same Antoniano, following the prescriptions of the V Lateran Council (ses.9)[173], “does not want it to be permitted to teach pupils anything that is contrary to good morals or leads to impiety[174].

173 «Nihilque contra bonos mores, aut quod ad impietatem inducat eis legere possint» (HEFELE-LECLERCQ, VIII fol.٤٣٩).

174 ANTONIANO, o.c., p.146.

On the other hand, Antoniano warns the bishops that “the times are ominous and full of insidious and hidden machinations to sow heresies, against which it is necessary above all to be vigilant with pastoral providence so that innocent children and young people are not devoured by the wolves that approach in the guise of lambs and sheep”[175].

175 Ibid., p.143.

He also wants the good teacher not to fix his eyes on any earthly and corrupt merit, but above all on the honor of God and the public benefit; and not to think that he has a low office in his hands, since he is degraded not by his own nature, but by the fault of some teachers with bad habits, who are utterly greedy of gain and intent only on profit, and by such a false opinion of many[176].

176 Ibid, p.146. N. B. From the passages quoted it is clear that Cardinal Antoniano’s remarks and accusations are very similar to those of Louis Vives in the work De subventione pauperum (I. I p. 7): «Multi etiam institutores stolidi et depravati iudicii; quibus anseres nolis credere, ludos ingenuorum puerorum regunt»; and with those of G. L. Gerson (De parvulis ad Christum trahendis consideratio secunda): «Adde quod multorum parentum et magistrorum cura vel nulla vel ultima est, de parvulorum suorum moribus et eorum disciplinata custodia ... Utinam neglegere eos solum esset. Ponuntur ante oculos suos talium operum dictorumque nefandorum exemplaria imo et picturatum ignominiosarum simulacra; ad quae aspicientes quid non nisi pariter operentur...» «O quis capiet nobis has vulpes, parvulas quae demoliuntur vineas et florentem hortum ecclesiae calcantur...» (ibid.). From this it can be deduced that the situation of teachers in these centuries (XV-XVI) was almost identical throughout Europe.

How these teachers then treated their students in disciplinary terms can be deduced from the insignia of the various faculties of the Sapienza, which are listed in the above-mentioned book of payrolls of 1514 and 1542. There, the teachers have as their symbol or distinguishing mark “a seated teacher carrying a whip and an open book on his legs. On one side kneels a child with a book in his hand and on the other stands another who recites the lesson by heart”[177].

177 MARINI, o.c., p.9-10.

In view of this relationship, which could be described as official in terms of the moral behavior, scholarship and social situation of secular teachers, the Holy Founder of Pious Schools does not seem to be prejudiced when he says that secular teachers “lack the necessary charity, they flee from work and, when the need ceases, do what the Gospel says: Mercenarius fugit, quia mercenarius est, with the result that the children learn more vices than virtues”[178].

178 Memorandum to Card. Tonti (cf. J. M. LESAGA, etc., o.c., p.190).

And a contemporary and collaborator of Calasanz speaks with even harsher words, wishing that “it would please God if they did not sometimes turn from pastors to robbers, from guardians to thieves, and from teachers of youth to mediators or servants of demons. The habits of pedants and the interests of money-hungry teachers are too well known. The confessors would know better if they could refer to them. But the Gospel speaks sufficiently for them: Mercenarius autem vidit lupum et fugit quia mercenarius est; and St. Paul: Lupi rapaces non parcentes gregi. From this it follows that it was perhaps worth paying some to perform better in another art than at school”[179].

179 Fr. CASTELLI, Apologia delle Scuole Pie: Reg. Cal. 14, 644.

As a conclusion about the rional teachers, we can state that the situation was anything but satisfactory. Often these teachers were unhappy, uneducated and of a depraved way of life. And never in sufficient numbers to meet the actual demands of the Urbe. In fact, 13 or 14 teachers for a town of 116,000 inhabitants, of which at least 5,000 children needed primary education, was not much less than nothing. And one must not forget that the majority of the really poor did not even receive instruction and education from them, because in view of their extreme need, they too demanded a certain contribution.

We have already seen that, according to the prescriptions of the V Lateran Council[180], the teachers were also to teach Christian doctrine, and from the memorandum of the Dean of the college of Teachers, presented to Gregory XIII, it appears that they actually did so[181]. But the results of this teaching could not be satisfactory given the particular characteristics of the teachers. It was only when the Council of Trent again entrusted the care and execution of the teaching of Christian doctrine to the bishops and pastors[182], and when Pius V repeated and specified the regulations of the Council of Trent regarding the teaching of Christian doctrine with the bull Ex debito pastoralis officii (October 6, 1571), that the situation changed in a remarkable way[183].

180 HEFELE-LECLERCQ, VIII I p.439.

181 MARINI, o.c., ap.37: «...collegium magistrorum... omni officio ac pietate pueros per viam virtutis doctrinaeque christianae compellere non desinit.»

182 CONC. TRID., ses.8 (XXIV can.4) (HEFELE-LECLERCQ X 570): «Idem (episcopi) etiam saltem Dominicis et aliis festis diebus, pueros, in singulis paroeciis fidei rudimenta, et obedientiam erga Deum et parentes diligenter ab eis, ad quos spectabit, doceri curabunt, et, si opus sit per censuras ecclesiasticas compellent. Non obstantibus privilegiis et consuetudinibus.»

183 Bullarium Romanum vol. 7 p.945 «Ex debito pastoralis officii»: «... Nos igitur attendentes quod infantes et pueri bonis moribus et exercitiis educati, quasi semper vitam pudicam, honestam et exemplarem ac aliquando sanctam agunt, e converso autem, qui parentum carentia seu paupertate et incuria vel ignavia non sint educati, persaepe ducuntur in exitium et, quod peius est, secum ducunt plures in interitum, unde si diligenter educati et in doctrinam Christianam instructi fuerint a vitiis et multis aliis erroribus retrahentur...» Then follows the above-mentioned order of the Council of Trent.

In the general spirit of reform that permeated the entire Church and Italy in particular since the Council of Trent, even the regulations on the teaching of Christian doctrine had a greater and more concrete effect. Just as new societies and schools of Christian doctrine emerged throughout Italy on the initiative of holy and generous men[184], so too in Rome. In 1560, under the protection of St. Philip Neri, the first Society for Christian Doctrine was founded through the work of Father Enrico Pietra, a disciple of St. Philip, and the Milanese nobleman Marco Cusani[185]. In less than two years, its members, who bore the name “Servants of Children in Charity”[186], taught Christian doctrine in five places: San Apollinare, San Nicola in Carcere, San Paolo della Regola, San Salvatore and Santa Dorotea in Trastevere[187]. Later, in 1587, Marco Cusani started to live in commun with other priests in San Giovanni della Malva. In 1575, Gregory XIII assigned them the church of St. Agatha in Trastevere, from which they received the name Agathists. In 1596, Clement VIII granted them exemption as Congregation of Clerics of Christian Doctrine. In 1598, after the death of Cusani in 1595, the Society was divided: The priests formed a congregation and the laity a confraternity based in San Martino in Panerella, a branch of the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Damaso. Paul V later elevated them to an archconfraternity with the Brief Ex credito nobis (6-10-1607), and was transferred to St. Peter’s Basilica.

184 TACCHI-VENTURI, La vita religiosa in Italia (1930^2) c.17: Il Catechismo nel Cinquecento p.335-365.

185 HEIMBUCHER (1933^23) II p.571-573; PASTOR. XI p.434; CASTIGLIONE, o.c., p.216-239; cf. also FRANCESCO PASCUCCI, o.c., p.7-12.

186 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.340; CASTIGLIONE, p.220.

187 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.342-343.

Cardinal Bellarmino wrote his Dottrina Cristiana for the Congregation and his Dichiarazione più copiosa della Dottrina Cristiana for the Archconfraternity. In 1603, the Superior, J. B. Serafini Doricetto, wrote le Costituzióni della Congregazióne de’ Padri della Dottrina Cristiana[188].

188 Cf. the articles of CARLOS RISTA and ENRICO TESTORE in Enc. Catt. IV p.1907-1908.

The Society of Jesus, together with the Agathists and the Archconfraternity, also played an important role in the transmission of Christian doctrine. In the first of the five chapters that St. Ignatius presented to Paul III in 1539, the teaching of catechism to children and the ignorant is mentioned as the most important means of achieving the goal of the nascent Society[189].

189 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.354. Cf. also the Bull Regimini (TACCHI-VENTURI, vol.I p.2a, p.183): «Proponunt sibi in animo partem esse Societatis ad hoc potissimum institutae, ut ad profectum animarum in vita et Doctrina Christiana ad fidei propagationem per publicas praedicationes et verbi Dei Ministerium, spiritualia exercitia et charitatis opera, et nominatim per puerorum ac rudium in Christianismo institutionem ac Christi fidelium in confessionibus audiendis spiritualem consolationem praecipue intendat.»

Although he did not yet speak Italian well, St. Ignatius himself taught Christian doctrine to children in the small church of Santa Maria della Strada in the Altieri plain for 46 days in 1541. A little later, he himself organized the others and instructed them in the method of teaching Christian doctrine[190]. A remarkable step forward in this apostolate of the Jesuit Fathers was the opening of Collegio Romano in February 1551, which from the beginning functioned as a “scuola di grammatica, d’umanità e di Dottrina Cristiana gratis”[191]. The Society, which already had a school, introduced the custom of teaching catechism to the schoolchildren every Friday[192]. The zeal with which teachers and pupils later devoted themselves to this teaching can be deduced from the fact that parents and pupils left their homes and their peace and quiet during the Easter and autumn vacations and went on various apostolic excursions to catechize the lands of the Holy See, taking pictures and catechisms of the doctrine with them[193]. If we consider that the number of students in 1567 was already almost a thousand[194], we can easily recognize the great influence that the Society must have had on the religious instruction of children and young people in Rome[195].

190 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.354.

191 RINALDI, o.c., p.31.

192 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.365-366; the Collegio Romano initially followed the ordination of the College of Messina, which took place in 1548 (RINALDI, o.c., p.107), where in the Regulae ad bonos mores spectantes it appears as a second point: “Legatur die veneris in singulis scholis doctrina christiana pro captu omnium” (M. I. ser.3 a. Const. IV mon.43 p.154); later, the Ratio Studiorum prescribed in the Regulae externorum alumnorum Societatis (PACHTLER, Mon. Germ. Paed. vol.5 Ratio studiorum p.2a. p.458): “Explicationi Catechismi singulis hebdomadis omnes intersint, ut Magistris fuerit constitutum.” Cf. also Constit. p.4th c.7 n.2, etc.; c.6 n.2.

193 TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.357-358.

194 RINALDI, o.c., p. 79.

195 But we must not forget that the little ones did not even have lessons here. According to the Consuetudines Collegii Romani, only those who could already read, write and repeat by heart the Donatus and the Christian doctrine and were well practised in the concordances were admitted to the last class of grammar (RINALDI, p.112; cf. Constit. p.4a c.12; Mon. Hist. 65 p. 146: “De scientiis quae tradendae sunt in universitatibus Societatis. Declaratio C): In legendo et scribendo alios instituere opus etiam caritatis esset, si et personarum numerus Societati suppeteret, ut omnibus vacare posset, propter earum tamen penuriam hoc ordinarie docere non consuevimus.” Cf. also T. HUGHES, Loyola and the educational system of the Jesuits (New York 1917) p.41.

Parallel to the Society of Jesus, St. Philip Neri and his Oratorians also played a remarkable part in the religious instruction of young people. Not only because of the fact that he and his confreres almost always founded and supported the first societies of Christian teaching, which were established in Rome as early as 1560, but also because of the great love that St. Philip personally always showed for the Roman youth. The famous meetings of St. Onofrio always took place outdoors, in an intimate and familiar atmosphere full of joy and music. There, a child would often preach to his peers and the others present, and they would find time and space for intensive and extremely practical instruction in doctrine and Christian morals[196].

196 CAPECELATRO, o.c., p.380-382; PASTOR, o.c., IX p.126.

The Oratorian Fathers trained the students of the Vallicella Oratory with particular care - noble and even poor people, more than fifty in number - who were already being taught and educated in piety and literature there at the time of St. Philip Neri[197].

197 CAPECELATRO, o.c., p.454.

Like the Collegio Romano of 1551, the Clementine College, founded in 1595 by Clement VIII and run by Somascan fathers, promoted the transmission of Christian doctrine in its exclusively noble environment[198] in a remarkable way, as can be deduced from the noble tradition practiced by the aforementioned Somascan fathers in various parts of Italy[199].

198 Cf. the Bull of erection, Ubi primum (“...ad puerorum et adolescentium nobilium educationem”) and P. OTTAVIO PALTRINIERI Elogio del Nobile Collegio Clementino (Rome 1795) p.58.

199 Cf. the article by Father M. Barbera, S. Girolamo Emiliani e la sua opera educativa e sociale, in the volume L‘Ordine dei Chierici Regolari Somaschi nel IV centenario della sua fondazione (Rome 1928) p.51-56. It is also known his union, even provisional from 1616 to 1647, with the Congregation of Christian Doctrine, founded in France by César de Bus (CARLO RISTA, Enc. Catt. IV [1908]; HEIMBUCHER, II p.112,572; BARTOLOMEO SEGALLA, o.c., p.60-61).

We cannot fail to note that the Council of Trent brought these salutary fruits to maturity by giving birth in Rome to a noble and great cluster of societies, congregations of holy priests and laymen, entirely dedicated to the sacred work of religious instruction of children, and also with the publication of the Roman Catechism[200], a single and uniform text for the teaching of doctrine.

200 Full title: Catechismus ex decrelo Conc. Tridentini ad Parochos (Romae 1566). Before this, the best and most widespread catechism in the 16th century was that of St. Peter Canisius in its three editions: 1st, Summa Doctrinae christianae (Vienna 1555), for the use of catechists and educated persons, called the Larger Catechism; 2nd, the brief Summa Doctrinae Christianae per quaestiones tradita et ad captum rudiorum accommodata (lngolstadt 1556, German version, 1557), made for children and the people, called Catechismus Minimus; then the 3rd, made for the studious youth, Parvus Catechismus catholicorum (Cologne 1558), called Catechismus minor; it had more than 400 editions.

Following the example of this definitive and official catechism of the Church, Cardinal Robert Bellarmino wrote a few years later - on behalf of Clement VIII - his two famous catechisms, namely the Dottrina christiana breve perche si possa imparare a memoria (Roma 1597) and the Dichiarazione più copiosa della dottrina christiana per uso di quelli che insegnano ai fanciulli e alle altre persone semplici (Roma 1598)[201].

201 For catechetical literature see: TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.359-365; La letteratura cathechistica, by Paolo III, at the end of the XVI century; CELESTlNO TESTORE, Enc. Catt. III col. 1122-1124 s.v.; Catechism; PASTOR, o.c., VII p.304-308 and VIII p.141-142.

If we recapitulate the situation of religious education in Rome, we can see that in the second half of the XVI century various and undoubtedly significant initiatives took place. The Collegio Romano alone ensured the education of almost a thousand young people. The Societies and the Archconfraternity were able to do at least as much[202]. But only the students of Collegio Romano could be sure of regular and systematic instruction. Despite the rebukes of the Council of Trent, few attended classes in the parishes, as they lacked the possibility of serious supervision[203].

202 In general, the sources are too scarce for a numerical demonstration. According to Castiglione (o.c., p.221), “in alcune chiese venivano anche 140 ragazzi”. In a procession of children to St. Peter’s organized by the Society on May 3, 1563 there were “da sei in circa settecento figliuoli” (ibid., p.225).

203 In this context, it is instructive to see how, for example, at the end of 1500 in Bologna, Archbishop Gabriel Paleotti tried to control the attendance of schoolchildren by drawing up a Regola da servarsi per tutti li curati, in which he stipulated that together with the mayor of the municipality, they had to go “a casa per casa a pigliare in iscritto il nome di tutli i figliuoli della loro parrochia da venti anni in giú et questi descrivere in una tavola col nome e cognome, di qual cittadino sono lavoratori ovvero se lavorano del suo” (TACCHI-VENTURI, o. c., p.352).

The poorest and the youngest in particular were neglected. As we have already seen, the Collegio Romano only accepted those who could already read and write. This rule of the school, without intending to, kept a large number of poor children away from its doors, who had neither teachers nor the means to learn even the elementary disciplines. In this way, they were also excluded from regular religious instruction.

On the other hand, the instruction in doctrine that took place only once a week could not really suffice, especially for those who, either through ignorance or lack of books, had no opportunity or possibility to review what they had learned. Nor could it suffice to build the child’s religious and moral life solidly without the foundation of the elementary disciplines, without being able to read and write, without a harmonious development of intellectual and moral faculties. The illiterate child had to learn everything by heart, an extremely weak basis without the possibility of control and the necessary corrections in the impetuous current of daily life and passions, fueled by ignorance and misery. Therefore, only in a few could a strong faith be born as a rationabile obsequium and in an even smaller number of disciples could it be preserved in the daily struggles of life.

This was also known to those who - in other parts of Italy - like Castellino di Castello in Milan, combined the teaching of Christian doctrine with that of reading and writing. He had his rules stamped with the title Questa e la Regola de la Compagnia dei Servi dei Puttini in Carità, che insegna le feste a puttini e puttine leggere, scrivere, et li buoni costumi christiani, gratis et amore Dei principiata in Milano in l ‘anno 1536[204].

204 The pamphlet was published in Milan in 1555. Cf. TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c. p.342 and CASTIGLIONE, o.c., p.129 n.1 p.210-211.

Towards the end of the century, in 1599, this mentality also gained ground in Rome, in the heart of the Archconfraternity of Christian Doctrine in Trastevere, next to the church of Santa Dorotea, and its members decided to help the day school that had been founded on the initiative of St. Joseph Calasanz in 1597 in the building belonging to the same church[205].

205 Cf. Reg. Cal. XIII 9o. Authenticated copy of the official register of the Confraternity, August 1, 1599 (p.128 a tergo): «Nella congregazione della prima domenica del mese nella quale devono intervenire tutti i fratelli publicò il Sig.e Antonio Cisoni Preside che avendo il S. M. Antonio Arcangeli fratello della nostra Compagnia pregato con ogni istanza dello Signore presidente et altri officiali che si contentassero di pigliar in protezione l’opera della scuola quotidiana alla quale egli aveva già atteso molti anni, et attendeva tuttavia alla Chiesa S. Dorotea in Trastevere ... detti signori della congregazione segreta avendo ciò inteso e maturamente esaminato s’erano contentati sotto il beneplacito de Priori d’averla in protezione et aiutarla in tutto quello che alla Compagnia fosse possibile di fare per benefitio e mantenimento di detta opera di tanta Carità.»

Having seen the state of intellectual, moral and religious primary education in Rome in the second half of the XVI century, it is useful to pause for a moment to consider the state of secondary education in this period.

First of all, it should be noted that at this time there was still no clear and categorical division between the different levels of education. As we have already seen, teachers in Rome taught young children the first elements of grammar as well as reading, writing and the abacus. Apart from this primitive and rudimentary public secondary education, there was no real organization until the middle of the century. It was not until 1551 that the Collegio Romano filled this remarkable gap with its five classes in grammar, humanities and rhetoric, as well as teaching Latin, Greek and Hebrew[206].

206 RINALDI, o.c., p.112-113 and PECCHIAI, o.c., p.395.

Due to its free and public character and the fame of some of its teachers, the Collegio soon gained a well-deserved reputation and had a large student body.[207] Later, richly endowed by Gregory XIII, it became the most prestigious institute in the city, the solid basis and foundation of all higher education, the prototype and model for all other colleges in the Society and the main cradle of the Ratio Studiorum[208]. Until 1595, only the Collegio Romano, the only grammar school of the XVI century in Rome, took care of the education of young people who were not destined for the clergy[209].

207 According to Rinaldi (o.c., p.79), 1.000.

208 RENAZZI, o.c., III p.226-229; AMEYDEN, o.c., p.108-110; PASTOR, o.c., IX p.181-183. The 1551 instructions to the Rector of the Collegio for dealing with external students clearly show what the spirit, purpose and functioning of the new Collegio Romano was, especially with regard to the students:”Quomodo Rector se gerere debeat erga iuventutem extraneam, Collegii lectiones frequentare volentem” (Mon. Paed. món.60 p.612-613). These instructions correspond completely to the intentions of St. Ignatius, expressed in his letter of 1-12-1551, addressed to Fr. Antonio Araoz (Mon. lgn. ser.1a t.4 p.6 letter 2226).

Thus, for example, regarding the conditions of admission: “In primis admittentur duntaxat, qui sic legendi pingendique periti sunt, ut saltem quod scripserint, legi queant”.

Poor and rich were admitted, without distinction: “Cuiusvis conditionis admitentur scholastici externi.... “

Discipline and good moral conduct were required: “Sciscitetur Rector ab omnibus in lectionum frequentatione perseveraturis, si parati sint suis parere magistris in rebus doctrinam bonosque mores concernentibus servando modestiam, a spurcis verbis pravisque colloquiis linguam arcendo, ut uno omnia complectar verbo, omnem honestatem servando. Quod si affirmanter respondeant, receptorum catalogo inscribi poterunt, si vero negant, minime.”

Monthly confession, daily attendance at Holy Mass and, on feast days, presence at Christian talks and doctrine were also required: “Ad quae piis blandisque exhortationibus erunt alliciendi si ad ea exsequenda sua sponte non ferantur.”

The College treated the external students as well as the internal ones, seeking for all with solicitude both spiritual and intellectual profit: “Admissorum diligentissima cura habebitur ut ad unum omnes in litteris et spiritu proficiant intelligantque ipsi et eorum parentes, se alio non tractari modo, quam ipsimet domestici, nimirum cum omni charitate et sollicitudine.” To maintain discipline, the College did not disdain corporal punishment, then everywhere in use; in case of necessity, it expelled the incorrigible: “Perturbatores obedire renuentes admonitionibus atque reprehensionibus primum corripientur, tum demum si has vilipendant, corrector suo fungatur munere ... Si vero nulla profuerit correptio, admonitis parentibus, ad instar putris ovis, ne in alios repat contagio a grege excludentur.”

209 The German-Hungarian College, the Capranica College, the Nardini College, the Crivelli College and the other colleges founded by Gregory XIII (PASTOR, IX p.170-188) were dedicated to the instruction of the clergy and their students attended the Collegio Romano (PIAZZA, o.c., p.211f.).

Such a situation of public education was naturally deplorable. To remedy this situation, Clement VIII founded the Collegio Clementino in 1595 and entrusted its supervision and management to Somascan Fathers. However, as the college took on the character of a boarding school for nobles, it only educated a very small number of students of outstanding social class, without therefore having any significant influence on the average education in the city of Rome[210].

210 See the Bull of erection of the Clementine College (Ubi primum, 1955): «Non absque omni moerore deprehendimus, eam aetatem quae, ad vitia et voluptates sequenda prona est, nisi severiori disciplina cohibeatur et ad pietatem et religionem informetur, in scholis ipsis sub laxa, immo vero dissoluta disciplina, seposito Domini timore corruptam nihil ut plurimum, vel sane parum in bonis moribus et litterariis exercitationibus proficere. Quamobrem illius statum intimo animo condolentes, decrevimus omnino in ipsa Urbe locum situ et amplitudine opportunum ad puerorum et adolescentium Nobilium tum Indigenarum quam Exterorum quorumcumque receptionem et educationem primo quoque destinare...» (cf. OTTAVIO PALTRINIERI, o.c., 58-59). In the year 1602, the college had 94 boarders, 12 Illyrian students, 10 professors, 28 employees and famuli (PALTRINIERI o.c., 62); soon some external students were also admitted, but only nobles (cf. LINA MONTALTO o.c., doc.5, p. 189. “Intorno alli scolari forastieri non si ricevono se non persone honorate, come nobili o figli de’dottori, procuratori, medici e simili, li altri si licenziano. 1622”)

Taking all this together, it can be concluded that throughout the sixteenth century the Collegio Romano of the Society carried almost alone the weight of secondary public education, which was given to both the poor and the rich. The Collegio Clementino of the Somascan appeared only at the end of the century and limited its activity to the education and instruction of the nobility[211].

211 The other teaching Orders and the Clerics Regular had not yet appeared on the Roman horizon in the field of education. The Barnabites only opened their first public school, the Arcimbolde School in Milan, on November 3, 1608 (PREMOLI, op. cit., II, p.19); in Rome they only had, and that since December 16, 1605, the administration of the Collegio di San Girolamo, which had been founded for the education and instruction of young clerics; the students of the latter attended the Collegio Romano (PREMOLI, op. cit., I p.391).

It is true that the Theatines had houses in Rome as early as 1500, such as the one next to San Silvestro, in the Quirinale (1555), and the main building in Sant’Andrea della Valle (1588) (HEIMBUCHER, op.cit., II p.100 ); but it was not until 1641 that they were given the direction of the Collegio Urbaniano, alias De Propaganda Fide, by Urban VIII, and even this was reserved for the training of clerics (PASTOR, n.c., XIII p.742; SILOS, n.c., p.3a 1.4 p.239-241).

Of the old monastic orders, the Benedictines had some flourishing schools only in Austria and in Germany (SCHMITZ, op. cit., V pp.112. 113.120; PAULSEN, op. cit., p.442); in Italy they had a school in Monte Casino (SCHMITZ, op. cit., p.113); in France they began to teach again in 1636 (ID., op. cit., p.115), but in Rome they had no school.

It would be useful to know a little more about the vocational schools that existed in Rome at the time. We know, for example, of the archconfraternity “S. Giuseppe de Falegnami”, which was established by Paul III in 1539; a few years after its establishment, it set up a drawing school next to its oratory to teach the children and grandchildren of the confreres in their craft (MORONI, Diz. Eccles. vol. 63 p.108).

The music chapel of St. Louis des Français also had its own school for its “pueri cantus”, in which singing, composition and Italian and Latin grammar were taught (CAMETTI, o.c., pp.3-4 and 20).

Having completed our research on the social, moral and educational situation in 16th century Rome, we conclude with a very simple synthesis. The Rome of that century had many pious institutes and numerous initiatives full of generosity to solve its oppressive social, moral and educational problems. Thanks to the care of the popes and the activity of various confraternities, the poor were also helped in a remarkable way. Secondary and higher education through the Collegio Romano and the Sapienza seemed to be well provided for, and the teaching of Christian doctrine, held by the parish priests, the Agathists, the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine and Collegio Romano itself, began to blaze a trail of hope.

But something was still missing: the free elementary school for the poor, i.e. a school that would accept all the poor who needed instruction, as opposed to the teachers of the rioni, who only accepted a few[212]. A school that would teach children from the most tender age and that would begin with reading and writing, unlike the fathers of the Society in the Collegio Romano. What was missing was a school where teachers would teach with a holy life and good preparation, a school that would keep pace with the new times, in which the number of the poor and working classes, of poor workers, of young employees, was growing and increasing day by day. A school that knew how to grasp the spirit of the new era that emerged with the rapid spread of the printings. What was lacking was a genuine popular school that knew the concrete needs of the poor and could offer them not only temporary help, but also a definitive remedy in the spiritual and intellectual as well as the social sphere.

212 In the time of St. Joseph Calasanz only “six or eight” (see BERRO o.c., t.1 1.1 fol.20 and Fr.B. CATALUCCI, Breve Notizia, in BAU, Revisión p.11-13).

Saint Joseph Calasanz was predestined by Divine Providence to conceive, found and organize this school. We will now see how.

III. Calasanz´ first roman experiences. The reasons for founding the Pious Schools. The ideal and purpose of Saint Joseph of Calasanz

The social, moral and educational situation in Rome at the end of the 16th century undoubtedly needed an appropriate solution, as we have already seen. It needed someone who could penetrate the symptoms of the evil with clairvoyance and find the effective remedies with happy intuition; and who, once found, also possessed the will, the strength and the spirit of sacrifice necessary to put everything into action, to create a stable organism and to achieve the desired goal. One such man of Providence, as we will see in this chapter, was St. Joseph Calasanz. We have already seen in one of the previous chapters how Calasanz decided to stay in Rome for good after the vagaries of the early years in 1597, as he wanted to be “Romanized” and sanctified[213].

213 BAU, Biogr. crit., c.12 p.222-239: Eph. Cal. 8 (1957) 144.

He was admitted to several confraternities, in particular those of the Twelve Apostles and the Christian Doctrine, and he was a faithful and constant fulfiller of his various obligations. Therefore, he could not fail to recognize the true situation of the poor in Rome, he could not fail to judge the merits and defects of the teaching that was given to them, both in the intellectual field and in that of Christian doctrine, moral and religious instruction. It was in fact these experiences that led him to take the big step of founding the Pious Schools. Calasanz himself speaks of these observations when, many years later, in 1644, he summarizes the ups and downs, the foundation and the first steps of the new institute[214].

214 L.4185, Ep.VIII p.232: «Quanto il principio delle Scuole, Io mi ritrovai con altri dui o tre della Dottrina Xpiana che andavano in Trastevere a fare certe scuole che si facevano in S. Dorotea, nelle quali, perchè gran parte delli scolari pagava ogn’uno un quanto al mese e delli Compagni chi veniva la mattina chi veniva la sera, mi risolsi, quando morse il Parrocchiano [26 de febrero 1600; PICANYOL, Ep.II p.46], che ci prestava una saletta et una camera bassa, di metterle in Roma, conoscendo la povertà grande che vi era per haver io visitato essendo della Compagnia delli santi Apostoli sei o sette anni tutti i Rioni di Roma e delli compagni che havevo in Trastevere uno solo mi seguitò e fu posto l’Istituto in Roma e poco a poco si fece Congregatione e poi Religione...» Father Berro also speaks of the same experience as that of the Saint (o.c., t.l fol.20-21): «Come cominciò la prima volta le Scuole Pie in Trastevere. Con l’occasione che il Ntro. D. Giuseppe aveva visitato in sei o sette anni tutta la città di Roma più volte come Visitatore della Compagnia dei SS. Apostoli, come sopra si è detto, ed egli stesso mi scrisse in una lettera ed aveva trovato quantità assai innumerevole di figliuoli, che per la povertà non potevano essere dai propri padri mantenuti alle scuole, che però si perdevano di anima e di corpo, dandosi a tutti li vizi, che la necessità e l’ozio sogliono insegnare; oltrechè neanche molti sapevano il Pater Noster e l’Ave Maria nonchè le altre cose necessarie alla salute, e per l’altra parte vedendone più che molti di bellissimo ingegno, e conoscendo che se lo impiegassero in bene, avrebbero fatto ottima riuscita, con grandissimo profitto delle anime loro. Spinto -come egli stesso mi disse- da questa si estrema necessità delli poveri, e visto anche che nelli Rioni o quartieri li maestri non ne tenevano gratis più di sei od otto per uno, scusandosi che dal senato e popolo Romano non avevano paga per mantener maggior numero: e provato anche che li PP. della Compagnia di Gesù non li ammettevano nelle loro scuole se prima non sapevano assai bene l’impersonali facendo egli stesso tutte queste diligenze di parlare con i PP. Gesuiti perchè aprissero la scuola più bassa e comparso anche in Campidoglio ai Senatori e Conservatori per fare che dessero qualche cosa di più alli Maestri dei Rioni, perchè insegnassero ai più poveri, e non avendo in niun logo fatto colpo, nemmeno con il favore del Card. Colonna, e visto che in Roma fra tante opere di carità non vi era strada di aggiustare li poveri figliuoli, pensò che Iddio avesse lasciato a Lui questo carico e confidato in S. D. M. si sottomise a questo divino volere con tanto affetto, che pensò di dover far una cosa molto grata a Dio aiutando li poveri figliuoli e con l’esca delle lettere ammaestrarli nella pietà cristiana, e però si deliberò di aprir le scuole come fece di licenza del S. Pontefice Clemente VIII nel 1597 in Trastevere nelle proprie stanze della Parrocchia di S. Dorothea, aiutandolo due sacerdoti secolari, operarii della Dottrina Cristiana, in S. Martino in Monte della Pietà, sebbene non venivano continuamente per avere uffici in Cancelleria, affittando anche una casa vicina a quelle stanze per 30 scudi l’anno che a tale prezzo in quelle parti era assai commoda, incominciò in quel Rione come il più povero di Roma, intitolando Scuole Pie, come niuna sorte di emolumento ne pretendesse, fuorchè la gloria di Dio, e la salute delle anime. Il parroco di detta chiesa già faceva scuola pagato dalla maggior parte, ad alcuni della sua parrocchia gratis, perchè lo servivano.» In the same sense, Father John Benedicti (cf. Scholae Piae p.17), and Brother Lawrence Ferrari (in Processus informativus auct. ord. 1650: Reg. Cal. 30 p.529-530): «Io so che detto Padre Gioseppe e stato di molte Congregationi e di luoghi pii in Roma come de SS. Apostoli, nella quale è stato molte volte visitatore et elemosiniere, con occasione della quale trovandosi in S. Dorotea col Parrochiano e vidde, che quel Parrocchiano teneva alcuni scolaretti li faceva la carità per amor di Dio; li piacè tanto questa opera di carità che molti giorni andava dopo haver finito le visite e le sue devotioni ad aiutare d’insegnare quelli scolari. Per questo effetto si mise a fondare la Congregatione e Religione delle Scuole Pie per poter aiutare li poveri, et instruirli nella vita spirituale e nelle lettere, e detto Padre diceva, che haveva instituito questo di insegnare le lettere, che era come un’esca di tirare i Giovinetti ad insegnarli il timore di Dio Benedetto»; also the Polish Mathew Judischi (Processus informativus p.653): «Havendoli una volta domandato, da che motivo spinto esso haveva fondato questa Religione delle Scuole Pie, esso mi rispose: Il motivo che io ho avuto non è stato altro, che una dissolutione, che io ho visto in molti poveri putti di Roma, quali non havendo buona educazione per la povertà, o trascuragine de Padri riflettendo alle parole del Salmo dove dice “tibi derelictus est pauper, orphano tu eris adiutor”, stimai detta a me questa sentenza e così cominciai a radunare tre o quattro di questi putti, cosi radunati li cominciai a catechizzare nella fede cristiana, e nelle lettere, et a poco a poco crescendo il numero hebbi bisogno di luogo capace e cosi fondai questa opera...» The same is told by Fr. Catalucci in his Breve notizia (cf. in BAU. Revision p.11-13).

In this chapter, let us look at the concrete experiences that led Calasanz and his first companions to dedicate themselves to the work of the Pious Schools; what were the cornerstones of the new foundation; what was its purpose.

Certainly, the first sight that moved Calasanz was the great mass of poor and abandoned children and young people who lived idly, in a semi-wild state and given to vices[215].

215 According to Fr. Bartlik, Calasanz dedicated himself to the education of poor youth: “... ne ilia prorsus amusa et rudis hinc inde otiose cursitando silvesceret, ac in dedecus Urbis et Orbis adolesceret” (Annales: Eph. Cal. I [1932] 53).

How sad Calasanz’ experience was in this respect is shown by the memorandum written by him and his venerable brother in faith Caspar Dragonetti in 1626 and presented by them to the Congregation of the Holy Office[216]. This memorandum states that the Pious Schools were founded to instruct and teach poor children, “many of whom, because of poverty or the neglect of their parents, neither go to school nor devote themselves to any art or exercise, but live scattered and idle lives, and so easily indulge in various games, especially card playing, and they are forced that if they have no money to play with, they first steal in their own house and then find money wherever they can, or otherwise in some other lousy way”.

216 Reg. Cal. XII 42.

According to this account, a subsidy was called for to “help these poor children, which would mean freeing them from the gallows and the galleys, where those who live in such vices as children usually end up when they are grown up”. And the situation was not just outwardly upsetting, but also inwardly, so to speak. Calasanz himself saw from his own experience as the confessor of these young people “the corruption of habits and the reign of vices that prevail in those with a bad upbringing”[217]. And he wanted to “save the majority of those from the obvious condemnation of dying in infancy and being put to the torture for their faults, which they may have committed without scruple or consideration, and admitted without remorse, or kept silent”[218].

217 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. J.M. LESAGA, o.c.).

218 Ibid.

On the other hand, our Saint, who was a keen observer, immediately sensed that public order would also be disturbed by the corruption of poorly educated young people. As soon as they grew up, they would disturb “the peace of the people” and “the public” with their “vicious deeds”[219].

219 Ibid. This experience of Calasanz was also reaffirmed by that of Father Castelli. He too speaks «dei peccatacci che regnano nelle anime giovanili e delle brutte figure spesso dal Demonio impresse nelle cere molli dell’anime de’ giovanetti a renderle nel più bel principio esose agli occhi purissimi di Dio, difficilissime a più potersi mai ben cancellare, perchè «quo semel est imbuta recens...» (P. CASTELLI, Apologia delle Scuole Pie: Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4).

Fr. Giovanni Benedicti, in his Scholae Piae (p.86), affirms the same thing: “... sacerdotes poenitentium confessionibus intendentes cognitum habent, quibus vitiorum portentis iam inde a primis annis, ipsorum etiam Magistrorum ac Paedagogorum opera, teneri puerorum animi infecti esse soleant”. Also the Venerable Glicerio Landriani found the same spectacle: “. ... questi figliuoli de Poveri, che sogliono andar le piazze senza nessun freno di Timor di Dio N. S. dandosi in preda ad ogni disonestà di parole, ed atti bruti” (cf. PICANYOL, Glicerio Landriani p.12).

But Calasanz sees not only the unbridled vices of Rome’s abandoned children, but also their extraordinary ignorance... With Father Castelli, he has also realized that the public and private evils stem not so much from sick nature, but from ill-educated youth[220]. When he questioned “the children”, he found that they “do not even know what is necessary to save themselves”. He found in them “a great, general ignorance”[221]. At the same time, he discovered outstanding intelligence among the poor and was saddened by the fact that “young people with wonderful minds and the ability to do to the society a great service were left in the darkness of ignorance because they were unable to learn the letters and, with them, good manners”[222].

220 CASTELLI, Apologia delle Scuole Pie: Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4.

221 Testimony of Fr. A. Morelli, Processus inf: Reg. Cal. 30 p.438. According to Fr. Berro, «neanche molti sapevano il Pater noster e l’Ave Maria nonchè le altre cose necessarie alla salute» (o.c., t. I I.I fol.20).

222 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno: Reg. Cal. XI 10. Fr. Berro also speaks of the excellent talent of the poor children of Rome: «... vedendone [il Calasanzio] più che molti de bellissimo ingegno e conoscendo che se lo impiegassero bene, avrebbero fatto ottima riuscita, con grandissimo frutto delle anime loro» (o.c., c.12 p.20).

And such a situation became all the more painful for him the more he knew from experience. He therefore had Father Francis Michelini write to the Grand Duke of Tuscany that such spirits, when “well cultivated, are very suitable for every fruit of honesty; but uneducated, left in the power of ill-disposed nature, they often bring forth worse weeds and sharper thorns of vice (corruptio optimi pessima)”[223].

223 Reg. Prov. XX 3: Breve discorso all’ A. S. di Toscana circa l’introduzione de PP. delle Scole Pie.

Calasanz therefore did not remain on the surface of the problem. Living in constant contact with the poor, he realized that leaving them in ignorance and vice would not only be against the Christian republic, but also against divine providence. Therefore, “it is of the greatest importance to have vassals and citizens who are temperate, obedient, disciplined, faithful, peaceful, and capable of sanctifying and glorifying themselves in heaven, as well as of enlightening and ennobling themselves and their homeland with the governments and dignities of earth” (Memorandum to Card. Tonti). In fact, “from the beginning of the world until today, God has chosen from among the poor many who have been great philosophers, theologians, men of outstanding science and exalted in many dignities”[224]. For him, neglecting the poor would have meant neglecting the majority of the citizens of the state: “Cum in omni fere republica pro maiori parte incolae sint pauperes” [225].

224 Reg. Cal. XIV 61^0: Expositio ad Cardinales de non mutando Scholarum Piarum Instituto, sed ita conservando sicut fuit (1645).

225 Constit. (p.2.a c.9 n.198).

And these poor, according to Calasanz, not only form the largest part, but very often also the best part of the Christian republic[226].

226 In this respect, Calasanz certainly saw the growing importance of the poor in the new world and could not but share the opinion and experience of Father Castelli, expressed in his Apology, according to which the poor are those who «con le loro fatiche sostentano per così dire il mondo» (Reg. Cal. XIV ٦٠^4). Also Campanella tells the same: «Praeterea aequum esse diximus ut meliores secundum naturam praeferantur melioribus secundum opinionem, utiliores autem plebei bonae indolis secundum naturam sunt, quam nobiles obtusi aut negligentes» (Liber apologeticus p.232). Cf. also Difesa della Religione, by the lawyer Francis Firmiani (Reg. Cal. 68 p.12): «...nam partus litterarum non requirit tam commoditates, sed ardorem studendi cum labore, quae requisita raro vigent in nobilibus et divitibus, sed in humilioribus et pauperibus maxime, de quo non controvertitur.»

But Calasanz did not stop at merely observing the phenomena. He also looked for their causes. He recognized that the misery of the poor, apart from the inadequate number of teachers, was at least partly due to the frequently dishonest lives they led. He rightly noted that they often lacked the “necessary charity”, that they “shunned work” and were “mercenaries and not true shepherds”, so that “the children learned more vices than virtues”[227].

227 Memorandum to Card. Tonti (o.c.). Identical judgments on the matter are found in other official religious writings and documents; thus, Fr. Giovanni Benedicti, in his Scholae Piae (p.63), laments, “...supremam praeceptorum aliquorum negligentiam et frigescentem eorum caritatem, maximum eorum defectum et paucitatem.” The same writes elsewhere (p.86): “...sacerdotes cognitum habent quibus vitiorum portentis inde a primis annis ipsorum etiam Magistrorum ac Paedagogorum opera teneri puerorum animi confecti esse soleant”.

Also Fr. Francesco Michelini in his Breve discorso speaks “dei maestri mercennari e per lo più poco esperti e zelanti delle cose spirituali, non potendo dar la botte del vino che non ha” (Reg. Prov. 203).

We have already seen what Fr. Castelli says on the matter; let us now add the following passage from another Relazione: «...ne vi sia chi replichi che a tutto resto suppliscono a bastanza i Pedanti e Maestri privati e publichi delle Comunità: per che possono questi far qualcosa circa la parte meno principale delle lettere, ma non molto circa la più principal dello spirito e timor di Dio; poichè quando pur applicassero anco a questa più di quel che fanno, nemo dat quod non habet vel plus eo quod habet, onde è forza che la botte dia solo di quel vino che ha, e se tal volta ha del guasto, del guasto pur dia» (Reg. Cal. 69c).

And with this personal experience, he demanded an appropriate solution to this problem, either before the Jesuits, or before the rional teachers, or before the Dominicans and the “conservatori” of Rome[228]. After all attempts had failed, it was only natural that Calasanz decided to found the work of the Pious Schools himself[229].

228 BERRO, o.c., t. 1 1.1 fol.20, already cit. in n.214.

229 In addition to the main and original sources already cited, see also Fr. Talenti (o.c., c.6 “Motivi che eccitano il Beato a istituire le Scuole Pie nel 1597” p.45-57) and Bau (o.c., c.15 “Génesis del pensamiento fundacional de las Escuelas Pías “ p.258-279). Apart from the facts and motives already pointed out, Calasanz could have been influenced by the knowledge he certainly had of a book of his great friend St. John Leonardi (cf. FERRAIRONI, o.c., p.47) on the education of young people, i.e., Trattato della buona educazione dei figliuoli (The full title of this pedagogical work of Leonardi is: Trattato della buona educatione dei figliuoli, la quale di quanto gran momento sia si manifesta con l’ autorità della divina Scrittura, dei Sacri Concilii, dei Padri, e di Scrittori Gentili, con vive ragioni et esempi. Del R. P. Giov. Leonardi, della Congregazione dei Chierici della Beatissima Vergine di Lucca. Ex officina Horatii Salviani. In Napoli, appresso Giovanni Iacomo Carlino et Antonio Pace, 1594). N. B. It was not posible to consult this orignal edition that cannot be found in roman Libraries; only a reprint of Roma in 1862 with the title Trattato della buona educazione dei figli. Opera del B. Giovanni Leonardi, della Congregazione dei CC. RR. della Madre di Dio con brevi cenni intorno alla sua vita e suoi scritti (Tipografia Mondaldi, 1862).

In this book, divided in nine chapters Fr. Leonardi «con l’autorità della divina Scrittura, dei Sacri Concilii, dei Padri e di scrittori gentili», wanted give the due relief to the important task of the education of youth. In the first chapter, «si manifesta coll’autorità della divina Scrittura l’importanza della buona educazione dei figli». In the second, «si dimostra la necessità della buona educazione dei figli coll’autorità dei SS. Concili». In the third, «si prova questo soggetto coll’autorità di molti sacri dottori». In the fourth, «si conferma la medesima dottrina coll’autorità di Platone». In the fifth, «si prova questa dottrina coll’autorità di altri filosofi e poeti». In the sixth, «si prova la sopradetta verità con molte buone e utili ragioni». In the seventh, «segue la stessa materia». In the eighth, «si conferma il sopradetto con molti esempi di Santi e Gentili». The nineth chapter is the Italian translation of Discorso di S. Giovanni Crisostomo contra i Padri, cattivi educatori dei loro figli. Two are particularly the thoughts and the main thesis of Leonardi that could have influenced Calasanz to a greater degree:

1. The doctrine on the importance of education. The author, relying on the authority of Sacred Scripture, councils, Holy Fathers and pagan philosophers, states that «almeno in gran parte, se non in tutto, non d’altronde nasce l’esser l’uomo vizioso, che dalla mala educazione» (o.c., Preamble p.26-27). At the same time declares that good education gives «utilità non piccola per riformare le case, le città, i governi secolari, le religioni, il clero secolare e finalmente poi tutta l’umana republica» (Proemio p.27). Cf. Similar expressions of Calasanz in his Memorandum to card. Tonti and in the Preamble of his Constitutions (Constit. Preamble 2). «In cuius diligenti exercitatione Generalia Concilia, Sancti Patres, necnon Philosophi recte sentientes, reipublicae Christianae reformationem consistere affirmant. Si enim diligenter a teneris annis Pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus procul dubio sperandus est.»

2. The thesis on the need to begin the good education of children in time (cf. particularly chapters 6-7). According to Leonardi, it is very important «che i figli dai teneri anni apprendano la virtù; perché poi non così facilmente pel vizio e peccato da quella si partiranno, anzi ogni giorno più radicherà negli animi loro» (c.6 p.79). On the contrary, «non incamminandosi il figliuolo per la via della virtù sarà forza, che egli si attacchi al vizio, a cui con non minor tenacità, anzi per la natura corrotto, si atterrà: onde talvolta avverrà, cosa tremenda e lagrimevole, esser tanta la tenacità, che posto il piè nella via del vizio, non più da quella sia per rimuoverla» (c.7 p.81).

All together, «è da considerare o procurare subito nella tenera nostra età -Leonardi writes-, che neppur gustiamo il male, onde poi ne avverrà, che prospero sarà il corso della vita nostra» c.7 p.85); cf. Constit. Preamble 2. «Si enim diligenter ...felix totius vitae cursus procul dubio sperandus est». However, we must not fail to underline the fact that, after almost identical premises, the conclusions of both founding saints are not really the same. Leonardi, in fact, hoping to achieve, with only his book written on education “utilità non piccola per riformare le case, le città, i governi secolari, le religioni, il clero secolare e finalmente tutta l’umana republica” (Preamble p.27), left to parents the most important duty of educating their children well (cf. c.8 p.108: «Si affatichi dunque ognuno con questa dottrina ed esempi di far sì che i suoi figluoli temano Iddio, e che a quello servano con tutto il cuore acciò con essi fruire e goder possa l’etema gloria e beatitudine»; cf. the last part of this sentence with the first point of c. ١٠ of p. ٢nd of the Constitutions of Calasanz: “Cum finis ad quem nostra Congregatio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum tendit, sit puerorum eruditio tum circa Christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam”). Meanwhile, Calasanz assumed, for himself and for his Order, the grave obligation to educate children and young people by means of his public schools (puerorum eruditio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum) (Constit. p.2nd c.10 n.203), and it was precisely for this reason that the Pious Schools were born.

And now a detailed investigation seems essential. An analytical study to clarify what were the main ideas and the specific goal that Calasanz wanted to achieve with his Institute. It is also necessary that we learn what means the Saint considered effective and necessary in the educational work[230].

230 It goes without saying that our analysis is not limited to the period before the foundation of the Pious Schools, but extends to the entire life of the Saint, since the foundation was not the work of a single year, but the arduous conquest of his entire life.

First of all, it should be noted that Calasanz was undeniably convinced of the transcendental importance of education through his personal experiences. As a profound observer of the social and moral environment, as an astute prophet and mastermind of future times, he saw and valued education as “perhaps the only means of reforming morals”[231]. He was firmly convinced that “on the good education of youth depends all the rest of the good or bad life of mankind”[232].

231 Memorandum to card. Tonti. (cf. o.c.). See also the same Memorandum: the Institute of the Pious Schools is «necessarissimo e forse il primo per la riforma de costumi corrotti del secolo». Further down it says that the Institute is «necessarissimo per la corrutela de costumi e dominio de vitii che regnano in quelli di mala educazione».

232 Ibid.; cf. also Reg. Cal. XII 96 De eiiciendis quibusdam: «Li Padri delle Scuole Pie considerando che la riforma della Republica (come dicono li sacri concili et li Sti. Patri) consiste nella buona educatione dei giovinetti, hanno essi pigliato per assunto particulare l’aiutare quella parte, che era più abbandonata in tutte le comunità, che sono li giovinetti poveri.»

And Calasanz also saw education as “a very effective means of preserving and curing evil, of inducing and enlightening to goodness all young people of all conditions, and therefore all people since they first pass through that age; by means of the letter and the spirit, of morals, of upbringing, of the light of God and of the world”[233].

233 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

Thus, for our Saint, education, especially popular and primary education, becomes a universal, indispensable and highly effective remedy for everything and for everyone, including “all persons, ages, conditions and places, all humble sciences and all means for a good life”[234]. Education is - according to him and in accordance with the teaching of the Church[235] - “the reformation of youth”[236] and “that of the republic”[237], and its importance is even better known “because of the contrary effects on ill-educated persons who disturb the peace of the people and disturb the public with their vicious actions”[238].

234 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

235 Cf. CONCILIUM LAT. V ses. 9 (HEFELE-LECLERCQ, VIII 1,439) y CONCILIUM TRID., ses. 22 c.18 (Concilium Tridentinum, Societas Goerressiana [Friburgo 1919) p.628) y sessio 24 can.4 (ibid., p.981).

236 L.247, Ep.II p.256.

237 Constit. (Preamble n.2) «In cuius (Instituti Scholarum Piarum) diligenti exercitatione Generalia Concilia, Sancti Patres, necnon Philosophi recte sentientes, Reipublicae Christianae reformationem consistere, unanimi consensu affirmant. Si enim diligenter a teneris annis pueri Pietate et Litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus procul dubio sperandus est.» However, we cannot think that Calasanz believed that education is always infallible. In the only book printed during his lifetime on the Pious Schools, he wanted to and was allowed to quote a passage from St. Augustine in which he asserts the following: “Aurea est Divi Augustini sententia (De fide et operibus c.17): Qui recte institutus est, is et malus esse potest, si nolit praecepta sequi, quae didicit, et bonus, si omnes vitae suae rationes dirigere velit ad instituta rectae salutarisque disciplinae”; cf. GIOVANNI BENEDICTI, Scholae Piae p.94-95.

238 The same doctrine, but with greater breadth, is also expounded by Fr. John Benedicti in his Scholae Piae (pp. 87-88). ): “Hinc porro oriri solent, quorum causae ignorantur, multa infortunia, cum privatorum hominum, tanquam liberorum obitus, atque eorum causa angores animi ac molestiae, familiarum inclinationes atque etiam interitus, tum vel maxime publica, velut bella, pestilentiae, annonae caritates, perturbationes vitae civilis, seditiones populorum et imperiorum eversiones, perempta fidelitate et oboedientia erga Principes, quod quidem Hierosolymae usu venisse discimus, quam deinde Chaldei instinctu tandem deleverunt: “Filii Israel et filii Iudae erant jugiter facientes malum in oculis Domini ab adolescentia sua”.

In conclusion, we can state that Calasanz valued this task of education so much that he went so far as to write and declare that an Institute dedicated to it “is truly the most worthy, the most noble, the most pleasant, the most gracious and the most glorious”[239].

239 Memorandum to Card. Tonti (cf. o.c.). We must emphasize the fact that in the Apologia delle Scuole Pie, written by Father Castelli, we find almost the same thoughts and the same arguments, which shows the extent to which Calasanz influenced the formation of an identical, unified Piarist ideology. Cf. Apologia: Reg. Cal. XIV 604.

Since the Saint attached such importance to education, it is only natural that he wanted to make it as perfect as possible in order to achieve the desired effects. His personal experiences inspired him to make various innovations and changes to the schools and teaching in Rome at the time.

His first and perhaps most ingenious innovation was to combine the Sunday school for Christian doctrine with the daily school for reading, writing and abacus. The schools for Christian doctrine only took place on Sundays and public holidays and taught nothing other than catechism and good manners[240].

240 We have already seen that such a teaching of Christian doctrine could not suffice. Calasanz and his followers rightly wrote in an appeal to the Conservatori of Rome: “...I primi principii della fede, che non ben s’insegnano loro in un’hora di Dottrina Christiana le feste, alla quale anco queste genti non vanno” (Istanza dei PP. di S. Pantaleo alli Signori Conservatori di Roma: Dom. Gen. 2). Cf. also CAMPANELLA, Liber Apologeticus (ad 5 vol.cit., p.233): “Etsi doctrina Christiana propinetur ab aliis religiosis, et parochis, et parentibus, haud tamen cum tanta diligentia, quantum requiritur ad perficiendum humanum intellectum.” It may be that the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine of Rome, following the example of Milan, also teaches poor children in Rome a little reading, writing and abacus, but such teaching can only take place on Sundays and feast days in no fixed form. Cf. CASTIGLIONE, o.c., p.211; TACCHI-VENTURI, o.c., p.340-342; see the title itself of the Regole del Castellino che insegna le feste a puttini e puttine a leggere e scrivere et li buoni costumi christiani gratis (CASTIGLIONE, p.211).

The schools of rional teachers, on the other hand, taught almost exclusively, at least in practice, reading and writing, the abacus, and a little Christian doctrine, depending on the teacher’s abilities and piety, and this on a daily basis. Thus Calasanz “was “animated by a genuine zeal for the progress of poor children, not only to teach them but also to lead them to the true worship of God”[241]. He wanted to “educate them to Christian piety with the help of the letters”[242] and educate them “with the help of the letters and the spirit, morals, upbringing, the light of God and the world”[243]. Of these two types of schools, both dedicated to teaching and the primary education of children, he wanted to make only one: a daily school of reading, writing, abacus and Christian doctrine. And so, the Institute of Pious Schools was born.

241 L.108, Ep.II p.150.

242 BERRO, c.12 fol.20.

243 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.); cf. Constit. (Preamble n.2): «...si enim pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur»; and p.2nd c.10 n:203: «... cum finis... sit puerorum eruditio tum circa pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint eternam.» Cf. this more precise text (Constit. Preamble n.5): «Erit ergo Instituti nostri a primis elementis modum recte legendi, scribendi, computa faciendi, linguam latinam, pietatem praecipue et Doctrinam Christianam pueros docere».

And to all this he wanted to add, as the third cardinal point of the new school, the general gratuity of education, so as to ensure adequate instruction and education for all the poor[244].

244 Calasanz’ intentions on this matter appear admirably in a Memoriale, quo petitur ut Constitutiones ab extraneis non interpretentur (Reg. Cal. XIV 64): «Et la mente del P. Generale sempre è state di havere ad insegnare alli figliuoli più poveri et abbandonati. Che per li secolari ricchi vi sono altre scuole. Et si vede per isperienza, che sono più quelli, che attendono ad imparare leggere, scrivere et abbaco per poter poi mettersi alli esercitii di arte o di mercantie, che non son quelli che passano avanti nelle scienze; et molti che cominciano ad imparare la grammatica et altre scienze e poi la lasciano per non havere il modo di passare avanti, o sono forzati a farsi religiosi, overo mettersi in servitù. E cosi imparando a leggere e scrivere con tale occasione se li viene insegnando anco il timor di Dio e la Docttrina Cristiana. Voglio dire che le nostre regole sono per insegnare alli poveri e non alli ricchi (quando non fosse per mancamento di altri maestri) essendo per li ricchi tutte le altre Religioni, ma noi soli per li poveri.» Cf. Constit. (Prooemium n.4): «Et quia nos vere Pauperes Matris Dei esse profitemur, pueros pauperes nusquam despiciendos, sed multa patientia et charitate, omni virtute exornandos curabimus, maxime dicente Domino: Quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis.»

The gratuity of teaching was not a new matter in the history of the Church. It was already prescribed by the Lateran Council III in 1179, in canon 18 (HEFELLE-LECLERCQ, t.52 p.1.101): «Quoniam Ecclesia Dei, et in iis, quae spectant ad subsidium corporis, et in iis, quae ad profectum veniunt animarum, indigentibus sicut pia mater providere tenetur; ne pauperibus, qui parentum opibus iuvari non possunt, legendi et proficiendi opportunitas subtrahatur, per unamquamque ecclesiam cathedralem, magistro, qui clericos eiusdem ecclesiae, et scholares pauperes gratis doceat, competens aliquod beneficium assignetur, quo docentis necessitas sublevetur, et discentibus via pateat ad doctrinam. In aliis quoque restituatur sive ecclesiis sive monasteriis, si retroactis temporibus aliquid in eis ad hoc fuent deputatum. Pro licentia vero docendi nullus pretium exigat, vel sub obtentu alicuius consuetudinis ab iis, qui docentur, aliquid quaerat: nec docere quempiam, petita licentia, qui sit idoneus, interdicat. Qui vero contra hoc venire praesumpserit a beneficio ecclesiastico fiat alienus. Dignum quidem esse videtur, ut in Ecclesia Dei fructum laboris sui non habeat qui cupiditate animi vendit licentiam docendi, ecclesiarum profectum nititur impedire.» And it was confirmed by the Lateran Council IV (1215) with canon 11 (HEFELE-LECLERQ, t.5l p.1341). In the course of time, however, it fell almost completely into oblivion, was abandoned under various pretexts and was certainly practiced only rarely.

In his Tre libri dell’educatione Cristiana dei Figliuoli, Cardinal M. Silvio Antoniano, whom we can regard as a representative and official spokesman of the Roman Church of the XVI century, devotes an entire chapter (67 p.168ff) to the topic “Come alcuni poveri giovanetti ingeniosi dovriano esser aiutati”. From this chapter we can see that for him the gratuity of teaching was more of an ideal to be achieved than a reality.

As far as Rome is concerned, we already know that the rional teachers taught only six or eight of their pupils free of charge (cf. BERRO, o.c., t. l I. I c.12 fol.20). It is true that the Jesuits taught gratuitously, but only from the grammar class and not from the beginning. The teaching of Christian doctrine was also gratuitous, but almost always without reading, writing or abacus and only on Sundays and feast days. So that we can assert that a daily public school of the first letters and gratuitous did not exist in Rome before Calasanz.

The first school that did something similar to Calasanz’ work was precisely the one in the church of Santa Dorotea in Trastevere; according to a document of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, there was already a daily school years earlier (cf. Reg. Cal. XIII 9.0; the date of the document is 1-8-1599).

Calasanz himself acknowledged that this school was the origin of the Pious Schools, but at the same time he claimed that he was among the first founders of this school, even in its primitive form (cf. L. 132. Ep. II 170): “L’Istituto delle Scuole Pie hebbe principio nella Chiesa di S. Dorotea in Trastevere presso la porta Settimiana da alcuni fratelli della Dottrina Cristiana secolari tra quali vive di presente Gioseppe della Madre di Dio.” See also the commentary on this document by Fr. Picanyol (Ep. II p.173-174). Father John Benedicti also wrote the same on this subject in his Scholae Piae (p.17): “Ortae sunt itaque Scholae Piae in amplissima, celeberrima et frequentatissima Urbe, pietatis fecundissima parente, opera nonnullorum Sodalium Doctrinae Christianae, quos inter facile tunc primas tenebat R. P. Iosephus Calasanctius, alias a Matre Dei.” On the other hand, before his time, according to Calasanz himself, most of the schoolchildren there had to paid and only a few, the altar boys of the church, had a free education (cf. L. 4185, Ep.VIII p.232, quoted on p.53). In the same school “si insegnavano comunemente i ricchi et poveri”, and for this reason “il detto Gioseppe operò sì che fussero insegnati li poveri solamente, quali non trovavano chi insegnasse loro li principii” (L. 132, Ep.II p.170). In a letter to Father V. Berro from 1644 (L. 4185, Ep.VIII p.232, cit. on p.53). Calasanz confirms the same.

The preponderant part of Calasanz in this school, according to Fr. Berro, began in 1597 (BERRO, o.c., t.l I.I, c.12 fol.21, cit. at p.53). According to Fr. Picanyol, an immediate intervention by Clement VIII is not likely, but according to the above-mentioned document it would not have happened until 1602 at the request of Bishop Vestri (Ep. II p.173-174), and therefore the foundation of the Pious Schools, the first elementary schools in Europe, dates from that year (cf. PASTOR, o.c., XI p.433). Calasanz, however, prefers to cite the Holy Year 1600 as the year of birth of his institute, i.e. the year in which he moved to the center of Rome after the death of Father Brendani (26.2.1600) (cf. Memoriale a Paolo V: Ep.II p.49; cf. also BAU, o.c., pp.263-264, 270-279).

As far as the gratuitousness of the Pious Schools is concerned, we must note that Calasanz was not satisfied with the fact that only the teaching was free of charge, but he also wanted to distribute the necessary means to the needy students so that they could attend the schools, and thus placed himself before any school patronage (cf. Memoriale al card. Montalto [Ep. II p.47-48]: “... ivi insegnano per sola carità senza recever mercede alcuna o presente dalli scolari, a tutti quelli che con fede del suo parrochiano della povertà ivi concorrono, leggere, scrivere, abbaco, abbaco, grammatica et la dottrina christiana et inoltre li provedono di carta, penna, inchiostro, dottrine, salterii et abbachini...”)

N. B.-On the whole question of the gratuity of education and school patronage, especially with regard to its practical implementation, see part 2nd, c.2, 7 of this work.

Another very important idea that the Saint wanted to realize with his Institute was that education and training should begin from the first tender years of childhood. As much as he was convinced of the great importance of education, he could not help but recognize that the desired effectiveness can only be achieved if it is started in good time. Therefore, he wanted “the careful care of the tender and easily malleable plants of youth, before they harden and become difficult, if not impossible, to move, as we see with adults, who, despite all the help of prayers, sermons and sacraments, very few change their lives and are truly converted”[245].

245 Memorandum to card. Tonti. See also another statement of Calasanz on this subject: «Conoscendosi dalla mattina il buon giorno e dal buon principio il buon fine, dipendendo il rimanente della vita dall’educazione dell’età tenera de la quale mai si perde il buon odore, como il vaso, quello del buon liquore, chi non vede, che tanto maggior profitto e minor difficoltà non che confusione proveranno gli altri nell’esercitii de loro Instituti, quanto maggiore sarà la disposizione de soggetti ben alevati» (ibid.). Cf. also Reg. Cal. XIV 64o (Memoriale quo petitur ut Constitutiones ab extraneis non interpretentur): «La nostra religione è fondata con somma povertà e con somma humiltà a proportione dell’Istituto e opera che fa di insegnare alli piccolini ragazzetti poveri e poverissimi, i quali più degli altri hanno bisogno di quelli che li franghino il pane e l’insegnino i primi elementi, e quasi aprire la bocca per parlare non sapendo formar parola. Et da questo niente e debole principio a tirarli avanti fin sappiano tutta la Dottrina Christiana e fuggire l’offesa di Dio, ma amarlo e servirlo con tutto il cuore, honorando i maggiori comme comanda la Sua santissima legge, con la frequenza de santissimi Sacramenti. E pasando dalle science humane, se l’incomincia ad insegnare dalli sette anni incirca le prime lettere e quel che seguita con lo scrivere et abbaco.»

But the classic text in this matter must be the respective paragraph of the Constitutions. (Preamble n.2.): «Si enim diligenter a teneris annis pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus procul dubio sperandus est.»

Regarding the idea of beginning teaching at an early age, Father Francesco Michelini says that «il maggior bisogno de’ giovanetti è di cominciar dalla prima età loro ad imprimere di vere virtù le tavole rase de loro animi prima che il Demonio ben sollecito in questo, perchè sa quanto importi, v’imprima le mostruose figure de’ vizii dificilissimi poi a poter mai più cancellarsi, perchè quo semel imbuta est recens, servabit ...» (Reg. Prov. 20^3, Flor.).

As for the precise age for admitting children to the Pious Schools, we see in various documents that the candidates had to be at least six or seven years old. Those of a younger age would have disturbed the school work. Cf. Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. II 5.0): «Si dichiara che per far negli figliuoli il profitto che si deve nelle Scuole Pie non si accettino che non abbiano sei anni compiti, et li scolari grandi di tredici anni in su, se non saranno di buoni costumi, non si accetino.» Cf. as well the Document Dubia circa Const. (Reg. Cal. XII 109): «In eadem narratione habetur pueros pauperes non esse despiciendos, etc. Videndum est an tantum in aetate sex annorum vel septem admittendi sunt». (The document is previous to 1641, nov.). Cf. also L.76, Ep.II p.130: «Quanto alli fanciulli della Sta. Croce minori di sette anni si conformi con quello che gli ordinerà il Sig. Vicario...» L.77, Ep.II p.131: «Scrissi la posta passata, che in quanto alla scuola dei piccolini faccia quanto gli ordinerà il Sig. Vicario al quale scrivo, che consideri che molte madri per levarsi via il fastidio di casa causatoli dai fanciullini piccoli li mandano alla scuola in compagnia di un altro maggiore et ne segue, che ne il piccolo impara per non essere capace, ne lascia imparare il grande»; and finally, L.746, Ep.Ill p.199: «...et le dirà ancora che non lasci accettare fanciulli di quattro o cinque anni ne in coteste scuole ne in quella di Porta Reale et è meglio haverne pochi et attendervi che molti et non far il debito.»

See also in this regard the response of Calasanz to the decrees of the Apostolic Visitation of the year 1625. Among these decrees, the 15th was the following, (Reg. Cal. XII 41): «Recipiant indistincte Pueros etiam Parvulos, quos prima litterarum elementa docere oporteat, nec tales vel praetextu minori aetatis, vel quod nil penitus sciant reiciant.» «Li giovanetti poveri si ricevono di sei a sette anni alli primi elementi et non di minor età che non sono capaci d’imparare et impediscono l’altri» (Reg. Cal. XII ٤١).

At the same time, Calasanz mentioned among the «capi principali che col tempo possono causar relassatione il non voler pigliar li picoli della santa croce, (cf. L.380: Ep. II p.345).

With this timely education, Calasanz wants to create “a highly effective means of preserving and curing evil, inductive and enlightening for good”[246]. On the one hand, he wants to “preserve the children even in their baptismal innocence”[247]; on the other hand, he wants to facilitate the work of the educator. At the same time, we could consider this as a practical expression of his deep optimism about the education that had been started in time[248].

246 Memorandum to card. Tonti. (cf. o.c.).

247 Ibid.

248 Moreover, in his Declarations to the Constitutions (Reg. Cal. XI 5o) Calasanz writes: “lpsa experientia compertum habemus, eos qui prima aetate christiana disciplina instituti fuerunt ac a pueris spiritum simul cum litteris hauxerunt in viros probos, ac plures ex eis in omni pietatis ac sanctitatis genere perfectos evasisse, ut reipsa sanctorum exempla per totius ecclesiae decursu plene testantur.”

Cf. the Constitutions and Rules of the Society and schools of Christian doctrine composed by St. Charles (Act. Eccl. Med. III c.184): «Considerino spesso quanto frutto potranno fare in quelle anime ricomprate col pretioso sangue di Cristo, a tempo che non hanno peccato, ne habito alcuno, che si può dire il ben ammaestrare i putti è un riformare il mondo a vera vita Cristiana.»

But in reality, apart from other social considerations, he knew that the neglect of this part of the youth would lead to the poor class being left helpless precisely in its more important wound. He also wanted to win over the masses for Christ and therefore strove to care for, protect and educate the poor children who make up the most great part of the Christian Republic[249].

249 Constit. (p.2a c.9 n.198): «Et cum in omni fere Rep. pro maiori parte incolae sint pauperes, qui filios suos in studiis litterarum ad modicum tempus sustinere valent, curet superior ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti magistro, qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi, quo facilius quisque sibi necessaria acquirere possit.»

Cf. Reg. Prov. 20^30 (Risposta ad alcune difficoltà dell’lntroduttione de’ Padri delle Scuole Pie a Firenze 1630): «Li giovanetti sono parte principale della città, e però la buona educazione loro fu sempre stimata essentiale.» The Pious Schools are also necessary because «l’impotenza di supplire i padri gesuiti per tutto e a tutti, mass.e piccoli e poveri più degli altri numerosi e di ciò bisognosi, e meno provisti.»

See also Apologia dalle Scuole Pie, by Fr. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 60): The jesuits are not enough «perchè non insegnando detti Padri le cose più basse, molti, massime poveri, che non si curando di cose maggiori, o non ci vanno o ci vanno già grandotti, per essersi trattenuti un pezzo in altre scuole, e in tempo che havendone alcuni presa già la mala piega, sono più disposti a pervertir gli altri buoni che a lasciar d’esser cattivi.»

But the full importance of Calasanzian thought is only properly appreciated if we bear in mind that such an idea arose in him precisely at the time when elementary education was almost completely neglected in Rome and when the Jesuits, for the reasons already mentioned, had not even considered these children[250].

250 At least, this was the concrete situation, notwithstanding the various prescriptions of the Church and the opinion of pedagogues. See, for example, Lateran Council V (ses. 9: MANSI, 32, 881):«Et cum omnis aetas ab adolescentia prona sit ad malum; et a teneris annis assuefieri ad bonum magni sit operis ac effectus, statuimus et ordinamus ...» The council of Trent (ses. 7 [XXIII can.18]; Concilium Tridentinum, ed. Goerressiana, vol.9 p.628) prescribes: «Cum adolescentium aetas nisi recte instituatur, prona sit ad mundi voluptates sequendas (cf. Gen 8,12): ‘Sensus enim et cogitatio humani cordis in malum prona sunt ab adolescentia sua». Editiones praeterea laudant c.24 (al.23) concilii Toletanii IV in the year 633, id est c.1 can.12 q.1: «Omnis aetas ab adolescentia in malum prona est. Nihil enim incertius quam vita adolescentium, etc. et nisi a teneris annis ad pietatem et religionem informetur antequam vitiorum habitus totos homines possideat, nunquam perfecte ac sine maximo ac singulari propemodum Dei omnipotentis auxilio in disciplina ecclesiastica perseveret; sancta synodus statuit, ut singulae cathedrales metropolitanae atque his maiores ecclesiae pro modo facultatum et dioecesis amplitudine certitudine certum puerorum ipsius civitatis et dioecesis, vel eius provinciae, si ibi non reperiantur, numerum in collegio... alere ac religiose educare et ecclesiasticis disciplinis instituere teneantur. In hoc vero collegio recipiantur, qui ad minimum duodecim annos et ex legitimo matrimonio nati sunt, ac legere et scribere competenter noverint...» We should also not forget that these and similar prescriptions of the Church generally refer to the education of clerics and that for the Council of Trent the “teneri anni” begin at the age of twelve and it is already assumed that young people can read and write. In the work already cited, Cardinal Silvio Antoniano discusses in an entire chapter «dello errore di alcuni, ai quali non par necessario che l’educatione si cominci tanto per tempo» (c.38 p.22ss); and in another, «della gran forza della assuefattione et della necessità di cominciar a buon’hora a resistere al male, (c.41 p.24-25); and in chapter 52 he confirms his thesis with the authority of the Council of Trent (p.25).

Other Italian authors of sixteenth-century pedagogy also believed that it was necessary “abituare il fanciullo a fare il bene prima che abbia toccato l’età della riflessione coll’essempio e coll’ambiente morale fattoglie intorno, sospingendolo quasi insensibilmente alla virtù» (GUERlNI, o.c., p.487). Out of sheer curiosity, here is a passage from Aristotle on the education that should take place in early childhood:

Οὐ μικρὸν οὖν διαφέρει τὸ οὔτως ῆ

οῦτως εὐθὺς ἐκ νέων ἐθίζεσθαι

ἀλλὰ πάμπολυ, μᾶλ λον δὲ τὸ πᾶν

(Eth. Nic. 1103b.)

It would be wrong to think that Calasanz, with his Institute of Pious Schools, only wanted to found a free elementary school in the simplest sense of the word, that is, a school limited to writing, reading, abacus and Christian doctrine. Already in his Constitutions the Saint added to all this the teaching of the Latin language, and from the various statements, his own and those of his companions, it is clear that Calasanz wanted to complement this elementary school with the elements of a modest humanistic education.

He wanted to impart to his poor a certain general culture that would pave the way for them to various professions that they had not been able to take up until then. Thus, using a modern technical term, we can say, without fear of distorting the facts, that Calasanz wanted, in addition to elementary school, secondary education with the Latin language, the humanities, rhetoric and matters of conscience, because only in this way could the fate of the poor be secured and the true reform of the Christian republic carried out.

Starting from practical considerations, he realized that elementary education alone could not suffice either for the most gifted persons or for the demands of modern times, resulting from the rise in the level of general culture as a result of the rapid spread of the printing press.

At the same time, the full studies offered by the Jesuit Fathers were almost impossible for this social class for economic reasons, while for many professions such as accountants, bankers, pharmacists, builders, teachers, etc., intermediate education could be sufficient. Calasanz recognized the great importance of this social class, especially in the city, and therefore wanted to establish a suitable school for them.

Undoubtedly, then, the plan of such an education, which our Saint also realized, as we shall see later, was in itself of great importance. Thus, Calasanz was the first to understand the middle school not only as a preparation for other higher schools, but also as a self-contained educational system independent of the University, designed to provide students with a timely intellectual and religious education in a short time and to prepare them directly for practical life. We know that it is only in this century that modern states are thinking of such a solution. This was indeed the intention of Calasanz. This can be seen from the various documents (letters, memoranda, apologies) written in defense of the rights of the new institute of the Pious Schools against those who wanted to limit it only to the teaching of writing, reading, abacus and Christian doctrine[251].

251 L.4287, Ep.VIII p.285: «La nostra Religione non potendosi distruggere ex directo procurano che nell’avvenire non si possa leggere grammatica, solo scrivere, abaco.» L.4243; Ep. VIII p.261: «Non ho consentito mai e farò il possibile per impedire che il nostro Instituto sia ridotto a leggere, scrivere e abaco.» See also Bartlik (o.c.: Eph. Cal. IV [1953] 58): Memorandum submitted by Fr Peter Casani to the Pope in 1616 about this matter «Ne quis in posterum ubique locorum Scholas Pias erigere audeat»: «Congregatio nostra ad erudiendos pueros in legendo scribendo, rationibus subducendis, inque omni arte, quae philologiae nomine continetur, instituendos eosdemque pie educandos... intendit.» Cf. also L.4253, Ep.VIII p.267: «Non mancano persone che possono assai con sua Santità che vorrebbero stroppiare la Religione con uno di questi tre cap. 1): che nella Religione non si potesse insegnare se non leggere, scrivere et abaco ...» The same can be seen in the book of Fr. G. Benedicti already quoted (Scholae Piae p.20-21): «Mos in Scholis Piis utilis ac laudabilis. Id autem in Scholis Piis iam inde ab ipsarum incunabulis more receptum fuit Romae, ut pueris maxime inopibus papyrus, calami, atramentum, etc. suppeditarentur: Ac si quis ex eis hebetes essent et ad altiores doctrinas prorsus ineptos magistri iudicassent, tamdiu eos in Scholis detinerent quoadusque modum recte legendi, scribendi, nonnulli etiam computa faciendi et praecipue christianae legis elementa utcumque pro sua capacitate combibissent, ac tum eos protinus ad opificia et artes sedentarias amandarent; illis vero quos egregio a natura instructos ingenio et ad capessendas altiores disciplinas apto atque accommodato experti essent, praeter illa paulo ante memorata, etiam Grammatices praecepta sedulo traderent, ita demum perpulchre eruditos expolitosque artis inferioribus Scholis, sublimiori illa litteratura imbuendos promoverent».

According to the Expositio ad Cardinales (Reg. Cal. XIV 61°), the poor «son diventati migliori nell’arti perchè l’imparare le suddette cose mecchaniche, che pregiudizio gli fa l’haver inteso un poco di latino, mentre con questo si avvezzano a saper comporre una lettera e discorrer de loro negotii con qualche chiarezza».

Cf. Apologia of Fr. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 604): «Nemmeno stimo soverchia a molti poveri la lingua latina tanto utile a tante cose, e tanto necessaria ad alcune arti pur necessarie al mondo, e solo da poveri esercitate come Notai, Copisti, Sollecitatori, Speciali, Cerusici, Pedanti e simili.» «Io non stimo soverchio ad un christiano povero il saper vivere cristianamente, né ad alcun povero huomo il saper leggere e scrivere e abaco utile a tutti per fare bene i proprii fatti anco necessario per molti fatti altrui, come fattori, computisti, guardaroba, e maestri di case ricche e per molte arti e trafichi che non comportano il conto sulle ditta».

We can add what lawyer Firmiani tells in his Difesa delle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. 68 fol.10): «Scholae huius Instituti sunt tot officinae, in quibus comparantur diversa genera mercium litterarum secundum voluntatem et possibilitatem emptorum, nec coguntur emere plus quam possunt; qui enim potest comparare linguam latinam, comparet, qui vero non potest comparare dictam artem, comparet artem legendi et scribendi et computa faciendi et rudimenta fidei, et bonos mores saltem. Nemo enim ex dictis pauperibus pueris cogitur plus addiscere quam voluntas et vires eorum parentum se extendunt, unde ad parentes dictorum puerorum pertinet tamdiu dictos pueros in dictis Scholis manutenere quamdiu vires suas sufficere existimaverint.»

In other words, an elementary school, daily, free of charge, and a kind of secondary school, all at the service of the people. This is the Institute of instruction and education with which Calasanz wanted to address the social and educational problems of his time. At least that is what we can conclude from the analysis so far. Without going into details now, we can add that Calasanz naturally wanted a new spirit and a new method for this new type of schools that he conceived and implemented, as is already indicated in the Constitutions[252].

252 Constit. (Prooemium n.5): «Erit ergo Instituti nostri... et haec qua fieri potest facilitate, executioni demandare.» Also: Constit. (p.2a c.11 n.216): «Et quoniam tam in tradenda Grammatica, quam in quavis scientia ad discipulorum utilitatem plurimum confert, si aliquo facili, utili, et quoad fieri poterit, brevi modo Magistri omnes utantur, operae pretium erit ut ex peritissimis expertisque in hac materia viris, qui optimus fuerit seligatur.» He insisted particularly, as we shall see, on the brevity, easiness, and practicality of the teaching (cf. e.g., regarding Christian doctrine, the Apology of Father Castelli [Reg. Cal. XIV 604]: «Non imparar la Dottrina Cristiana, il quid agendum (importa soltanto), ma il praticar della Dottrina Cristiana, il quomodo agendum, cioè come confessarsi e comunicarsi, come far oratione, udir messa, e sanctificare le feste, come legger libri devoti, a sentire la parola di Dio, come resister a vitii e far atti delle virtù, come portarsi nelle tentazioni, travagli e pericoli e cose simili, bene spesso mal sapute e peggio esercitate anco dai più savi del mondo»).

The Saint also wanted a new type of teacher, because he was more than aware that written decrees and reforms are of little value if there are no people to implement them. Herein lies another great innovation, another ingenious thought of the holy pedagogue: to raise the dignity of the teacher to the dignity of the religious status, even to that of the priesthood, in order to ensure him that perfection, stability, and sanctity which he considered indispensable for the exercise of such a ministry. We must recognize that before Calasanz there were many who wanted religious and priestly teachers. However, we can say that Calasanz was the first to want teachers to be religious and priests. He saw the teachers as “co-workers of the truth”[253]. Given the great importance of education, he wanted them to be learned, but at the same time endowed with great charity, patience and every other virtue[254]. In order to recruit such teachers, he came up with the idea of founding a clerical order that took the fourth vow of teaching - something completely new in the history of the Church[255].

253 Constit. (Proemium n.3).

254 Ibid. n.6: «Et cum res circa quam versamur tanti momenti sit, ut Ministros maxima charitate, patientia aliisque virtutibus praeditos requirat»

255 Calasanz calls this Order to be founded a “Compendium dell’altri Istituti, non solo da aiutare il prossimo in caso di bisogno in tutto quello che vien aiutato da’gli altri, ma in preparare e disporre l’anime con una buona educatione per la capacità di tutti gli altri» (Memorandum to card. Tonti). According to him, such an Order must be founded because «se non fu negato a chi aiuta ben morire, perchè non si concederà maggiormente a chi da principio, aiuta a ben vivere donde dipende il ben morire, et la pace e quiete de’popoli, il buon governo delle città e de’Principi, l’obbedienza e fedeltà de’ sudditi, la propagazione della fede, la conversione e preservatione dell’eresie».

From this and countless other passages we can see that the new Institute also wanted to insert itself into the field of the Counter-Reformation; and indeed, as we shall see, it had remarkable success in this kind of activity - the conversion of heretics - especially in Poland, Germany and Hungary. We must not lose sight of the fact that the attempt by Luther and other Protestants to establish elementary schools were not carried out in the proper sense of the word, but only after the Pious Schools of Calasanz (cf. PAUL BARTH, o.c., pp.322-328 and CORNELIA GUZZO CAPONE, Il programma pedagogico di Lutero, Levana V [1926] pp.149-169). In his Memorandum to Card. Tonti, we see that the Saint was aware of such attempts by Protestants. According to the memorandum, the Institute endeavoured to reform “especially the giovinetti, che dell’heretici si procuran d’infettare con loro false dottrine da principio, quasi sicuri del resto, e finalmente la riforma di tutto il Cristianesimo per via d’huomini di vita apostolica poverissimi e semplicissimi».

«...Supposto dunque l’utilità tuttavia è necessità di questa opera che abbraccia tutte le persone, età e condizioni e luoghi e tutte le scienze basse e tutti li aiuti al ben vivere, ne vien ancora per conseguenza necessaria la necessità di farla religione così per stabilirla, acciò in tempo alcuno non venga meno come può venire per esser lasciato da chi l’imprende sotto qualche coperto inganno non solo del demonio o del mondo, ma dell’istessa natura, che persuasa dall’amor propio in favor del senso facilmente rimira indietro e si toglie dal giogo di cosa laboriosa e repugnante se non è ben stretto con forte legame come quello dei voti solenni, come anco per ampliarla e propagarla conforme al bisogno desiderato et istanza di tutti» (Memorandum to card. Tonti).

And finally, we can add here a new idea of not insignificant importance that Calasanz wanted to realize in and with his Institute. This was the idea of compulsory school attendance. The new type of school would not have been significant if it had not had a sufficient number of students. By making attendance compulsory, which even had to be monitored by the state authorities, Calasanz wanted to exert a certain amount of pressure on the pupils’ parents. They did not care about the welfare of their children or wanted to put them to work immediately in any kind of productive work due to their extreme poverty. Pressure that was also exerted on the students themselves, who, accustomed to a life of leisure, did not know how to willingly devote themselves to anything else[256].

256 L.444, Ep.II p.397: «Et non essendovi altra scuola procuri col luogotenente che dia ordine alli sbirri che non permettano che ragazzi stiano oziosi per la città, o vadano a lavorar o alla scuola parlando però de poveri perciò che li ricchi non permetteranno che li suoi figli siano oziosi che sarebbe gran male tanto per li padri come per li figli.» Cf. also L.471, Ep.II p.405.

To conclude our study of the motives for the foundation and the emergence of the pedagogical ideal of Calasanz, we cannot fail to quote the inspired words of Pius XII. These words express better than any others the greatness and historical importance of the work: “This ideal is extremely sublime, for it has as its supreme goal the supernatural formation and therefore the eternal destiny of the disciples entrusted to you. On the other hand, it is of immeasurable importance because it strives to form men here on earth who are perfect in their intellectual, moral and scientific culture, according to the condition, inclinations and legitimate aspirations of each of them, so that none of them will be a bit out of place or unfit, and, on the other hand, none will see the path closed before them that leads to the highest peaks”[257].

257 Discourse of Pius XII, November 22, 1948 (L’Osservatore Romano, November 22-23, 1948).

Calasanz’ pedagogical work

I. The calasanzian educator

A) The ideal of the Calasanzian educator

1. The concept of the calasanzian educator (his natural gifts and qualities)

The characteristics and purpose of the new Institute of the Pious Schools, now known to us on the basis of what has already been said, lead us to examine the thought of Calasanz in relation to the protagonist of such a meritorious Institute as an instrument of action, that is, the Calasanzian or Piarist educator. In specific and brief chapters, we will try to find out how and to what extent he implemented his pedagogy in the training of the educator and the teacher by vocation.

It is clear from the documents that Calasanz, perhaps like no other before him, had such a high conception of the educator and especially of the elementary educator that he called him “cooperator veritatis”[258], that is, a collaborator with God in the propagation, the spreading of the truth[259].

258 Constit. (Proemium n.3). From other phrases of the Saint, we can deduce that, in his thinking, the educator must also be a “pastor bonus”; the Saint sometimes rails against “mercenaries”. (cf. Memorandum to card. Tonti).

259 Cf. 3 Io 8: Nos ergo debemus suscipere huiusmodi ut cooperatores simus veritatis.

According to this concept of Calasanz, the teacher must be an apostle, a missionary of truth who spreads the light, dispels the darkness of ignorance, frees people from intellectual and moral slavery[260] and makes them truly happy[261].

260 Io 8,32: In illo die cognoscetis veritatem et veritas liberabit vos. For this reason, Campanella’s intuition seems quite fortunate, calling the Pious Schools “lnstitutum Sapientiae Dei.” (Liber apologeticus vol.cit., p.232: «Ad convivium igitur sapientiae, quae ut dixit Salomon, aedificavit sibi domum, miscuit vinum, posuit mensam, etc. Piae Scholae vocant quoscumque praesertim pauperes: Venite, comedite panem meum, bibite vinum, quod miscui vobis; igitur Institutum illorum est institutum Sapientiae Dei»). Regarding the concept of “cooperator veritatis”, see also V. CABALLERO, Orientaciones pedagógicas I p.1-45 and A. SAPA, Teologia spirituale pedagogica p.102-104.

261 Cf. Constit. (p.2a c.10 n.203): «Cum finis ad quem nostra Congregatio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum intendit, ut supra diximus, sit puerorum eruditio tum circa Christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam ...»

On him depends, to a certain extent, both the eternal destiny and the temporal well-being of mankind, both of each individual in particular and of nations in general. In order to fulfill such a sublime and decisive mission well, the teacher must therefore be enriched above all by an intense and exemplary inner life. He must also have a sufficient culture and, finally, he must possess suitable pedagogical qualities and know good teaching methods[262].

262 Ibid.: «...ad eum finem consequendum praeter vitae spiritualis exemplum, doctrinam et modum eam tradendi, necessaria esse duximus.»

But such a subject is not born spontaneously. Calasanz knows this very well, and that is why he calls for a cautious selection of subjects and their very careful formation. First in the spiritual and inner life, then in letters, didactics and pedagogy[263].

263 Ibid (n.7): «...et sollicita sit admodum eorum educatio». Ibid. (p.2a c.10 n.203): «Et postquam in his, qui ad professionem admissi sunt apparebit in veris virtutibus non nihil profecisse, de fundamento litterarum, et de modo eas proponendi cogitandum erit».

Above all, our Saint wanted certain qualities and physical and psychological talents to be present in the future educator as a bio-psychological substrate. In fact, he suspected that certain types and certain characters are already educators by nature[264], while others are not. He does not even want to accept the latter into his Order because they are incapable of any further development or adaptation[265].

264 Cf. L.4242, Ep.VIII p.260: «Il secondo P. Lorenzo era di raro talento in convertire al santo timor di Dio li scolari più discoli che venivano alle scuole.» Cf. also L.16, Ep.II p.66: «Pareva che il suo gusto grande [Fr. Gellio Ghellini] era star fra i fanciulli d’età pura, et insegnarli ad amare il Signore, et a far oratione, e pareva similmente che con la sua purità egli come una calamita tirava a sé i cuori dei fanciulli puri, che non sapevano in scuola trovar maggior gusto che star in compagnia di esso Padre.» The personality, the human-pedagogical character of the educator, was also very important in the Saint’s thinking. (cf. L.756, Ep.III p.208: «Si suol dire che una persona vale per cento, e cento non valgono per una»).

265 Having demonstrated the pedagogical ineptitude of a person, Calasanz acted without any human respect. (cf. L.1463 [Ep. IV p.263]: «Io vedrò di mandar altro in loco del detto fratel Andrea quale si potrà mandar dietro il somaro poichè non è buono per aiutare i figliuoli»).

More generally, Calasanz has repeatedly expressed his desire to have optimal subjects[266]. He declared that “it is better to be few and good than many imperfect ones”[267]. He did not want to allow “subjects who do not know what they should know, and it is not good to fill the Religion with ordinary people”[268]. He did not have much faith in the nobles[269], but at the same time he did not want his future teachers to be “of very poor people”[270].

266 L.2210, Ep.V p.346: «Quelli che si accettano vorrei che fossero soggetti optimi, perciochè de dozzinali ne havemo troppo.»

267 L.1386, Ep.IV p.214; he writes in another letter: «È meglio allevarne pochi e buoni, che molti senza devozione ne spirito» (L.4127, Ep.VIII p.205).

268 L.674, Ep.III p.152. The “insignis eruditio, singularis industria vel aliqua alia exellens virtus” are so desired in the educator, that with them he can be dispensed from other impediments. (Const. p.1a c.1 n.15).

269 We cannot refrain from reproducing here a passage from the Constitutions in their first draft, which was later suppressed by the Saint himself: “Bona vero nobilitatis et divitiarum sicut non satis sunt, si desint alia, ita cum in aliquo alia suppetent, non erunt necessaria. Quatenus tamen ad aedificationem proximi faciunt, reddent magis idoneos, ut admitantur, qui sine ipsis alioquin essent idonei propter dotes alias praedictas» (Constit. Reg. Cal. XI 11).

270 L.4552, Ep.VIII p.431: «Li soggetti nuovi siano di buon ingegno e costumi e non di gente poverissima.» Cf. PICANYOL, L’eco dei nostri centenari (1948) n.11-12 p.62, where the letter is published in full and commented on. In it we can see how the no longer very young Calasanz, an apostle in love with extreme poverty and a loving father of the poor, wanted to exclude candidates from his Order and from the pedagogical vocation who were very poor. The Saint was able to recognize from his many years of experience that the misery of certain people, maintained over several generations, can produce certain habits that are not conducive to religious and pedagogical perfection. He probably wanted to keep the proletarian spirit, a spirit of discontent, of rebellion, of spiritual and intellectual inertia, away from the high task of the magisterium. He did not want “ordinary” people. (cf. PEDRO FONT PUIG San José de Calasanz, maestro de psicología: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 [1949] 26 p.251-252).

So it was not poverty that Calasanz wanted to exclude from his Institute, but certain types of people who were not suitable for the pedagogical task. People who are easily formed in an environment of miserable social conditions. In this sense, the saying “paupertas maxima meretrix” is valid.

His fondest wish would have been to give the habit “to young men of small age and good sense”. But for practical reasons and considerations, he was unable to do so, as he had to resort to various subjects for the time being in view of the great demands of his work[271].

271 L.1849, Ep.IV p.92: «Quanto poi a vestire giovanetti di poca età et di bel ingegno non è ancora tempo sí perchè non havemo maestri di spirito ne lettori tali quali per simili soggetti si ricerca et noi dovemo servirci presto delli soggetti per esser moltissimi quelli che desiderano l’opera nostra... » This historical necessity, which forced the apostle of “education from an early age” to renounce his pedagogical principle within his Order, later became one of the reasons for the suppression of the Order, which took place in 1646. Picanyol (Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei p.20) cites “la troppo rapida diffusione dell’ordine e quindi deficiente formazione degli individui” as reasons for the suppression.

Moreover, Calasanz’ desire to have selected elements in his Order also was alive on in the other members of the corporation, in his first collaborators. Father Castelli wanted “soggetti di garbo” (Reg. Cal. 15: Prov. Lig. 1). The Fathers of Savona recommended to Calasanz young men who were “angeli oppure serafini” (Reg. Cal. XV Varie lettere), and the Fathers of Nicolsburg dress the cassock for students “di assai buon ingegno et di miglior natura, cioè inclinati al bene” (EEC p. l 72).And in the year 1642, Father Onofrio Conti writes to Father General: «Che mi capitasse alle mani, che fosse pari al Duca di Gandía, che fu il B. Francesco Borgia, tant’utile nel principio della Religione de’ gesuiti, et se questo Iddio vorrà anche nella povera nostra Religione mandare, lo riceverò per buonissimo augurio et non manco di pregare S. D. M.» (EEC p.239).

N. B.- As for Calasanz’s desire for exquisite elements, of good wit and good manners, especially for the elementary classes, we are offered a useful parallel with the great Louis Vives, who writes thus in his De subventione pauperum (p.9):«Indicibile est quantopere magni et eruditi viri reipublicae prodessent, si non gravarentur vel ipsi munus suscipere instituendae pueritiae ad omnia sequacis, et in quam multo facilius est rectas opiniones instillare... certe rectores civitatum decet non esse in hoc segnes, quin optimos ludi magistros prospiciant suis pueris, praeditos non modo ingenio ac eruditione, verum etiam iudicio sincero et sano; nam in ilia puerili institutione magna vis est ad reliquam omnem vitam, quemadmodum in seminibus ad fruges venturas. Profecto in hoc expediret accuratius incumbere quam in ornanda urbe aut locupletanda; nisi forte putamus praestare malos posteros relinquere, modo et divites.»

In addition to these somewhat general, albeit basic, qualities of good sense, good character and good habits, the Calasanzian educator must also have good physical and mental health. Calasanz wants the teacher to be “robust and healthy”[272], because “ill would be little fruitful for the Religion”[273]. According to him, one of the main concerns of superiors should be the physical and mental health of teachers, because only then could they make progress in piety and letters[274]. The extent to which the health of the teachers was close to the Saint’s heart can also be seen from the information that each house had to send to the General about the condition of the teaching staff. In addition to the general information, the following four points are mentioned: Letters, morals, talent and health[275].

272 L.3510, Ep.VII p.307: «Quanto al sacerdote detto Costa, fussi huomo robusto e sano, si potria ammettere alla religione.»

273 L.562, Ep.III p.62.

274 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.189): «lnvigilabit etiam ab iis, quae suorum subditorum tam domi, quam foris sanitati nocere poterunt, eos defendere, tum praecavendo, tum remedia opportuna adhibendo, ita ut magis in virtute et litteris proficiant». And to preserve this health - bodily and spiritual - he highly recommends manual labor: «Non sanno il frutto che deriva dal detto lavoro [manuale], non solo quanto al merito, ma ancora quanto alla sanità corporale, esortateli [i fratelli] da parte mia a farvi ogni dì un poco di essercitio come fanno i cappucini» (L.869, Ep.III p.292); regarding the spiritual: «Ho caro che stia occupato in essercitii manuali, che sogliono divertire da diverse cose che non sono a proposito delli peregrini che semo in questa breve vita» (L.2396, Ep.VI p.42).

275 Reg. Prov. 42^23

In addition to the provisions of Canon Law, which prevented the admission to a clerical Order of persons who showed a lack of physical integrity (seriously ill or conspicuously deformed)[276], Calasanz also wanted to exclude from the teaching ministry those who suffered from chronic headaches[277], mental anomalies[278] or speech defects[279], as they would obviously not have been able to carry out their ministry well with such deficiencies. As for physical attributes, Calasanz seems to highly value a certain dignity of appearance, which he believes has great educational value[280].

276 Constit. (p.1st c.1 n.13): «Defectus in corporis integritate, debilitas virium, seu notabilis exterior deformitas iuxta formam iuris.»

277 Ibid., variant of the original text (Reg. Cal. XII 8): «Inter gravia impedimenta annumeratur: capitis infirmitatem notabilem pati».

278 Ibid., «Ingenii defectus».

279 Ibid., «Linguae defectus»; in another place he tells: «In omnibus vero recipiendis ad probationem exoptanda est in loquendo gratia, ut in docendo sit facilitas» (Constit. p.1a c.1 n.15). Only the General Congregation of March 8, 1698 defined more precisely what “in loquendo gratia” means: «Loquendi gratia carent balbi, blaesi linguaque praecipites vel tardiores, ideoque excludendi, sicut etiam visu notabiliter laborantes» (Constit. [ed. Roma 1826) p.26).

280 Ibid., variant of the original text (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Species etiam honesta, qua plurimum proximi aedificantur (commendat aliquem in ordinem nostrum recipiendum)».

And it is amazing how the saint even extends his attention to certain psychological anomalies and certain defects of character that make it impossible or impossible to work in the pedagogical field.

Thus, he wanted to eradicate the unstable and restless characters[281], the capricious[282], the obstinate[283], the angry[284] and all those who suffer from a certain kind of religious mania or are superstitious by nature[285].

281 Ibid., variant of the original text (Reg. Cal. XII 8): «Incostantia animi et corporis immodestia, quae inutilem et inquietum ad religionis exercitium hominem reddunt».

282 L. 931, Ep.III, p.340: «Se è capriccioso o malinconico non si deve pigliar in modo alcuno».

283 Constit., variant of the original text (Reg. Cal., XII, 8): «Obduratio in propio sensu, quae si fuerit gravis, omnino impediat». Cf. also L. 1840, Ep.V, p.84): «Chi è pieno di propio giuditio non può farlo buono in materia di altri». Such a person is, therefore, unfit for the educational task, which requires understanding and penetration into the spirit of others, into different characters.

284 Dichiarazioni alle Costit. (De castitate: Reg. Cal., XI, 5.0): «Avvertano li Superiori di non ammettere alla professione novizii ... se si conosceranno esser stizzosi et di mala conditione nell’ insegnare.»

285 Cf. Constit., variant of the original text (Reg. Cal., XII, 8). Here are listed as impediments to admission “indiscretae devotiones saeculi quae facile ad illusiones hominem inducunt».

Among the mental illnesses, the saint pays special attention to melancholy; he does not want to include those who suffer from such an illness among the educators, “because - as he says - they are usually of stubborn judgment and easily end in consumption”[286]. In his opinion, such melancholy is often due to pride, which - as we shall see later - is inadmissible in the educator’s personality[287]. Moreover, melancholy, as a cause of habitual sadness[288], makes the teacher incapable of carrying out his delicate work with the joy that is essential to lead the student to the truth and educate him for the good[289].

286 L.1461, Ep.IV p.261: see also Constit. variant of the original text (Reg. Cal. XII 8): «Gravia impedimenta: melancholia gravi laborare.»

N. B. Calasanz’ desire to exclude the sick from school was centuries ahead of the regulations of modern school hygiene.

287 L.2249, Ep.V p.392: «Patisce di malinconia che pur nasce da superbia.» A detailed, identical and almost contemporary doctrine on melancholy can be found in the works of St. Theresa. Cf. on this subject the article in the “Etudes Carmelitaines”, by Fr. PIERLUIGI DE SANTA CRISTINA, Direction Spirituelle et psychologie. La direction d’après les oeuvres majeures de Sainte Thérèse p.214-216, with extensive bibliography.

288 L.196, Ep.II p.220: «...che non ammetta pensieri malinconici che sogliono stringere il cuore e turbare la mente.»

289 Ibid.: «Si deve fare detto esercizio con allegrezza come ci esorta S. Paulo: hilarem datorem diligit Deus.» See also what the Jesuits have to say on this subject (Ratio Studiorum vol.50 p.145): «Bonam debemus iuventutis institutionem, de qua tamen non optime merentur, et vix nostrae obligationi respondent Praeceptores, quamdiu amaro sunt animo».

Similarly, he wishes to exclude from the teaching profession all those who have a bad inclination or a hereditary defect in the field of purity[290].

290 Dichiarazioni alle Constitutioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): ‘’Avertano li superiori di non ammettere alla professione novitii né li professi a dar il suo voto per quanto amano a Jesu Christo et la Beatissima Vergine M.a Nostra Protettrice, li quali nel tener le scuole si siano mostrati scandalosi con toccarli le mani, la faccia, et tanto più quando essendo avvertiti non ne sono emendati poichè sono segni di manifesta rovina nelle nostre scuole.»

From the examination conducted so far, we conclude that the candidate for the pedagogical task must be of good mind and good character, of good habits, healthy in body and mind from the very beginning. This is, so to speak, the physiological-pedagogical substrate required for the Calasanzian teaching ministry. Thus, the Piarist educator must be in statu nascendi. Through careful training and constant self-education, these initial qualities must then mature into true virtues and more positive qualities, which are necessary in every respect for pedagogical activity.

2. The calasanzian educator´s love of God and neighbor

It is indisputable that the main virtue of the Calasanzian educator is the love of God and neighbor, which then crystallizes in the practical love of children, in the pedagogical charity[291]. Calasanz himself is bursting with this pure love of God and is “determined to die rather than give up the enterprise”[292]; and he also wants his educators to become “heroic in the pure love of God, which is the first and most important commandment of the most holy law of the Lord”[293]. From this love must arise the “spiritus vehemens” of the Calasanzian educator, “qui nescit tarda molimina”[294]. This pure love of God “must resound in his neighbors” and “soothe their weariness”[295]. This charity is therefore by no means idle, but follows the Saint’s maxim: “Works are a sign of love, not well-spoken words”[296]. It is condensed and concentrated in an affection for the disciple that leads him, like a guardian angel[297], to place himself “at the service of the children”[298] and “in his work among the little ones”[299], “to preserve them and heal them from evil”[300], “to guide them on the right path”[301], “to enlighten them with the light of God and the world”[302] and, in short, “to save their souls and also their bodies”[303]. This love leads him to see Jesus Christ himself in these poor children[304] and to build up and enrich his Mystical Body with them. This love leads the Calasanzian educator, following the example of St. Paul, to be able to say of himself: Omnibus omnia factus sum, ut omnes lucrifacerem Christo[305].

291 Constit. (Prooemium n.6): «Et cum res circa quam versamur tanti momenti sit, ut Ministros maxima charitate ... praeditos, requirat...» Cf. also L.616, Ep.III p.114: «Spero che ogni dì riuscirà meglio il fratel Gian. Thomaso perchè fa tutte le sue fatiche per puro amor del Signor, che è il vero modo di far profitto in sé et nelli altri.»

292 L.1148, Ep.IV p.41: «Io quanto fo, lo fo per amor suo, resoluto prima di morire che di abbandonar l’impresa...»

293 L. 4024, Ep.VIII p.147.

294 L. 2402, Ep.VI p.46.

295 L.2859, Ep.VI p.340.

296 L.679, Ep.III p.156.

297 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

298 L. 1181, Ep.IV p.65.

299 L.55, Ep.II p.108.

300 Memorandum to card. Tonti.

301 L.225 Ep.II p.238.

302 Memorandum to card. Tonti.

303 Ibid.

304 Constit. (Proemium n.4): «Et quia nos vere Pauperes Matris Dei esse profitemur, pueros pauperes numquam despiciendos, sed multa patientia et charitate omni virtute exornandos curabimus, maxime dicente Domino: Quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis». Cf. also L.3041, Ep.VII p.41: «Dirà al fratel Antonio della Concettione che procuri con ogni diligenza di fare la scuola che li sarà ordinato, et se haverà amore non dico all’Instituto, ma a Dio benedetto et a se stesso s’ingegnerà di imparare quello che non sa per far bene alli poveri, o per dire meglio, a Christo nelli poveri.»; L.2441, Ep.IV p.71: «E se quelli considerassero che quello che si fa per un povero fanciullo lo riceve Christo in propria persona, son sicuro che vi usarebbero maggior diligenza.»; L.4465, Ep.VIII p.384: «...a favore di molti poveri che rapresentano la persona di Christo.»; L.1937, Ep.V p.152: «Mi piace la scrittura che mi ha mandato; procuri di esser grato a Dio con humiliarsi quanto più potrà et con insegnar con quell’affetto che insegnerebbe se vedesse che Dio lo sta mirando quando insegna o vero studia per insegnare.»

305 L.1191, Ep.IV p.73; of the importance of love in education, cf. V. CABALLERO, o.c., vol. I p.85-86.

Such a universal love of the Calasanzian educator for God, for his neighbor and above all for the student must then express itself in a charity that is entirely devoted to education and teaching. A charity that is strong but at the same time sensitive, that knows how to treat the precious object of its activity, i.e. the soul, the mind and also the body of the student, with sense and tact.

This love of the Calasanzian educator for his pupil must above all be truly paternal[306]. According to Calasanz, every educator “must “attract pupils more by showing himself to them as a father than as a strict judge”[307]. He must “teach them with such affection that the pupils see that he wants them to progress”[308], like a real father. He must show the students the kindness and gentleness of the Lord himself[309]. And since they are “reasonable subjects”, he must convince them “with the declared truth, with the love of a father, much more than with shouting and insulting words”[310]. Such an educator will be able to sympathize with the weakness of his subjects and to convert and reform them with fatherly love”[311]. His fatherly love will be understood and reciprocated by his students[312]. Such fatherly love, which sometimes even uses punishments, will know how to discipline even the “rebellious youth”[313], and by practicing “patience and the spirit”, it will bring peace to all[314]. The Calasanzian educator, animated by this paternal love, will forgive the straying sheep[315], “adapt to the students’ abilities” and “spur the students to diligence in school and later win them more easily for the service of God (which is our great gain)”[316].

306 In the Vita Glycerii (p.124, appendix of the book Scholae Piae) the fatherly love of the Venerable Glicerio for children is described in vivid colors: «Cum pueros in nostris Scholis Piis virtutum ac praesertim pietatis studiis formaret, tam fervido id spiritu et charitate praestabat, quasi pueros is suismet ex visceribus procreasset atque indefesso labore puerorum institutioni insistebat, ut Christi Domini exemplo illud opus suum esse afirmaret, panemque suavissimum passim vocitaret, quo nihil in hac vita degustabat iucundius.»

307 L.1618, Ep.IV p.373.

308 L.354, Ep.II p.318.

309 Patent for a rector (Reg. Cal. XII 31): «Mansuetudinem ac benignitatem Redemptoris nostri cures».

310 L.2412, Ep.VI p.53.

311 L.549, Ep.III p.46.

312 L.1245, Ep.IV p.117: «Mostri affetto grande del profitto dei giovinetti sicchè loro stessi pubblichino il profitto che con la sua diligenza sperano fare»; see also L.2148, Ep.V p.285: «Et sappia che quando li scolari conoscono amor di Padre nel Maestro et diligenza circa il loro profitto vengono volentieri alla scuola, ancorchè non ci sia rappresentazione.»

313 L.1387, Ep.IV p.215: «Cosi l’uno col castigo et l’altro col amor di Padre, aiuteranno cotesti giovinetti, che intendo vi sono delli discoli.»

314 L.1246, Ep.IV p.118): «Bisogna che il Superiore sia superiore in charità, in patientia et in spirito et come padre sappia tener li sudditi in pace.»

315 L.589, Ep.III p.93.

316 L.1488, Ep.IV p.282.

In particular, this love should be showered with greater affection and more intimate familiarity with the little ones, because it is precisely here that the educational and instructive process cannot take place if it is not inspired and nourished by love[317].

317 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «Dichiariamo che con li scolari di dieci anni in giù, che imparano solo a compitar et leggere solamente, li maestri si portino con ogni charità, et perchè per la piccola età et l’imparar ad essi fanciulli apporta più familiarità, però si lascia sopra la coscienza loro, alle quali scuole il Superior debba mettervi sacerdoti o maestri vecchi.»

But alongside love, prudence should also come into play[318]. According to Calasanz, there are three possible mistakes on this point that the educator must avoid. Firstly, he must not be “excessively indulgent” or “excessively kind”, because in this way “he “corrupts young people” and causes in them the “aggravating wound that is difficult to heal”[319]. In fact, as soon as they perceive such a weakness on the part of the educator, young people take advantage of it and “do their will in a multitude of things”[320]. Another mistake that the Calasanzian educator must avoid is “too much affection”[321]. Yes, he must love his students, but “without becoming familiar with them”[322], and he must also “not form a special friendship with anyone”[323]. Calasanz wants his teachers “to show the same love to everyone, without showing any special affection for anyone”[324]. They should “teach everyone in the same way”[325]. How seriously Calasanz later took the observance of these norms is shown by the fact that the teachers were seriously examined on this point during the canonical Visitations and, in the event of misconduct, were immediately removed from their post or changed their place of residence[326].

318 L.673, Ep.III p.151; L.1340, Ep.IV p.182; L.1908, Ep.V p.130: «Il Sig. lo benedica sempre et a V. R. et a tutti li suoi compagni dia sempre accrescimento nel fervor di aiutar li poveri per puro amor suo, ma con il modo et prudenza necessaria, perciochè, quae a Deo sunt, ordinata sunt, et a poco a poco si fa con la perseveranza gran viaggio» (30-11-1632).

319 L.673, Ep.III p.151.

320 L.718, Ep.III p.181. Cf. also: «So che V. R.a non manca del desiderio come vero padre et anco madre di promuovere la perfettione loro, ma vi vuole qualche volta dell’amaro» (L.679, Ep.III p.156).

321 Common Rites threaten with severe penalties «si quis in aliquem discipulum ita affectus est, ut aliis praeberet scandalum» (Ritus communes. De gravi culpa c.131: Reg. Cal. 92).

322 L.1441, Ep.IV p.250.

323 L.1847, Ep.V p.91. There are three reasons for this concern: I) To preserve the authority of the educator, which will certainly be lost if there is excessive familiarity. 2) To foresee the dangers to his chastity. 3) To avoid any partiality that might arise from special friendships.

324 L.1713, Ep.IV p.433.

325 L.415, Ep.II p.369; cf. also, in the volume Duo praestantissima documenta (p.9), «Ordini da osservarsi dalli Operarii»: «...non si mostrino partiali ma trattino ugualmente a tutti et non faccino carezze a nessun in particolare.» Cf. also Dichiarazioni alle Constituzioni: (Monumenta Historica Scholarum Piarum. II. De re paedagogica. I. Duo praestantissima documenta de paedagogiae calasanctianae initiis p.17): [Del maestro di scuola]: «Si guarderà di non mostrare più affettione ad un scolaro che ad un altro, ma ugualmente li tratti acciò gli scolari non piglino sospetto et agiuti quelli che fanno meno profitto.»

326 Cf. The Minutes of the Visitation of Narni in the year 1642 (Reg. Prov·. 4230); see also L.415, Ep.II p.369.

But all this was not enough for Calasanz. The educator’s paternal love, purified of these defects, must be sublimated into a purely pedagogical love, i.e. a love that attracts, inspires and educates. The educator must “behave in such a way that he draws his subjects to him and does not instill repugnance in them”[327]. He must “dissuade pupils from vanity with familiar exhortations spoken with fatherly love”[328] and he must “allow himself to be obeyed more with love than with severity”[329]. He also knows that “he must “overcome all the imperfections of his subjects with charity”[330] and that “the way to overcome perverse spirits is to do them good”[331]. Especially in the most difficult cases, where only charity can help in a certain way, it is necessary to “behave skillfully and with much charity” in order to have a certain influence on the disciple’s soul[332]. On the other hand, the affection of the educator must be sufficient to create absolute trust in the learner. Only in this way can that intimate relationship develops which is the indispensable basis of all true education. The student will open his heart to the educator, and the latter will be a safe guide with his wisdom and love[333]. The Calasanzian educator, moved by his pedagogical love, “goes skillfully towards the discovery of the goal” of the student and “is watchful” over his steps[334], without missing an opportunity to move him benevolently towards service and love of virtue[335]. Truly, one could say that the whole effort of this pedagogical love is directed towards a single goal: that the students “ become capable of sanctifying and glorifying themselves in heaven”[336].

327 L.1084, Ep.Ill p.452.

328 L.738, Ep.Ill p.195.

329 L.1191, Ep.IV p.73.

330 L.2991, Ep.VI p.441.

331 L.1763, Ep.V p.33.

332 L.2118, Ep.V p.266: «... quando il demonio s’impossessa di un cuore fa simili e maggiori pazzie; e però conviene andar con molta carità destreggiando per ridurlo in sentimiento, non essendo ora capace di reprensioni, nè di asprezza di parole.»

333 L.1286, Ep.IV p.145: «Procuri di assicurarlo [l’educando] acciò si fidi di V.R.a et li scuopra et consulti o conferisca tutte le sue cose con V. R.a.»

334 L.150, Ep.II p.190.

335 Constit. (p.2a c.9 n.201): «Curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit, ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere.»

336 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.)

We will see in the following chapters how this paternal-pedagogical love of the Calasanzian educator also extends to the physical health and social support of the student. Suffice it here to cite the example of Venerable Glicerio Landriani, proposed by the first Piarist Fathers as an example worthy of imitation: “When school was over, he accompanied the students home, as is our custom; he diligently visited those who were ill, entertained them with whatever he could, brought them sugar preparations and other similar things usually given to the sick, and prayed to God for their recovery”[337] .

337 Vita Glycerii, in Scholae Piae p.125 (Giovanni Benedicti).

And to all that we have been able to say about the paternal-pedagogical love of the Calasanzian educator, it should be added that this love is not limited to the student, but also includes his parents[338]. For this reason, Calasanz wants the textbooks to be fruitful for them too[339]. This special affection extends to all his colleagues in the arduous service of education, for only such mutual love among educators can awaken in them that spirit and zeal without which there cannot be educational work[340].

338 Especially in the lands of heretics, efforts were made to convert parents through their own children.

339 Constit. (p.2a c.11 n.213): «Erit ergo circa hoc quilibet localis Minister valde diligens, ut, qui pueri legere discunt, iis libris utantur, qui non solum optimis characteribus insigniti sint, sed ex quorum lectione tam pueri quam eorum Parentes fructum percipere possint».

340 Ibid. (p.2a c. 7 n.167 y 171): «Omnes etiam se invicem venerentur et cum magna reverentia alloquantur...»; and: «Omnes idem sapiant, idem dicant, omniumque sit iudicium unum et voluntas una; quo fiet, ut iuncti invicem fraternae charitatis vinculo efficacius possint se obsequio Dei, et proximorum utilitati mancipare». Cf. also L.4939, Ep.VIII p.369: «Et procuri di levar dall’animo et opinione di tutti la divisione delli soggetti, ma tenga per suo fratello in Christo qualunque altro soggetto di qualsivoglia nazione, come sia timoroso e buon servo di Dio, già che nel Signore non est acceptio personarum et dicono li filosofi e matematici, quae sunt eadem uni tertio, sunt eadem inter se, però V. R. procuri mantener l’animo suo universale.»

3. The patience of the calasanzian educator

Charitas patiens est, says St. Paul[341], and it is precisely for this reason that Calasanz also wants the pedagogical charity of the educator to always be accompanied by great patience, and that his zeal always works “with holy prudence and with great patience and mercy”[342]. For Calasanz, charity and patience always go together[343]. He wants the educator to endure much “so as not to break charity” and because patience in such cases “opus perfectum habet”[344]. Calasanz teaches that with “great patience” one can expect “great reflection”[345]. Moreover, with patience you can achieve anything[346]. The virtue of patience keeps haste[347] and anger[348] from the educator. If he succeeds in “combining patience with joy, he will accomplish works of great merit”[349]. Without patience, the educator can do nothing, for it is the practical manifestation of his charity.

341 I Cor 13,4.

342 L.1427, Ep.IV p.241; cf. also L.225, Ep.II p.238.

343 Constit. (Prooemium n.6): «...ministros maxima charitate et patientia praeditos requirat...»; cf. also ibid. (n.4): «pueros pauperes multa charitate et patientia... exornandos curabimus»; also L.737, Ep.III p.194-195: «Attenda all’opera con gran diligenza ... adoperando la virtù della patientia et della charità con tutti.»

344 L.4082, Ep.VIII p.181.

345 L.893, Ep.III p.310.

346 Processus ne probationes perirent p.187 (Reg. Cal. 31): «... patienza, patienza con questa si ha tutto.»

347 L.827, Ep.III p.259: «Le cose precipitosamente fatte et forse senza precedere quell’oratione che si converrebbe sogliono partorire pentimenti fastidiosi.»

348 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI p.67): «Si guardi di non stizzarsi contro li scolari, et particolarmente essendo le scuole di scolari grandicelli.»

349 L.91, Ep.II p.140.

But in addition to these general observations, Calasanz also points out the purpose and function of patience in pedagogical activity. The Saint writes that the educator “needs great patience to make use of the talents he discovers in his subjects and to correct faults and shortcomings with fatherly affection, admonishing one after the other”[350]. Certainly, with patience, “the young” can be “led on the right path”[351], because patience creates that spiritual atmosphere without which any educational activity would be difficult. In fact, the patient educator, who “never goes off the rails”, “produces a good rather than a bad effect in the minds of those around him and of those being educated”, and so, if he really has the spirit of prayer, he will know how to “follow the various human wills and ways of being”[352].

350 L.3721, Ep.VII p.427.

351 L.225, Ep.II p.238.

352 L.1816, Ep.V. p.66-67.

With patience, the educator will hardly lose hope of the pupil’s improvement; he will know how to forget his past[353]; he will know how to hide his small faults; and he will pay more attention to the inclinations and the mistakes that everyone tends to commit more often[354]. He will not shout, for he knows “that ruling by shouting has never been praised”[355]; he will not use “sharp words”[356] nor “show passion” in his words, for “where passion is discovered, the credit that should be given is not given”[357]; he will be so skillful that there will never be a “break” with the disciple, for “one achieves more by exhortation than by imposition”[358]. If he is patient, he will know how to “sympathize with the weakness of his subordinates and warn and compensate them with fatherly love”[359]. He will also know that “the way to overcome wrong spirits is to do them good”[360].

353 L.720, Ep.Ill p.182.

354 L.2602, Ep.VI p.177.

355 L.2229, Ep.V p.371; cf. also L.2393, Ep.VI p.40: «... et se il P. Melchior fussi padrone di sé stesso et si sapesse ritener di non gridare, sarebbe un grand’huomo, ma il vitio si è mutato in natura sichè non sa astinerse di gridar etiam con secolari con li quali li Religiosi devono mostrar almeno modestia esterior».

356 L.866, Ep.III p.289.

357 L.3279, Ep.VII p.193.

358 L.1815, Ep.V p.66.

359 L.549, Ep.III p.46.

360 L.1763, Ep.V p.33.

The Calasanzian educator, endowed with the truly pedagogical virtue of patience, knows that “it is not possible to become perfect immediately”, and therefore he must accept any imperfections of the pupils and “help them to improve little by little with fatherly exhortations”[361].

361 L.899, Ep.III p.314.

Finally, the virtue of patience, accompanied by the virtue of perseverance, will also serve him in the treatment of difficult, mentally ill people, as it encourages him “to remain strong and help to heal the spiritually ill, for if a drop of water falling incessantly from above ends up breaking the stone, the superior’s exhortation, made out of compassion for the sick and out pure love of God, will have all the greater effect”[362].

362 L.3039, Ep.VII p.39.

4. The humility of the calasanzian educator

Another valuable and indispensable virtue of the Calasanzian educator is humility. The Calasanzian educator must be humble, because he must be perfect in every virtue, especially in charity. And according to Calasanz, the humbler you are, the more virtuous and holy you are[363], and where “humility and poverty” reign, “holy love dwells gladly”[364].

363 L.4544, Ep.VIII p.426: «Tantum habet virtutis quantum humilitatis.» See also Fr. V. BERRO, Memoriae historicae t.1 1.2 p.84: «Soleva anche dire: Vuoi esser santo, sii humile; vuoi essere più santo, sii più humile; vuoi essere santissimo, sii humilissimo.»

364 L.1662, Ep.IV p.400.

Calasanz therefore wants all his educators to practice “the virtue of holy humility if they want to attain true charity and holy love of God and understand the things of the spirit with a true foundation”[365]. On the other hand, as we shall see, the Calasanzian educator must be a man of interior life. Now, “the way to become wise and prudent in the interior school” is precisely that of holy humility[366], which is “the fruit of penance, of the desire for justice, of the work of mercy”[367].

365 L.3761, Ep.VII p.450.

366 L.2300, Ep.V p.438-439.

367 Reg. Cal. XII 117. Sentence of St. Bernard quoted by Calasanz.

N B/ I am not speaking here of the humility that the Calasanzian educator must feel and practice as a religious-priest; on this point see Fr. A. SAPA, o.c., p.94-100; on the humility of the Calasanzian educator, cf. also Fr. V. CABALLERO, o.c., I p.212-218

But apart from these general considerations on the virtue of humility, which is the basis for all the other indispensable virtues of the educator, there are other well-founded reasons why the Calasanzian educator must necessarily practice such a virtue. The Calasanzian educator must be humble in order to be able and willing to zealously exercise his wholesome office, so despised by the world, of “teaching children”[368]. Calasanz hopes that he will never fail in his Religion “who has the great privilege of humbling himself not only to teach reading and writing and the abacus, but also to teach the little ones to read”[369], and he especially wishes “that all priests humble themselves to this out of pure love for God”[370].

368 L.1160, Ep.IV p.49: «V. R. li faccia animo (to the novices) che imparino ad humiliarsi quanto possono interiormente acciò siano atti ad un essercitio tanto alto quanto è l’essercitio d’insegnar fanciulli (che al mondo, nostro nemico, pare tanto basso e vile) ma con la pratica si troverà il valore di esso». See also Acta Cap. Prov. Romana, 1640 (Reg. Cal. XII 167): «...esortò tutti [Calasanz]... insistendo per sempre, come è suo solito, nel cercare di umiliarsi viepiù, come par che il nostro Instituto, da altri religiosi ributtato e da noi volontariamente preso richieda...»

369 L.4276, Ep.VIII p.278.

370 L.4108, Ep.VIII p.195.

But the Calasanzian educator must practice the virtue of holy humility, for he must teach the first elements to poor children, living in the strictest poverty himself. This is an important motive for the social and pedagogical function of Pious Schools, even if it is alien to the actual pedagogical function. Also, because, according to Calasanz, the virtue of humility is inherent in the office of the educator-teacher, who must constantly adapt to the cultural and moral level, “to the capacity of the children”, to use Calasanz’ own words[371].

371 L.2577, Ep.VI p.161: «Ne sarebbe poco se sapessimo humiliarci alla capacità delli fanciulli alla istrutione de quali la Sta. Chiesa ci ha ordinati».

It is clear that a proud and arrogant spirit will never be suitable for pedagogical work, because he will never be able to forget himself or think of the real and concrete needs of the student.

Certainly, according to Calasanzian teaching, humility is one of the most effective factors in any pedagogical activity. From Calasanz’ various statements, it is deduced that humility is the pedagogical virtue par excellence, because it “makes people” - and in our case educators - “most capable of recognizing the truth and loving the true good”[372]. It makes them recognize and observe the so-called “leçons des choses”[373]. It calls for divine enlightenment[374] and leads the educator to a true intimacy with the same God[375]. It also gives educators a certain ease and effectiveness in transmitting their own ideas, their own thoughts and their own virtue to those they educate. In contrast, the educator’s words, uttered without humility, are words without spirit that leave no impression[376]. On the basis of such considerations, Calasanz could rightly claim that the educator, “if he is humble, will be of great benefit to the students and to the Religion, and if he does not humble himself, he will be of no benefit either to himself nor to the students[377].

372 L.4532, Ep.VIII p.419; L.4392, Ep.VIII p.341; L.4531, Ep.VIII p.418.

373 L.1325, Ep.IV p.170: «Li procurino far amare la virtù della santa humiltà per mezzo della quale haveranno la cognitione del modo che doveranno operare in tutte le sue attioni».

374 L.649, Ep.II p.135: «lo vi prego che entriate nella vera strada della humiltà reputandosi tanto basso quanto sia possible se volete che Iddio vi illumini».

375 Cf. L.912, Ep.II p.327: «Et cum simplicibus sermocinatio eius».

376 L.2263, Ep.V p.412. Cf. also L. 4535, Ep.VIII p.422: «Io pregherò al Signore che dia a V. R. tanto spirito di santa Carità et humiltà, che faccia alcuni discepoli a proposito» (from which it follows that to have disciples, humility is required).

N. B. Perhaps Calasanz’ thought could also be formulated in this way: Education, a social function par excellence, cannot be practiced without humility, which is the basis of all social activity. Another letter of the Saint seems to indicate this: «...procuri di usar ogni diligenza con li scolari, il che farà se egli sarà umile et haverà cognitione della proprie miserie» (L.١٦٣١, Ep.IV p.381).

377 L.899, Ep.Ill p.315. Cf. also L.382, Ep.II p.348: «Ho molto caro che V. R. essendo et reputandosi istromento inutile del Sig. per cose del suo ser voglia non dimeno sua divina maestà adoperarlo per bene delle anime in codesta città et suole per l’ordinario per le persone più vili nel cospetto suo et di poco valore fare profitto grande nelli altri.»

On the other hand, the virtue of humility also provides the educator with the inner peace that is also indispensable for any worthwhile pedagogical activity, since only actions that have a solid spiritual foundation can have a lasting and infallible effect[378]. Humility will therefore make the educator a faithful servant of the truth. Indeed, the humble educator will never try to impose his opinion because it is his own, but will always seek the truth and the best in consultation with others[379].

378 L.2390, Ep.VI p.37: «...pratticate questa santa virtù davvero che trovarete la vera quiete et insegnatela anche alli secolari ancora.»

379 L.102, Ep.II p.146: «Desidero che conferiscano insieme le cose che s’insegnano et escono in publico, la quale attentione sebene presuppone grandissima humilità, tuttavia ne risulta molto maggior profitto di essa tanto per sè quanto per il prossimo.»

Finally, the Calasanzian educator must remain humble, even if he eventually feels the success of his hard work, “for it may be that the benefit comes more from the prayer of others than from his own work”[380].

380 L.2947, Ep.VI p.406.

This humility is lived and practiced concretely by the Calasanzian educator when he sweeps the school, when he cleans the classrooms[381] or when he accompanies the children home[382]. After all this, Calasanz’ sentence in which he explains that humility is innate to our Institute does not seem to be an exaggeration[383].

381 Processus informativus p.393: Reg. Cal. 30. Testimony of Victoria, daughter of Bernardino Gracchi: «Io ho inteso dalli Padri delle Scuole Pie, che il P. Gioseppe della Madre di Dio visitava le sette chiese di notte e prima che andasse nettava li luoghi communi».

382 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Vedano li maestri che la scuola stii polita e la spazzino essi anche due volte per giorno, e non siano trascurati in questo». Cf. BAU, o.c. p.201.

383 «Ad sanctam humilitatem instituto nostro fere congeneam, conservandam...» (Reg. Cal. XII ١١٤).

The great simplicity and modesty that the Calasanzian educator must show in his entire demeanor can also be seen as a fruit of this inner humility. Calasanz explicitly insists on this virtue[384], and he wants humility and simplicity to be like special notes of his Order[385].

384 L.1392, Ep.IV p.217: «Oh, quanto haverei caro che tutti li nostri camminassero con una santa semplicità». L.1928, Ep.V p.142: «Cammini con una santa semplicità insegnando le lettere et il santo timor di Dio alli scolari».

385 «Nella nostra religione si viva con santa semplicità et humiltà et si perseguiti e castighi la superbia severamente» (L.٢٥٧٧, Ep.VI p.161). Cf. Constit. p.2a c.7 «De modestia et charitate». See also A. SAPA, o.c., p.117-128 «Semplicità e umiltà nella spiritualità Calasanziana».

Finally, to bring this little essay on the humility of the Calasanzian educator to a worthy conclusion, we can add a fact that we know from one of the old biographers. According to him, Calasanz inculcated the virtue of humility in his educators by taking Our Lady, the Mother of God, as his model, the most humble educator of the greatest educator. Only by imitating Mary’s example can the Piarist teacher make brothers of Jesus out of his students[386].

386 Vita del P. Niccolo Gerrotti (Reg. Cal. XIV 62,1): «...desiderava sommamente imprimere nelli suoi huomini la humiltà, perchè dovendosi insegnare a poveri fanciulli lettere e pietà, era necessario il profondo fondamento di tutte le virtù; ma la principale l’humiltà; e come che elesse che questa Congregazione militasse sotto il stendardo della Madre di Dio, cosi le diede per insegna sua un campo turchino circondato da raggi significato per il manto di Maria in mezzo del quale con alcune lettere greche, che significano il nome santissimo di Maria... , il trofeo dell’Insegna della Croce con la corona, denotando la dignità della Madre di Dio e l’humiltà che si professa ad imitatione di essa.»

However, we must not fail to point out that the Blessed Lord, the “unus et supremus magister”, was proposed as the supreme model and ideal of humility for the Calasanzian educator[387].

387 L.4225, Ep.VIII p.251-252: «Avvertendogli che quelli che per superbia non vorranno imparare questo esercitio tanto utile [abbaco] nella religione, Iddio benedetto non li vorrà accettare in compagnia sua, poichè non si sono voluti humiliare per amor suo, come egli si humiliò per amor nostro.»

5. The poverty of the calasanzian educator

To paternal-pedagogical love, patience, modesty and simplicity, the Calasanzian educator must add “venerable poverty, mother of humility and other virtues”[388], but above all of charity[389]. Here, too, Calasanz’ intention becomes clear: poverty must contribute to the perfection of the Calasanzian educator, because, according to the Saint, “it is necessary that he who wishes to do something that pleases God and renders a useful service to his neighbor be a true despiser of all earthly things and hope only in God”[390] and thus - with a complete and trusting surrender to divine providence[391] - attain “the joy of holy poverty”[392].

388 Constit. (p.2a c.5 n. 137): «Venerabilis Paupertas pretiosae humilitatis ac aliarum virtutum parens... diligenda et in sua puritate firmiter conservanda est...»

389 L.1662, Ep.IV p.400: «...li Padri della quale se mi crederanno, s’ingegneranno ad esser humili et veramente poveri, tra le quali due virtù habita volentieri la Santa carità che è il fine di tulle le Religioni.» Cf. also L.783, Ep.ll p.225-226: «... per essere più staccati di beni temporali et amministratione di essi che così si conserverà piu intieramente con tutti la charità.»

N. B. Here we do not examine poverty as a vow, but as a virtue of the educator.

390 L.1922, Ep.V p.139.

391 L.885, Ep.Ill p.305: «...non manchera l’aiuto del Sig. massime se costì attenderanno con charità alli poveri scolari insegnando loro con ogni diligenza il santo timor di Dio con le lettere.»

392 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

Of course, in addition to the general motives that generally motivate people - especially religious - to profess evangelical poverty, there are also other special motives for which poverty is particularly indicated and recommended to the Calasanzian educator.

The Calasanzian educator must be poor because he must dedicate himself entirely to the service of the poor. He must make himself accessible to all, “help all and be a burden to none, according to the advice of the Apostle who says: Habentes alimenta et quibus tegamur, his contenti simus[393]. He must give piety and letters to all free of charge[394]. But with great demands and special requirements, with an excessive attachment to the goods and comforts of this world, all this would be impossible[395].

393 L.3875, Ep.VIII p.56.

394 This is also prescribed by the Bull of Paul V: «Gratis et nullo stipendio, mercede, salario, aut honorario accipiendo ad pueros in primis elementis, grammatica, computo, ac praecipue in fidei catholicae rudimentis erudiendos, bonis ac piis moribus imbuendos, ac demum christiano more educandos operam laborem ac studium conferre debent» (Bullarium Religionis Scholarum Piarum p.19-20).

395 Cf. Memorandum to card. Roma, S. P. N., 1645 (Reg. Cal. XIV p.68): «...Ultimamente se si li togli la somma povertà, e quella poca austerità nel vivere e vestire prescrittali dalla felice memoria di Gregorio XV, e osservata fino al presente giorno, si toglie quello splendore che solo lo fa ammirare e desiderare fino dagli infedeli come l’esperienza dimostra e predisse la bona memoria del Sig. Card. Giustiniano il Vecchio, primo protettore dell’lstituto, e si toglie la via alle povere città e terre di poter godere dell’lstituto, non avendo modo di sostentar i suoi ministri volendo entrate e commodità» (cf. this Memorandum, trans. to Spanish in J. M. LESAGA y otros, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías p.205-213).

N. B.- The question of professing extreme poverty in the interest of the poor was also one of the reasons for the separation between the Congregation of the Mother of God and the Pauline Congregation in 1617. Cf. the Bull of Paul V: «Cum autem sicut accepimus Clerici saeculares praefati bonorum stabilium possessione se abdicare nolint propterea quod aliis muneribus, et exercitiis iuxta regularia eiusdem Congregationis lnstituta, apostolica auctoritate confirmata, ne vacent impediri se sentiant, et huiusmodi exercitiis potius operam dare quam praedictas Scholas regere malint, Nos ne tam pium, ac praesertim pauperum liberorum Christianae educationi proficuum opus aliquod propterea detrimentum patiatur, quantum cum Domino possumus providere volentes... litteras nostras praedictas... tenore praesentium revocamus... » (Bullarium Religionis Scholarum Piarum p.19).

On the whole question of union and separation, see PICANYOL, Epistolario II p.49-55, with extensive bibliography.; BAU, Biogr. crit. p.333-348; A. GARCÍA DURÁN, ltinerario espiritual de San José de Calasanz p.123-184; G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.209-220.

For this reason, Calasanz could write, almost with a sense of impulsive satisfaction: “There is no Religion poorer than ours and more concerned with the service and welfare of the poor”[396], and “where others do not go without having a very comfortable dwelling and a very rich income, and with the power of acquiring more and more ... these [their religious] are content with a small house and are maintained with very little, they are incapable of possessing anything even in common, and they do charity without any interest”[397].

396 Al Ms. Commissario della Camera, on 15-12-1634: Reg. Cal. V, 363.

397 Istanza dei PP. di S. Pantaleo alli Sig. Conservatori di Roma: Dom. Gen. II.

The Calasanzian educator must also be poor in order not to jeopardize his apostolic mission, the “reformatio reipublicae” through the education of the youth, but to strengthen it[398]. His exemplary poverty had a special political-historical-social value in those times that were agitated not only by religious reform and counter-reform, but also by various tendencies towards a social reform. There were times when one of the main accusations of Protestantism against the Church was the insatiable ambition of the secular and regular clergy. And it is precisely then that the Calasanzian educator refutes every accusation with extreme and rigorous poverty, extinguishes every suspicion and wins the minds of the heretics themselves[399].

398 L.1750, Ep.V p.26: «Noi siamo per ottener un Breve in confirmatione della nostra povertà... et si toglierà ogni sospitione che noi vogliamo beni temporali, et chi non si contenta con le cose necessarie mai si contenterà con le superflue perchè l’appetito dell’huomo è insatiabile».

399 L.2902, Ep.VI p.372: «Et ho le lettere che arrivarono a Nicolspurgh in Moravia, dove hanno tre conventi molto osservanti et con molto concorso di figlioli di heretici, li quali con facilità si convertono alla nostra santa fede, et quel che più importa con consenso delli loro padri, vedendo che noi non pretendiamo altro che il vitto et vestito.»

Another important motive that moves the Piarist educator to voluntary poverty is his lively desire to preserve his independence in teaching and his sacred freedom in the moral and religious education of youth. By being content with little and needing almost nothing, he can preach, teach and defend true Christian values more effectively and without the risk of corruption, without bowing to anything or anyone but to faith and truth[400]. Certainly, only the spirit of poverty, which does not expect human favor or retribution, gives the Calasanzian educator that freedom and independence from the influence of cities, town councils, parents and relatives. This freedom and independence are the only ones that can guarantee a solid Christian education. In order to preserve and protect this freedom, Calasanz wanted the educator not to accept anything from the students[401] or ask for alms in the homes of the parents or relatives of the poor students[402]. It was also forbidden to engage in any form of trade in the school[403].

400 L.843, Ep.III p.273: «...staremo come sempre havemo fatto dipendenti solo da Dio.»

401 Duo praestantissima documenta: Documentum princeps p.9: «Item che non dimandino ne piglino cosa alcuna dalli scolari né dalli Padri loro et anche fussero frutti dati per amorevolezza...»

402 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «I nostri cercatori avvertano di non prendere cosa alcuna da quelli che hanno dei figliuoli o parenti che vengono alle nostre scole, dandola per riconoscimento della nostra fatica in insegnarli; ma se fosse possibile, non si doverebbe andare e chiedere limosina alle case loro, e particolarmente quando sono poveri.» Only in case of extreme need, e.g., illness, could they accept some food.: «Dirà nella scuola dell’abbaco o vero in alcuna altra dove li parerà, che chi possa far la charità di un paio di ova per li nostri infermi li porti doppo pranzo» (L.73, Ep.II p.127).

403 Duo praestantissima documenta: Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni p.18: [«Del maestro di scuola:] Non venderà né righe né ferretti né penne né carta, altra cosa necessaria alli scolari con haverne a pigliar esso o altri per esso li denari, procurando che le dette cose, se si potrà, si diano per limosina alli scolari poveri.» Cf. also L.3208: Ep. VII p.157: «La devo avvisare di un mancamento e negligenza grande, che s’usa in coteste scuole di vendere e comprare.»

It was undoubtedly those social and educational motives that led Calasanz to insist so strongly on poverty that he wanted it to be “supreme” in his Order and never to be changed, even if not in a stricter observance[404]. We can read about the nature of this poverty later on in the Bull of Paul V[405] and in the Constitutions[406].

404 Cf. Constit. (p.1st c.3 n.31): «... voveo... summam Paupertatem» ...; ibid.: «Insuper promitto, me nunquam acturum, nec ratione aliqua consensurum, ut quae ordinata sunt circa paupertatem in Constitutionibus nostrae Congregationis immutentur, nisi quando ex iusta causa videretur Paupertas magis restringenda.»

405 Bullarium Religionis Scholarum Piarum (p.20): «...Congregationem Paulinam erigimus et instituimus, ita vero quod si simplex paupertatis votum, ut praefertur emiserint, cuiuscumque dominii iuris et proprietatis incapaces sint, idemque paupertatis votum summam in iis paupertatem inducat, tam in particulari, quam in communi, ita ut nihil omnino iuris habeant, sed nec habere aut acquirere quovis titulo possint iis bonis seu ad bona quae vocantur immobilia, vel quae pro immobilibus habentur; huic vero paupertati omnia ad eorum usum pertinentia, cibos, vestem, suppellectilem tam sacram quam profanam statui et instituto convenientia; domos vero, hortos contiguos domibus, Ecclesias, Sacristias, Oratoria, ac Scholas et huiusmodi immobilia, quae pariter eorum usui destinantur, similiter convenientia, ut praefertur et praeterea in Dominio Romani Pontificis pro tempore existenti, mobilia vero in dominio ipsorum in communi tamen esse debere decernimus et declaramus... »

406 Constit. p.2nd c.5 «De paupertate». See particularly n.144: «Omnes vivant ex eleemosinis, vel mendicatis, vel sponte oblatis, quae tamen congruis temporibus ad annum provideri poterunt, ne quotidiano labore exercitationes litterariae impediantur». Cf. also V. CABALLERO, o.c., vol.2 p.14-18.

Surely, we are not far from the truth if we suppose that Calasanz insisted on the supreme practical poverty of the Piarist educator, apart from the reasons already mentioned, for this must have been one of the most characteristic differences - apart from the teaching of the first elements - that distinguished him from the educator of the Society of Jesus, who also professed poverty, but not as rigorously as the Order of the Clerics Poor of the Mother of God of the Pious Schools[407].

407 Mon Hist. Soc. lesu 65; Mon. lgn. Constitutiones IV 7; De Scholis Collegiorum Societatis p.128-132: «...non tamen sunt recipiendae obligationes vel conditiones quae sinceritatem impediunt nostri in procedendo modi, qui est dare gratis quae gratis accepimus; quamvis pro eorum sustentatione qui communi bono Collegiorum serviunt, vel propter illud student, dotatio quam Fundatorum Charitas assignare solet, admittatur». Thus, on April 21, 1581, Gregory XIII donated the Abbey of Clairvaux in Piceno to the Collegio Romano with an annual income of 6,000 escudos (RINALDI, E., La fondazione del Collegio Romano p.84). Castelli says in his Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 603) that the Piarists should imitate the Jesuits in everything, «fuorchè nella povertà maggiore conche doviamo accompagnarla per facilitar l’aiuto nostro anco a persone e terre piccole e povere, il che fu uno dei principali motivi della Congregatione dei Vescovi e Regolari in approvar questa nostra opera e farla Religione con voti sollenni». Fr. Caputi speaks more clearly in his Notitiae Historicae Scholarum Piarum t.1 p.1 fol. 119-120: «[Piarists] sono amati tanto dal re, quanto dalla Nobiltà et anco dall’Accademia, che l’ha data la facoltà di fare le scuole in Varsavia, che non hanno potuto ottenere i PP. Gesuiti... e non vanno tesaurizando ma si contentano del solo vitto e vestito e perciò sono amati e venuti in grandissima stima tanto nella Polonia, come nella Germania, che tutti i Principi desiderano haverli nelli suoi stati per il beneficio che fanno ai popoli, che d’heretici diventano Cattolici per l’industria et l’esempio di questi Padri.»

Today it is impossible to understand how many sacrifices this extreme poverty demanded of the Calasanzian educator, of the whole Institute of the Pious Schools, especially in the heroic period of its creation. In reality, none of the schools ever had a secure financial base; part of the teaching staff - which was always scarce in numbers - was constantly engaged in collecting alms, all to the detriment of the schools and teaching[408].

408 See the warnings already given in the Constitutions of Calasanz (cf. n. 406 above). We find the same warning in the Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV (1933) p.46. Only the General Chapter of 1641 gave some relief (Reg. Gen. IV p.5 p.1): «Vedendosi i disordini che fino a questa ora cagionarono le cerche lontane et che per essa bisogna adoperar molti dei nostri i quali pigliano occasione di rilassarsi...» It is given permission to accept «qualche elemosina certa ma volontaria».

Various offers for new foundations had to be turned down[409], and even a stable house of studies could not be built during Calasanz’ lifetime. And as this extreme poverty often bordered on misery, the teachers themselves often had to suffer the serious consequences: They frequently had to endure hunger, cold and illness[410]. The simple and coarse clothing they had to wear was also burdensome and humiliating[411].

409 On the extreme poverty of the foundations, cf. Fr. L. PICANYOL, Epistolario II p.74-75. Only in the foundation of the house of Chieti did Calasanz relax a little the rules of extreme poverty in favor of a house of studies to be founded there; he himself, in fact, asked dispensation to the Holy See so that the house of Chieti could accept inheritances and pious legacies (cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.178).

410 Calasanz himself wrote (L.3077, Ep.VII p.67): «Mi dispiace che i nostri Padri devono andare con tanti stenti cercando il vitto per la campagna e Dio gli perdoni al P. Pietro, che pigliò questo luogo tanto lontano e con tanta fatica delli Padri che vi stanno.»

See also C. Erra (Memorie de’Religiosi t.1 p.32-33): «Molti si ammalano nel tempo dell’unione e muoviono nelle fatiche delle Scuole, anche Calasanzio vuole curarsi ai bagni di Lucca.» He knew very well that the Fathers deserved better fortune and condition. L.1827, Ep.V p.74: «Et noi dovemo tener conto con che li nostri Padri habbiano nell’habitatione qualche comodità giacche l’istituto e tanto faticoso.» Because of that in his Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. IX 5), wrote: «Si ordina innanzi che se si pigli luogo alcuno debba prima andarvi il Provinciale o vero altro soggetto atto in luogo suo con un Assistente et con l’Architetto acciò vedano esattamente il luogo se è per potervi restare la Religione et li maestri debbano patire nelle cose necessarie con descapito dell scuole.»

411 Constit. (p.2a c.6 n.154): «Vestes nostrae ut Clericos Pauperes Matris Dei decet ex panno nigro, vili ac rudi conficiantur...» Cf. also ibid., n.159: «Et ut vestitus noster in sua ruditate conservetur, sandalis seu calceis finestratis in nudis pedibus utentur.» Cf. also P. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.675-676.

If, despite all this and despite the observations of the Apostolic Visitator[412] and his most faithful collaborators[413], Calasanz wanted to remain faithful to his extreme poverty, it is obvious that his goal was the social, intellectual and moral redemption of the poor. To achieve this, he found no other more effective and suitable means than the absolute poverty of the educator. Only the teacher poor will be able to work zealously for the poor, only he will be able to understand them, and only he will be able to live independently, immune to the corruption of the world. Only he alone can represent and convey divine truth and goodness in a worthy and impartial manner[414].

412 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.1082.

413 Cf., e.g., a letter from Fr. Onofrio Conti addressed from Nikolsburg to Calasanz dated May 29, 1643. (EEC p.295): «Non si scordi di mandare la forma delle fondationi che poi non habbia a dire S. P. che si distruggono le nostre Costitutioni, perché si pose in quella di Podlain redditus et non eleemosina, poiché li secolari la vogliono chiamare così et noi eleemosina, ecco la distruzione delle nostre constituzioni in campagna. Per dirgliela semplicemente la nostra povertà io non la so intendere se sia carne o pesce. Nelle Costituzioni dice estrema povertà; Salomone disse divitias et paupertatem ne dederis mihi sed ... Noi non vogliamo né le richezze, né la povertà, ma tantum victui meo tribue neccessaria. Et poi diciamo che sia estrema povertà questa; il voler andare dietro alle esteriorità ha ridotta la nostra religione alli termini che adesso si trova.»

414 Ascetic considerations undoubtedly also play a role, such as the great zeal for reform that prevailed in the various religious Orders at the time of Calasanz, but especially among the Capuchins and the Discalced Carmelites, and later the great inclination and love of the Saint himself for poverty. Cf. PICANYOL, Epistolario III p.151 and C. ERRA, Memorie p.35-37.

All in all, we can say that it is not without deep reason that Calasanz wanted the Piarist educator to be officially called Pauper Matris Dei throughout the world, and his entire Order, Ordo Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum[415]. Just as the poor Mother of God brought up her poor divine Son poorly, so the poor Calasanzian educator must bring up the “poor little ones”, the adopted children of God. The reason for this is simple: “Non fit redemptio socialis sine voluntaria paupertate multorum.”

415 Constit. (Prooemium n.4): «Et quia nos vere Pauperes Matris Dei esse profitemur, Pueros Pauperes nusquam despiciendos, sed multa Patientia et Charitate, omni virtute exornandos curabimus; maxime dicente Domino: Quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis».

6. The chastity of the calasanzian educator

Another indispensable virtue of the Calasanzian educator must be his chastity, his purity without blemish. One of his main tasks is precisely to encourage the boys in the easy and stable exercise of angelic virtue, which he certainly could not do without himself possessing all the necessary guarantees for a pure, chaste and undefiled life. Calasanz and his first companions, who had a great and rich priestly and pedagogical experience, were on the one hand convinced of the extraordinary importance of the educator’s chastity[416], on the other hand they saw very clearly that this virtue could be threatened precisely in the exercise of pedagogical activity[417], and therefore they did everything to have truly impeccable educators in this delicate matter[418].

416 L.942, Ep.III p.348: «...ma a me solo da fastidio il vitio pessimo, quale solo è sufliciente per ruinar il nostro Istituto, che a gli altri difetti si può sempre dare soddisfatione e rimedio ... Et esorti tutti non solo a guardarsi loro da simil peste, ma ancora procurino di perseguitarlo con ogni diligenza, ove ne sentono qualche sospetto in maniera che si conservi l’Istituto con ogni purità». Cf. also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni. Ordini Generali p.60 (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «Il fine della nostra Religione è che si impari alli scolari il Timor di Dio et non il vitio. Si che -quod absit- serpesse un tal vitio nella nostra Religione, sarebbe di grandissimo danno alla repubblica christiana per l’occasione prossima che vi è.»

417 Petitio per due gravi inconvenienti (Reg. Cal. XII 97): «L’altro inconveniente molto magiore e più pericoloso è la continua prattica e familiar conversatione, che a viva forza devono i suoi tener con gente sbarbata, dà occasione non piccola ai mal inclinati o per natura o per vitio contratto nel secolo, a far cose dell’offesa di Dio grande et danno del prossimo.»

See also Constitutions, where vitium carnis is told nostro Instituto contrarium (Constit. p.3.a c.2 n.272). Moreover, according to Calasanz, those who had any deficiency or bad inclination towards purity should not even be admitted, as we have already seen above under the conditions for admission to the pedagogical-religious profession. (p.138 n. 284).

Cf. also Della qualità dello stato più conveniente per l’educazione (Reg. Cal. XIV 606): «Onde essendo l’oggetto di questo nostro [Istituto] la buona e pia educazione de’ giovanetti per se stesso non meno attrattivi che distrattivi e per accidenti facili ad affezionarsi insieme scolari e maestri, e però esposto a qualche pericolo d’amor impuro, ha bisogno non solo de buoni preservativi d’essercitii devoti per conversatione dello spirito e di vita stretta e mortificata per freno della carne, ma ancora de buoni correttivi di pena.»

418 Constit. p.2.a c.3 n.115: «Similiter et cum agendum erit cum discipulis in Scholis seu in Oratorio, modestiam et omnium virtutum specimen illis exhibeant.»

Calasanz’ ideal was clear and simple: he wanted his people to be “very docile when teaching and guiding poor children, with whom they constantly deal more with the purity of angels than of men on earth”[419].

419 Memoriale, quo petitur ut Constitutiones S. P. N. non ab extraneis interpretentur (1644): Reg. Cal. XIV 64.

As the supreme force and defense of this chastity, the Calasanzian educator should use his own solemn vow. Such a vow gave his life a definitive character and strengthened it with the seal of a total and perpetual consecration to angelic virtue[420].

420 However, to ensure that there was no room for undesirable elements in his Order, Calasanz wanted such a vow to be linked to the condition “ex parte Religionis”. In the event of misconduct, the careless religious could therefore be expelled immediately, Cf. Dichiarazioni alle Costitutioni (Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV [1939] p.39).: «Et perchè in questo Capitolo Generate si deve conoscere il danno che risultarebbe alla repub. xriana il non havere operarii di buoni costumi et di vita esemplare per il continuo commercio che si ha con li figliuoli ordinamo che li novitii che per l’avvenire doveranno far la professione devano dichiarar nella sua professione conditionaliter il voto della castità ex parte religionis cioè si quod absit occorresse cascar in detto vitio contro la castità per lo qual la religione lo può mandar via conforme le nostre Costitutioni et nel modo che nelli casi seguenti capitoli si dona, senza strepito et clamore possa il generale o Provinciale di suo ordine cognita causa mandarlo a casa sua... »

The Constitutions themselves empowered Father General to secretly expel the weak on this point. (Constit. p.3a c.2 n.272): «Et quia huius Congregationis Institutum Operarios et Ministros ut supra diximus, omni virtute praeditos requirit; et inimicus humani generis nunquam cessat insidias Religiosis tendere; eis praecipue, qui scandalum in Republica maximum praebere possunt; ne alicuius culpa Congregatio detrimentum patiatur, statuimus ut si aliquis, etiam Professus, quovis tempore... vitio carnis (nostro instituto valde contrario) notatus fuerit, possit eo casu Pater Generalis seu etiam Provincialis de eius ordine, a voto Paupertatis et Oboedientiae eum, si Sacerdos fuerit, absolvere; et si frater Operarius fuerit, etiam a voto Castitatis, et ne alios inficiat doctrina sua et exemplo, a Congregatione secreto (quoad fieri poterit) expellere»

The Riti comuni consider as one of the most serious faults (and worthy, therefore, of very serious penalties) any fall in this matter. See the chapter De gravissima culpa et poena (Reg. Gen. XCII 278): «Si quis peccatum contra naturam commiserit (aut ad committendum incitaverit). Si quis in schola vel extra scholam cum aliquo discipulo vel alia persona solus in loco secreto inventus fuerit. Si quis nocte in cella alterius simul inventus fuerit.” Cf. also BAU, Biogr. crit. p.692. 1038-1039.

So that he might keep his chastity undefiled and carry out his pedagogical mission safely, Calasanz did not fail to add useful rules and wise advice alongside the general rules of asceticism[421]. Thus, the saint ordered that the fathers’ room should be completely separated from the school to avoid any danger and that the students should never be taken there[422]. For the same reasons, he ordered that none of the children were to remain in the school building after classes had finished[423], nor did he allow the educator to remain alone with any of the students[424]. The same precautionary measure was also taken for the boarders[425].

421 Constit. (p.2nd c.3 and 4): «De castitate» and «De aliis mediis conservandae castitatis».

422 L.2071, Ep.V p.236: «Mi son scordato per due altre volte risponderle che non si conducano gli scolari nella casa in niun tempo, e meno vi si tenga scuola, però l’osservi puntualmente et lo dica agli altri tutti da mia parte, per fuggire i mali ed insieme le sospicioni”; cf. also L.2073, Ep.V p.237: «Come anche le replico che per niun modo si facciano scuole nella Casa dei Padri, ne si intromettano gli scolari in niun tempo dovendo fuggir il male, l’occasione del male, ed anche troncar le sospicioni di male.»

In the General Chapter of 1627 it was decided: «Item che tutti i provinciali nelle loro Provincie facciano che nelle case ci sia la clausura che divida le scuole dall’habitatione dei Padri quanto sia possibile” (Reg. Gen. IV: Cap.Gen. 1627). Also is very categoric L.2256, Ep.V p.404: «...perchè le (scuole) vorrei in tutti i loughi separate dal comercio delli nostri».

423 Constit. (p.2nd c.3 n.116): «Finitisque Scholarum exercitationibus nullus ex discipulis in Scholis remaneat, sed eos ut moris est, ad proprias domos comitabuntur.» Cf. también Ordine per le scuole di Narni e Campi § ١٠ (Reg. Cal. ٣٢): «Finita la scuola niuno resterà in essa o in chiesa, nè tampoco nel cortile o in altro luogo per qualsivoglia cosa senza espressa licenza del P. Prefetto».

424 Riti comuni p. 49-50 (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Non hanno li maestri da trattare, nè ragionare con gli scolari fuori del luogo e dell’hore da insegnare. E meno lo possono fare con gli scolari di altre scuole, ancora che altra volta gli havessero insegnato, mentre non ne hanno particolare permissione del Superiore.»

Ibid.: «Entrando gli scolari nella scuola, quando non passassero il numero di tre non serrino mai li Maestri la porta.» Cf. also Duo Praestantissima Docum. Documentum princeps p.9: «Item che fuor della scuola non pratichino con alcun scolaro separatamente».

425 Ordini per il convitto di Nikolsburg (Reg. Cal. X 21): «Non possa andar alcuno dei nostri, se non l’assegnato, all’appartamento dei Lauretani; et il Superiore quando lo stima bene con quella compagnia che le parrà a proposito. Non può entrar chi che sia nelle camere de’ Lauretani. Nessuno de’ nostri, se non l’assegnato, o chi havesse licenza dal Superiore deve parlar con i Lauretani etiam di passaggio. Chi contrafarà a questi ordini con i Lauretani digiuni tre giorni a pane et acqua.» («Lauretani» are called the boarders students.)

The unavoidable direct and personal contact of the educator with the student must be modest, prudent and moderate. The educator must refrain from any special affection[426], he may neither touch nor caress the children, nor punish them with his own hands[427]. Only when it came specifically to little children, whom he called “piccolini” and who needed loving and almost motherly care, did Calasanz show himself to be a little more lenient by entrusting these children to the loving care of older and therefore more experienced Fathers[428]. A chastity so eagerly sought, guarded and protected could not but flourish in so many and so beautiful ornaments of the Calasanzian garden. And the heart of the holy Father, master and pedagogue was overjoyed, as a fragment of a certain letter of his gloriously testifies. A fragment that deserves all our attention because it allows us to glimpse and contemplate all the openness of Calasanz’ soul, which almost prostrated itself before the radiant purity of the deceased Father Gellio Ghellini, his “very dear companion”[429].

426 Constit. (p.2a c.3, n.115): «...nec alicui ex illis particularem affectum ostendant.»

Ritus communes. De gravi culpa (Reg. Gen. XCII): «Si quis in aliquem discipulum ita affectus est, ut aliis praebeat scandalum».

427 Constit. (p.2a c.3 n.115): «...nec propriis manibus illos verberent sine Superioris licentia.» Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5) «[In illis verbis: nec manibus propriis illos verberent, etc.]»: «Si proibisce per le nostre Costitutioni il battere gli scolari colle proprie mani, se non de licenza de Superiori, per l’inconveniente [che] ne può venir alla castità. Però si ordina, che nissuno delli Maestri tocchi la faccia alli scolari ancorchè piccoli, ne tenerli le mani o altri toccamenti ancorchè carezzevoli ... vogliamo che siano severamente castigati quei Maestri li quali inoltre al toccarli mostrano affetione scandalosa come metterli a sedere sempre appresso di se, il che in modo alcun non si possa fare, ma sempre stia tanto lontano dalli scolari quanto li possano passar dui a spalle, se non vi fosse il tavolino nella scuola o vero il pulpito et facendo il contrario, se sono sacerdoti debbano per la prima volta mangiar nel refettorio pane et acqua per tre giorni et li altri giorni quattro, et se non si emendaranno siano compresi per scandalo si come si è detto sopra.»

Cf. also Riti comuni. Scuola (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Li Maestri overo altri, così de’ nostri come de’ stranieri, non hanno da toccar in modo alcuno ne pure per scherzo, o per fare carezze, o per altro rispetto in parte veruna gli scolari e così devono usare grande avvertenza il porgerli qualche libro, carta e simile secondo le occasioni, di astenersi afatto, come pure ancora di essere toccati dagli scolari stessi in ogni tempo e luogo e per qualunque ragione; ne si lascino baciar le mani, ne anco dai piccolini, mentre non fossero sacerdoti di molta età.»

428 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni. De castitate (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «Dichiariamo che con li scolari di dieci anni in giù che imparino solo a compitar et leggere, li maestri si portino con ogni charità, et perchè per la piccola età et l’imparar ad essi fanciulli aporta più familiarità, però si lascia sopra la coscienza loro; alle quali scuole sempre il superiore debba mettervi sacerdoti o maestri vecchi et se recusassero di far simile scuola siano privi di voce attiva et passiva.»

429 L.16, Ep.II p.66-67: «...e perchè ne ho conosciuto interiormente la bontà di detto Padre, non mi è difficile credere simili cose; particolarmente dell’integrità del corpo: doppo averlo tenuto sette mesi soto la terra, che per me tengo si sarebbe conservato moltissimi anni, che suol essere gratia particolare di coloro che in vita conservano la nettezza, e purità, sì del corpo, come dell’anima, nel che egli fu vigilantissimo, et era arrivato a far oratione tale, che pareva che il suo gusto grande era star tra i fanciulli d’età pura, et insegnarli ad amare il Signore et a far Oratione, e pareva similmente che con la sua purità egli come una calamita tirava a sè i cuori dei fanciulli puri, che non sapevano in scuola trovar maggior gusto che star in compagnia di esso Padre, il che fin hoggi non ho notato in altro soggeto alcuno simile effetto tanto straordinario.»

To conclude this section, it seems important to recall that the most important model of chastity for the Calasanzian educator was the Queen of the Pious Schools, the chaste Virgin and Mother of the Divine Child. Just as she “sine tactu pudoris inventa est Mater Salvatoris”, so and only so can the pure and chaste Calasanzian educator become the “pater parvulorum”, the spiritual father of the poor children, the beloved brothers of Christ. Only in this way can he become an infallible spiritual guide of young people on the, if not lewd, then extremely dangerous path of puberty.

7. The inner life of the calasanzian educator

If we set ourselves the task of highlighting and presenting the rich and multifaceted figure of the Calasanzian educator, after having become acquainted with his characteristics and main virtues, we cannot and will not write an ascetic treatise on his inner life[430]. However, we will only point out the elements that are obviously closely linked to his pedagogical mission. Certainly, a profound observer of Calasanzian spirituality cannot fail to notice that it always unfolds in relation to a specific pedagogical goal. According to Calasanz, the pedagogical vocation does not allow the educator to be a fragmentary being in any way. It demands a whole person, and the educator must fulfill his task “ex toto corde suo et ex tota anima sua”.

430 And it would not be useless, since the educator imparts to the student what he is, and not what he wants. So, his inner life has a very large share in his pedagogical activity. But we are freed from this by the meritorious and complete work of Fr. A. SAPA, Teologia spirituale pedagogica di S. Giuseppe Calasanzio (Firenze 1951).

Someone has aptly remarked about the Calasanzian educator that at the moment of solemn profession, he feels as if the words of his superior present there apply to him: “Tu es educator in aeternum secundum Ordinem Calasanctii”. And from that moment on, he consecrates himself completely to education and directs and arranges everything, even his inner life, to make himself as suitable as possible for his mission. The same observation was already made by the first perceptive observers of the new educational Order[431]. Such and similar observations arose from the luminous intuition, the firm will of the great educator, who wanted to consecrate the whole personality, the whole ability, the whole development and the whole energy of the spiritual life of his educators to the holy cause of the poor children.

431 T. CAMPANELLA, Liber Apologeticus (in the book by L. PICANYOL Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei. Appendice p.239): «Scholarum Piarum Professores ... Instituto suo ita dediti sunt ut illi tantum nati videantur.»

On the basis of such ideals and convictions, Calasanz wishes the educator to be “a man of the spirit”[432] who has “a great spirit and zeal to help, by example and teaching, not only the young people in the schools but also the laity to tread the true path of paradise”[433]. Elsewhere, he speaks of the need for a “spiritus vehemens qui nescit tarda molimina” for the educator[434]. He knows and confesses that in order to educate young people, in addition to knowledge and didactic qualities, the educator must have an exemplary spiritual life and lead an intense inner life[435]. An inner life that is nourished and supported by the spirit of reflection[436] and permeated by a deep spirit of prayer[437], because only in this way will he be able to face the inevitable difficulties and overcome the not few hardships[438].

432 L.3692, Ep.VII p.410.

433 L.4321, Ep.VIII p.302.

434 L.2402, Ep.VI p.46.

435 Constit. p.2nd c. 10 n.203: «...vitae spiritualis exemplum ... necessaria esse duximus.»

436 Ibid., p.1st c.4: «De recessu a saecularibus».

437 Ibid., p.1st c.5: «De orationis studio».

438 It was also conceived in this way by its first cooperators; e.g., Fr. Castelli in his Discorso sulle Scuole Pie, where he writes: «Havendo questo Istituto assai del distrattivo e pericoloso, non meno che del vile agli occhi della carne, e laborioso e perciò bisognoso di un gran peculio di spirito» (Reg. Cal. XIV 603). Also Liber de pia educatione (sive cultura pueritiae compendio scriptus per R. F. Ioannem a Iesu Maria), in his Exhorlatio ad Magistros (p.13a c.1), tells: «Qui ad opus Scholarum Piarum tamquam Magistri solius aeternae mercedis intuitu accesere, susceptum laborem praemiique spem animo versare ac pertractare debent, ut arctiora merita perquirant et pueritiae fastidia patientius ferant.»

Such a spiritual life of the educator must begin with a generous renunciation of the world[439], of parents, brothers and sisters, relatives and friends[440], to continue later in a generous and total abandonment to Divine Providence, the obligatory starting point for any apostolic-pedagogical activity[441].

439 Constit. (p.1a c.4 n.33): «Quaecumque anima fidelis ex Instituto nostro fructum plurimum percipere cupit, exhortationem illam prophetae sibi dictam existimet: Audi, filia, et vide, et inclina aurem tuam, et oblivescere populum tuum et domum patris tui, et concupiscet rex decorem tuum.»

440 Ibid. (n.34): «Omnem igitur affectum circa sanguine iunctos et amicos exuendum curet, ac ilium in spiritualem convertat, eosque solum secundum charitatem bene ordinatam diligat, et Christo Domino, cui soli vivere et placere studeat, adhaereat.»

441 L.941, Ep.III p.346: «Io desidero che li nostri novitii disprezzino generosamente il secolo et quanto in esso vi è, et di più si gettino confidentemente nelle braccia della provvidenza divina che come essi habbiano acquistato un poco di questo stato saranno atti a trattare senza pericolo alcuno con ogni sorta di gente.» In another place Calasanz wrote this: «...farebbe una cosa santa, a dare un calcio al Mondo, che non è altro che un gran mentitore, promette gran cose, e non l’osserva, beato chi lo sa disprezzar da vero» (L.2187, Ep.V 319); cf. also: «Mi pare necessario, chi vuol far cosa grata a Dio et servitio utile al prossimo, che sia vero disprezzatore d’ogni cosa terrena et habbia la speranza sola in Dio» (L.1922, Ep.V p.139). Finally: «Se li Religiosi lasciassero di trattar con li secolari e trattassero in camera sua con Dio per mezzo dei libri spirituali et dell’oratione tirarebbero dietro di sè le persone secolari e con la sola vista li moverebbero a grande divotione perciochè: Magis movent exempla quam verba» (L.4563, Ep.VIII p.438).

In Calasanz’ opinion, such a renunciation is all the more necessary because only in this way can the educator - detached from all ties to the world - devote himself freely and completely to his delicate pedagogical mission[442].

442 Cf. L.2250, Ep.V p.409.

Already inwardly so disposed, he must become a sincere and faithful friend of silence[443], for only in this way can he come into direct contact with God and feel the promptings of the Holy Spirit, the supreme and divine pedagogue[444], and only in this way can his disciplined and moderate speech be educational and instructive rather than destructive[445].

443 Constit. p.1a c.6: «De silentio».

444 L.1970, Ep.V p.176: «...nella casa dove si osserva il silenzio vi è ottima disposizzione per dar luogo allo Spirito Santo che ispiri cogitationi sante alli religiosi.» Cf. also L.1830, Ep.V. p.76: «Pertanto V. R. usi ogni diligenza che in casa si osservi da tutti il silenzio, ordinando che fuor dalla scuola, o non si parli o si parli con voce bassa e fuor di casa si parli solamente con quelli che sarà necessario parlare, ma con le meno parole che sarà possible.» Finally L.1367, Ep.IV p.201: «Le raccomando la cura in far osservar il silentio alli novitii perchè altrimente non impararanno mai a saper parlar con Dio et la virtù del silentio mostra l’esser l’huomo ben composto et riformato nell’interno.» Cf. L.3898, Ep.VIII p.68: «...e procuri che si osservi il silentio et il ritiramento da ognuno in camera sua dove possa legger libri spirituali et cavar profitto per l’anima sua.»

445 Le qualità del buon Religioso (Reg. Cal. XII 27): «Il parlar del religioso ha di esser confessando li proprii mancamenti et imperfetioni, lodando le virtù delli altri et tutte le cose che appartengono alla gloria del Signore dicendo et facendo con parole et opere tali cose che a tutti dia edificatione et buon essempio et doctrina più con le opere che con le parole. Et questo è il parlar del religioso». On the other hand, according to Calasanz, he who possesses a greater spirit of silence can become more and more patient. L.1830, Ep.V p.76: «Et sarà piu patiente se haverà un poco più silentio.» On this point (and all others), see what Fr. A. Sapa says (op. cit., pp. 44-45).

N. B.-It is certainly no coincidence that the tongue of Calasanz, this great friend of silence and of modest and edifying speech, remained intact. Such a fact has a symbolic value and solemnly demonstrates to all educators the immense importance of the tongue of a zealous and apostolic educator.

Certainly, only contemplation and silence can create an environment that is not only suitable for acquiring a certain knowledge of God, but also useful for the maturation of a purely pedagogical mentality. Calasanz says that it is a knowledge so great that any little part of it surpasses all human sciences, on the study of which men spend most and the best years of their lives, and which usually makes those who possess them swell and arrogant. In contrast, the knowledge of God makes man blessed to the extent that he believes in divine love after he has gained this knowledge”[446]. Therefore, the educator must “first collect like a vessel and then distribute like a channel”[447].

446 L.1339, Ep.IV p.181.

447 L.4120, Ep.VIII p.202.

In this environment, the spirit of prayer easily arises without which the effectiveness of the Calasanzian educator would be extremely precarious[448].

448 L.557, Ep.III p.56-57: «Quanto all’osservanza del silenzio se non l’abbracciano con particolare affetto sempre saranno religiosi materiali et atti a rilassarsi facilissimamente; però lo avvertirà bene quanto importa al religioso il non parlar con la lingua con li huomini per poter parlar con la mente con Dio, et a quest’ultimo non si può arrivar senza la mortificazione del primo.» Cf. A. SAPA, o.c. p.52-54 «Silenzio ed orazione».

Calasanz clearly sees that the educator can do nothing without divine grace, which must be implored with fervent prayer to the supreme and only Master[449]. Only he can “give the grace and the possibility of communicating his holy fear to the students together with the letters”[450]. And for this reason, Calasanz exhorts “all to help the students with great zeal, which is done with great benefit through prayer”[451]. And the educator must not only pray for himself[452] and for his students[453], but also be present in the prayers of his confreres[454], while the students, especially the little ones, must pray for the educator of their souls[455].

449 L.2717, Ep.VI p.240: «...Se V. R. desidera far profitto nell’anime de’ giovinetti come è obbligo del Maestro deve con gran fervore et humiltà domandare a Dio benedetto simil gratia, perchè chi non ha in sé fervore et amor di Dio non lo può communicare a gli altri, pero ogni giorno procurerà una e più volte in secreto et massime nella Messa gratia particolare a Dio di poter fare quel frutto che è obbligato nelli giovanetti che vengono alle nostre scole et si impetrerà da Dio benedetto questa grazia, impetrerà grandissimo merito, per sé et grandissima utilità per i prossimi.» Cf. also Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.201): «...curabunt Magistri, ubi occasio se obtulerit ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere, et ut eis ex voto succedat, in omnibus scholis ante lectionis initium dicat aliquis devote orationem solitam prout in Regulis Scholarum, quam Magister et discipuli aperto capite versus imaginem genuflexi audient.»

450 L.4221, Ep.VIII p.249.

451 L.776, Ep.Ill p.21.

452 L.843, Ep.III p.274: «Procuri di aiutarsi con molta oratione et molti atti di virtù particolarmente di umiltà acciò in questo santo Istituto possa in cotesta città far cosa grata a Dio et utile al prossimo.»

453 Cf. some prayers composed by Calasanz to be prayed by the students of Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10):

I. For the dressing of students: «Oremus. Da quaesumus Omnipotens Deus, ut hic famulus tuus N., qui ut Tibi ferventius deservire et proximis utilis esse possit ad studia litterarum in hoc collegio incumbere desiderat, plena fide et forti animo in sancto proposito permaneat, tribue ei Domine humilitatem, castitatem, charitatem, obedientiam, omniunque virtutum incrementa, ut ad meritum aeternae gloriae pervenire mereatur. Per Dominum Nostrum Iesum Christum ... »

II. For the conclusion of the ceremony: «Oremus. Omnipotens Sempiterne Deus, qui facis mirabilia magna solus, praetende super hunc famulum tuum N., spiritum gratiae salutaris, et ut in litteris et timore sancto tuo plurimum proficere possit perpetuum ei rorem tuae benedictionis infunde. Per Christum Dominum Nostrum...»

454 L.646, Ep.III p.132-133: «Il P. Melchior sta nelle Scuole molto solitario et ha bisogno dell’aiuto dell’Oratione di V. R.»

455 L.909, Ep.III p.322: «...per far l’opera della scuola con quel profitto che si deve nelli scolari V. R. ne faccia oratione et ne faccia fare alli scolari piccoli». Cf. also L.1875, Ep.V p.110: «Da qui aiutaremo con le orationi degli figliolini piccoli che molto piacciono a Dio».

And according to the Calasanzian view, not only prayer, but also the spiritual exercises, the general confessions of the Holy Year, have this pedagogical function[456].

456 L.909, Ep.III p.322: «Sono stati qui il P. Matteo et frel Dom.co li quali mi pare haverebbero bisogno di far un poco li essercitii spirituali per acquistar un poco di fervore per far l’opera della scuola con quel profitto che si deve nelli scolari». Cf. también L.317, Ep.II p.299: «Et se Stefano si volesse preparar costì con far la confessione generale per pigliar l’anno santo, farà una cosa molto santa acciò poi possa ritornar ad agiutar li poverelli con più spirito.»

From all that has been said so far about the inner life of the Calasanzian educator, it is already clear that it must have a clear pedagogical character and purpose. The exercise of virtue, the common practices of piety, not only serve to achieve an ever greater likeness to the heavenly Father, but are also useful and indispensable for perfecting his pedagogical character. Conversely, his entire pedagogical activity can become a very powerful means of perfection and inner progress. One could almost say that, according to the Calasanzian conception, in the educator “paedagogicum et spirituale meritorium convertuntur”. Explicit formulations of the holy pedagogue also seem to reinforce such a teaching[457].

457 Constit. p.2a c.10 n.210: «...ita studia cum pietatis ardore coniungant (clerici studentes), ut alterum alteri emolumento esse posit.» Elsewhere, Calasanz affirms of the scholastic ministry that «questa è la vera strada per acquistar noi lo spirito e gratia di Dio» (L.2602, Ep.VI p.177). Cf. also L.791, Ep.III p.230: «Quanto alle scuole intendo che vanno bene, il Signore vi dia a tutti sempre maggior cognitione del gran bene che si fa, non solo d’impedire che li fanciulli non facciano male ma ancora imparino il santo timor di Dio che è un’attione non solo meritoria di maggiori beni ma ancora molto satisfattoria per li nostri errori, però tutti d’accordo faranno in questo gran servitio a Dio et molto utile al prossimo et a se stessi.» Cf., also, Riposta al Memoriale delli Inconvenienti (Reg. Cal. XII 99), according to which, for the Piarist educator, teaching is equivalent to the divine choral office of other religious.

In fact, he wants “teachers to know that if they work hard out of pure love for God, the Lord will give them a hundredfold if they stand in the grace of God; and as the usury or reward in this exercise is so certain and great, all should be anxious to make their pupils pious”[458], and he exhorts all “to attend with all diligence to the exercise of the schools, which is our chief duty, not only in letters, but also in the holy fear of God, which is a treasure found at the time of death by him who has practiced it with zeal and patience for the pure love of God”[459]. He also wishes “that the greatest diligence be given to ensuring that the schools function well... for this is the essence of our institute, through which, if we practice it well, we must conquer paradise”[460].

458 L.3042, Ep.VII p.42.

459 L.1068, Ep.III p.441.

460 L.4199, Ep.VIII p.239.

In another place (L.1287, Ep.IV p.146) he wrote like this: «Quando questa [la scuola] non va bene deviamo dalla vera strada della nostra salute»: and L.1125, Ep.IV p.27: «...procurate voi che la vostra scuola sia irreprensibile, che acquisterete una corona immarcescibile, che è tanto dire como corona di Angeli.»

On the other hand, the Saint assigns zero value[461], moreover, it says that he is easily condemned, the Piarist who does not like “the practice of teaching”[462].

461 L.1613, Ep.IV p.369: «Quanto al fratel Marc’Antonio, se egli non s’aiuta et non si emenda, sarà sempre come un zero che non sarà buono per niente nè per sé, perchè non haverà spirito, nè per altri perchè non haverà il modo di agiutar nè in lettere nè in spirito.»

462 L.2197, Ep.V. p.330: «...mi pare che se cotesti che così facilmente fanno dell’infermo se li mortificano, se morissero andarebbe con grandissimo pericolo di dannatione, perchè non fanno per amor l’essercitio d’insegnare.» Cf. also L.1287, Ep.IV p.146: «Io non posso lasciar di ricordar per ogni posta che si atenda con ogni diligentia alle scuole anchorchè sapessero alcuna volta lasciar altri essercitij, perciochè questo delle scuole è il nostro proprio Istituto, et quando questo non va bene, deviamo dalla vera strada della nostra salute.» Finally, L.866, Ep.III p.289-290): «...è vero che venale est regnum caelorum et pretium eius est labor, et se lui [Fr. Provincial] fugge la fattica, essendo propria del nostro Instituto, fugirà ancora dal merito.»

In conclusion, we can say that, according to Calasanz, daily scholastic work - carried out “under the purest gaze of God”[463] - is the surest pledge of eternal bliss, which is why the piety and dedication of the Calasanzian educator must be perfected in it[464], and he would certainly go astray on his path if he wanted to become a “priest-apostle” without dedicating himself to his scholastic mission.

463 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Dato principio agli essercitii della scuola, ciascuno dei Maestri si ricordi veramente di havere sopra di sé l’occhio purissimo di Dio, e non voglia privarsi di un premio così eccellente promesso da Cristo a chi lo segue nel dovuto modo.»

464 L.1236, Ep.IV p.108):«...la strada o via más breve y más fácil para ser essaltado al propio conoscimiento y desta a los attributos de la misericordia, prudencia e infinita patiencia y bondad de Dios es abaxarse a dar luz a los niños y en particular a los que son como desamparados de todos que por ser officio a los ojos del mundo tan baxo y vil pocos quieren abaxarse a él y suele Dios dar ciento por uno...» Cf. also L.4453, Ep.VIII p.377: «Avvertano a non fare nella religione come fece quel servo che haveva un talento e lo nascose, ma vorrei che facesse come il servo che haveva duo talenti e guadagnò altri due e fu remunerato con farlo padrone di due città. Il detto P. Antiogo ha un talento per scrivere ma ne haverebbe due se si disponesse per haver il talento del’abbaco, e quanto più talenti procura d’haver uno in aiuto del prossimo per amor di Dio, tanto e più somigliante a Dio e di maggior merito in questa vita e remuneratione in altra.»

8. The calasanzian educator, a religious

Having examined and verified the presuppositions we have already set forth with regard to the Calasanzian educator, namely, that he should be full of love for God and neighbor, especially the student, according to the conception of the saint, and that he should be humble, simple and patient, poor, chaste and of intense interior life, with a predominant pedagogical nuance and purpose, it follows as a natural consequence that an educator who possesses all these qualities must possibly be a religious[465], for only the religious vows can give him that stability and perseverance in virtue which is necessary in the pedagogical profession, and only the vows bind him and effectively spur him on to his constant and certainly no small sacrifice[466].

465 It is true that in the first Pious Schools there were also various lay cooperators or secular priests, cf. L.8, Ep.II 57: «Ma desidero dar bene sodisfatione non solo al Signor Cardinale Protettore et alla detta Comunità [de Frascati] ma ancora a Nostro Signore che non poco mostra desiderarlo con compagni secolari, come similmente ho fatto per tanti anni in Roma»; but all this was only in a provisional phase of the beginnings, Calasanz trying little by little, as circumstances permitted, to eliminate them from his teaching staff. Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.298-301, and also the notes of Fr. Berro on the origins of the Pious Schools (Reg. Cal. 83) and the decree of the General Chapter of 1637 (Reg. Gen. 4: C. Gen. 1637).: «Che si licenziino e mandino via dalle nostre case tutti li secolari ... si eccetua in Roma il S.or Andrea Baiani Maestro nell Humanità e Rettorica de Nostri ed in Napoli il S.or Mutio.» See also L.1277, Ep.IV pl39: «...starei molto contento quando da noi potessimo dar sodisfatione al popolo senza secolari» (22-12-1629). Later, only rarely, to replace the sick religious, Calasanz resorted to the laity. L.590, Ep.III 93-95).

466 This is not to say, as Calasanz himself did not want to say, that every educator must be religious or that a non-religious educator cannot be complete and perfect. Only that -ceteris paribus- it is preferable, for the reasons already mentioned, that an educator be religious or at least have a mentality, a religious spirit. Moreover, in the case of Calasanz, there were also considerations and historical circumstances that favored such a view. As we have already seen, the work to be done in the Roman Church in the field of education was immense, and only a religious Order par excellence that was primarily educational, such as the one conceived by Calasanz, could face all the difficult and delicate problems with hope.

And it is precisely for this reason that Calasanz wants his educators to be religious with solemn vows, to make them more stable in their pedagogical vocation, to bind them solemnly to the high office of education with the bond of such vows, without excluding that other, more obvious reasons - such as the greater possibility of multiplying a compact body of chosen educators - had their place in Calasanz’ decision[467].

467 Memorandum to card. Tonti (Reg. Cal. 69a): «Supposito dunque l’utilità e necessità di quest’opera che abbraccia tutte le persone, età e conditioni e luoghi, tutte le scienze basse e tutti li aiuti al ben vivere ne viene ancora per conseguenza necessaria la necessità di farla religione così per stabilirla, acciò in tempo alcuno non venga meno come può venire per esser lasciato da chi l’imprende sotto qualche coperto inganno non solo del Demonio e del mondo, ma dell’istessa natura, che pervasa dall’amor proprio in favor del senso facilmente rimira indietro e si toglie dal giogo di cosa laboriosa e repugnante se non è ben stretto con forte legame come quello di voti sollenni, come ancor per ampliarla e propagarla conforme al desiderio et instanza di tanti. Il che non può farsi senza molti operai, che non possono haversi se non han gran spirito e sono chiamati con vocazioni particolari...» (cf. Spanish translation in J. M. LESAGA y otros, Documentos fundacionales de las Escuelas Pías, p.191).

Cf. also Documents of card. Paolucci lib.28 p.222 (Reg. Cal. 68): «Supplica per la gratia di voti solenni: I Padri supplicano sua Santità per le gratia dei voti sollenni. La Congregatione de’ Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie ... desidera perfezionarsi maggiormente nella sua vocazione dell’Istituto che professa nella buona educazione de’giovinetti tanto importante per non dire neccessaria nella Repubblica Cristiana ... Conoscendo per l’adempimento, e per stabilire e propagare tanta e tale opera nella chiesa di Dio esserli necessario per molti rispetti il forte vincolo de voti sollenni ... per haver maggior occasíone di servire con maggior perfezione nello stato religioso a Dio et al Prossimo.» The same is told in another memorandum speaking about Della qualità dello stato più conveniente per l’educazione 1644 (Reg. Cal. XIV 606).

Cf. also Campanella (Liber Apologeticus p.233): «Ad 6 facilis est responsio, siquidem ut in libro De Regimine Ecclesiae probavimus, bonum esset omnem omnium artium doctrinam propinari per religiosos, non per stipendiatos magistros, sic namque ad plures extenduntur, purius tractantur absque fraude, et dolo...»

It was therefore a brilliant and prescient intuition of the Saint and his prudent disposition when, in order to ensure the due perfection of his religious educators and to elevate the high office of education to the dignity of a sacred office and a sacred duty, he did not content himself with the three vows that religious usually take, but wanted to commit them to a more conscientious and sublime fulfillment of their duties as educators with a fourth special vow of teaching[468].

468 Constit. (p.1st c.3 n.31): «Forma professionis: Ego N ... voveo ... summam paupertatem, castitatem et oboedientiam, et juxta eam peculiarem curam circa puerorum eruditionem...»

N. B.- This fourth vow only appears for the first time in the Constit. officially approved on January 31, 1622. From the Annales Ordinis Nostri, by Fr. B. BARTLIK, it can be deduced that in 1616, in addition to the three customary vows, there was also the vow of perseverance (Eph. Cal. IV [1935] p.100). Later, on March 19, 1618, when Calasanz made his simple profession, only the three fundamental vows appear in the formula (Eph. Cal. VI [1937] p.8-9). The situation remained the same even on August 31, 1621 (Eph. Cal. VII [1938] 9). Only in the formula of solemn profession, made by Calasanz on May 7, 1622, we can find for the first time, after the Constitutions, the formula of the four vows (Eph. Cal. VII [1938] p. 80).

This fourth vow of the Calasanzian educator is, according to the Saint, an essential vow, so that the one who does not want to do the school cannot be excused from mortal sin if this is ordered by the one who has the authority[469], and Calasanz wants all his educators to always know it well[470].

469 Dichiarazini alle Costituzioni: Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV (1939) p.40. Cf. also A. SAPA, o.c., p.87-88.

470 L.3169, Ep.VII p.132: «Resto meravigliato che li chierici che hanno talento et anche sacerdoti stiino oziosi in cotesta provincia senza attendere alla scuola havendone voto particolare.» Also L.1413, Ep.IV p.232: «...et le dirà di più che attenda ad insegnare alli scolari il sto. timor di Dio a che è obbligato sotto pena di peccato mortale et forse egli non vi pensa.»

With this fourth vow, Calasanz gives his Order an indelible mark, so to speak. He dedicates it to the education of the youth and virtually consecrates it. In doing so, he indisputably made himself the founder of the first educational Order par excellence.

To conclude these remarks on the Calasanzian educator, who must be a religious with a fourth vow, that of teaching, we can add that his religious status is even useful to him from an educational point of view, in order to acquire a certain prestige of pedagogical authority and exemplarity that is due precisely to this status, as well as for greater professional competence in matters of the spirit. In fact, on this point, Calasanz strongly wishes that his followers always behave towards the student “with modesty and religious seriousness”, “to teach him not only the letters, but also the way of spiritual life”[471].

471 L.688, Ep.III p.162. Cf. also L.48, Ep.II p.412: «...ma conservi sempre la gravità religiosa.»

On the other hand, it would be good to consider another advantage that the Piarist educator can find in his status as a religious, according to Calasanz. Self-control and religious observance increase his sense and sensitivity to discipline and scholastic observance, which are essential for the good progress of the school[472].

472 L.634, Ep.III p.126: «...procuri che le cose delle scuole camminino bene e quelle dell’osservanza meglio perciochè conforme cammineranno queste così ancora cammineranno quelle.»

9. The calasanzian educator, a priest

The Calasanzian educator must work - as we have already seen - “for the glory of God and the benefit of his neighbor”[473]. He must “save and sanctify the souls” of his students[474]. He must provide “a most efficacious remedy for the preservation and cure of evil, for the introduction and enlightenment to good for all young people of every rank, and therefore for all men, as they first pass through this age by letter and spirit, manners, education, the light of God and the world”[475]. He must “heal and preserve and save souls again”[476] and he must have a fatherly spirit and affection for them.

473 L.1601, Ep.IV p.360.

474 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

475 Ibid.

476 Ibid.

No one could fulfill this delicate and difficult task better than an educator-religious-priest with the best chance of success. Calasanz was aware of this and wanted his educators to be not only religious but also priests, “since they are better suited to educate well the students than the clerics and brothers”[477]. Indeed, the priest who is “formed “in knowledge and love of spiritual and eternal things is better suited to help his neighbor “in utroque homine”[478] and he will be more able to “show students the way of perfection through the institute”[479]. Furthermore, the high dignity of the priesthood will give him authority and instill respect[480], while his priestly character will give him greater competence in spiritual matters[481] and a greater ability to remain integral in “a state of such purity”[482] and so necessary for his ministry[483].

477 L.2811, Ep.VI p.306.

478 L.4203, Ep.VIII p.240.

479 L.4539, Ep.VIII p.424.

480 L.3692, Ep.VII p.410: «...la scuola dell’abbaco ha bisogno di un soggetto di spirito et degno di esser riverito dalli scolari, che per ordinario nella scuola dell’abbaco vi sogliono essere scolari grandi et io vi vorrei sempre un sacerdote».

481 L.1201 (Ep. IV p.81): «...importa più quella scuola (di abbaco) che qualsivoglia di gramatica e vi vorrei sempre un sacerdote che vi attendesse acciò si portassero li scolari ben ammaestrati nello spirito ancora.» Cf. also L.3692, Ep.VII p.410.

482 L.823, Ep.III p.255.

483 And it is precisely for this reason that Calasanz wants elderly priests in the school of the “piccolini”. Cf. n.428.

In addition to these motives explicitly stated by Calasanz, it is not difficult to find others that are perhaps less explicit but are also included in the overall architecture of the Calasanzian educational system. Given the great pedagogical importance attached in the Pious Schools to the teaching of Christian doctrine, the scrupulous frequency of the sacraments, the pious practice of Continuous Prayer and festive oratory - all priestly tasks par excellence - it is in the nature of things that the most important and almost exclusive engine of such a system is the educator-priest[484].

484 All of this will be seen more clearly in the chapter on moral and religious education.

Even though Calasanz recognized all the advantages of having religious educators in his schools who were also priests, he, perceptive and wise as he was, also saw some difficulties that could arise[485], albeit generally of a practical nature[486] and due to human weakness rather than the nature of the system itself[487].

485 Such as, for example - in the course of time - a possible predominance of pedagogical functions to the detriment of priestly functions; or, on the contrary, an almost exclusive concentration on purely priestly activity to the detriment of pedagogical activity. These difficulties arise from the fact that it is not always easy to reconcile the duties of the fourth vow with those of the priestly apostolate.

486 See A. SAPA, o.c., p.81-82: «Sacerdozio nell’apostolato giovanile», and E. BALDUCCI, Il sacerdote Scolopio nei nuovi tempi: col. Pietà e Lettere, p.13-28, edited by Fr. Paolo Poli (Firenze 1948).

487 Such difficulties and other (very controversial) advantages of the lay character of the religious educator, such as the exclusivity and primacy of the pedagogical activity and thus a greater penetration of the school, a more complete communion with the people, a clear and clean pedagogical line, without a mixing of the priestly and pedagogical offices, the positions of educator and confessor, which could have psychologically harmful consequences, etc. later prompted St. John Baptist de la Salle, the founder of the Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, not to admit priests to his Congregation (FRATEL EMILIANO, L’ordine dei Chierici Regolari delle Scuole Pie e l’Istituto lassaliano: Revista Lassaliana vol. 23 anno 16 [1949] p.3-47), and earlier, Fr. Nicola Barré, of the Order of Minims, founder of the Charity Schools of the Child Jesus. (cf. GENNARO MORETTI, dei Minimi, Un pedagogista Santo: il servo di Dio P. Nicola Berré, dell’Ordine dei Minimi, fondatore delle Scuole di Carità del S. Bambino Gesù p.62-63.113; cf. also Fr. Thomas GARRIDO, Sanctus Josephus Ca!asanctius, primus Scholae popularis, gratuitae et christianae institutor (Eph. Cal. II (1933] p.24).

In order to avoid these possible difficulties, Calasanz hastened to define and specify the figure and tasks of the educator-priest, giving clear explanations and instructions to all his religious that exclude the possibility of misunderstanding.

For example, Calasanz affirms several times that it is not enough to simply be a priest in order to fulfill the office of educator-priest well. He would gladly remove priests from his Order who are not suitable for education[488], and he would certainly prefer not to have such priests “who can serve for nothing other than to say Mass”[489]. The priest-educator - Calasanz writes elsewhere - must bring to bear his talent “which does not consist in saying Mass, but in teaching schoolchildren not only the letters but also the holy fear of God”[490]. He would also have wanted clerics not to be ordained “without having had at least three years of school practice”[491]. According to him, “alms should also come from the piety that our workers show towards schoolchildren and not from the masses”[492].

488 Reg. Cal. XII p.214.

489 L.2177, Ep.V p.311.

490 L.3098, Ep.VII p.80.

491 Cf. Reg. Cal. XII 105: «Dubia aliqua circa nostras regulas in Capitulo Generali 1637 discutienda.» In Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni he wanted five (Duo praestantissima documtnta p.17); in another part of the same Dichiarazioni seems again to be satisfied with three (Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni [Reg. Cal. XI 5]: «Nessuno chierico possa esser ammesso al sacerdozio se prima non haverà sufficiente lingua latina e tenuti tre anni scuola et fatta la cerca per un anno»).

492 L.2994, Ep.VI p.444.

It is clear from these and similar statements that, in Calasanz’ view, the priest-educator must have more skills and gifts than those required of any priest, because his activity will not be an ordinary priestly activity, but he must concentrate all his energies on a healthy and prudent apostolic-pedagogical activity. Being a priest educator therefore means increasing and perfecting the priesthood, not degrading it.

But in addition to these rather general remarks, Calasanz also defines and specifies more precisely the professional duties of the priest-educator. The first and most important task of the priest-educator, according to the saint, is to teach and to educate[493]. Calasanz suffered greatly from the fact that some people who were elevated to the priesthood “no longer care for study and, not being fit for a good school, flee from teaching, which is the ruin of Religion”[494]. Therefore, he often insisted that the Piarist priest must teach, “for since priests have no school, they all try to attain the priesthood in order not to have it either; something which, I know from experience, has to a great extent relaxed the Religion”[495].

493 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.770. 773. 775.

494 L.3027, Ep.VII p.30.

495 L.3036, Ep.VII p.36.

The saint offers his example for all to follow: “And I, now that I am over eighty years old, often go to schools, sometimes to one, sometimes to another, and so should every superior do, even if he does nothing more than give lessons to ten or twelve little ones at the same time, going to different classrooms; how much more should other priests do it, even confessors, when they are not busy”[496].

496 L.3036, Ep.VII p.36.

This commitment to teaching and the school apostolate has such an absolute, strict value for the Piarist priest that he must give preference to it in the accumulation of various apostolic tasks - according to Calasanz. Thus, for example, the Calasanzian priest should abandon the confessions of the laity if they distract him from his teaching duties or the school apostolate[497], and he should do so “because confession distracts him from the school”, and “he who is good for the school should devote himself to nothing else”[498].

497 L.3871, Ep.VIII p.54: «Avverta bene che nessuno si inganni per veder la necessità che vi è costi di confessori perchè il nostro Istituto principale sono le scole, di maniera che se si doverrà patire l’uno con l’altro essercizio, e meglio che patisca l’essercizio della confessione che della scuola, perchè di confessori non mancano, et li Maestri sono tanto pochi.» Otherwise, he can also confess lay persons; cf. Constit. p.3rd c.6 n.319 «De confessariis»: Si qui vero sacerdotes ad confessiones etiam saecularium in nostris ecclesiis exponantur, praeter aetatem convenientem etiam eruditionem et morum maturitatem habeant; et nonnisi de licentia Generalis aut Provincialis deputari poterunt» and n.325. «Confessarii autem qui ad saecularium confessiones audiendas admissi fuerint, nullo modo puerorum confessiones audire recusent». See also BAU, Biogr. crit. p.679-680.

498 L.1334, Ep.IV p.178; L.312, Ep.VIII p.89.

Finally, to summarize and conclude, it seems useful to add the following. Calasanz writes: “As to confess lay people, if we begin with one, it will later prove necessary to hear many - in confession - and pluribus intentus minor est ad singula sensus. Our main task is the care of children, and if we work in this with fruit, all will praise it wildly”[499].

499 L.1419, Ep.IV p.236. Disciplinary reasons also moved Calasanz to take such a decision. In fact, the Saint saw “che li sacerdoti con la scusa di esser confessori stanno oziosi tutta la settimana» (L.2849, Ep.VI p.333). Cf. also: «Io sono stato ripreso da alcuni Signori Cardinali di che havemo troppo sacerdoti li quali attendono al servitio dclla chiesa et confessioni e pochissimi d’essi alle scuole e li pare benissimo che nelle case no vi sia più che un confessore» (L.2879, Ep.VI p.356). See also L.380 with coment (Ep.II p.344-346), donde entre «li capi principali che col tempo possono causar relassatione» we find as 5th reason: «Il voler li religiosi attendere ad insegnare altre scienze maggiori et voler diventare lettori o confessori o predicatori come fanno altre religioni.»

The same reasons, then, that advise the Calasanzian priest to abstain from confessing lay people are also valid for keeping him as far away as possible from the pulpit of churches - unless he is speaking to young people[500], and from the oratories of adults[501] or from caring for the sick and dying[502].

500 L.2577, Ep.VI p.161: «Benchè nella religione nostra vi siano theologi pratici et graduati io però non ho mai permesso che salissero in qualche pulpito o catedra per far prediche ben conoscendo che non mancano nella chiesa di Dio huomini che per uflicio et istituto proprio hanno l’ius di predicare come lo praticano con ogni eccellenza, et deve essere cosa lontana da noi il metter la falce nella messe aliena.» Also, the Constit., speaking of the duties of preachers, greatly limit their radius of action (Constit. p.3ª c. 7 “De concionatoribus”; see particularly n.333: «Nemo qui publice praedicabit diebus festis recuset intra hebdomadam ad pueros in Oratorio vel in Ecclesia sermonem habere»). Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.680; Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.96-98: «Bulla Benedicti XIII [3 October 1927) qua sodalibus Scholarum Piarum interdicitur praedicatio tempore adventus et quadragesimae, ut Scholarum exercitio incumbere valeant, adempta etiam Superioribus facultate super hoc dispensandi.» Later (14-12-1730), Clement XII altered the above-mentioned dispositions somewhat, in the sense that in each province two Fathers, and three in the major ones, could be dedicated to this ministry. (cf. ibid.).

501 L.2256, Ep.V p.404: «Attenda al profitto delli scolari che le sarà di maggior merito che l’attendere alle confessioni et Oratorii di persone grandi.»

N. B.- A letter of Calasanz to Father Berro summarizes well this whole question of confessing and preaching (L.3112, Ep.VII p.89): «Ho ricevuto insieme con lettere di V.R. delli 8 di giugno una fede cavata dal Tribunale de S. Uflicio nella quale consta non essere stato fatto decreto che li PP. della nostra Religione non potessero predicare o sermoneggiare; il che io sapevo benissimo che non era stato fatto decreto ma sibbene a bocca esortarono quelli signori ad attendere conforme all’istituto nostro ad insegnare alli giovinetti la Dottrina cristiana insieme con la lettere il che non era sfregio alcuno alla Religione ma un consiglio et essortatione santa a contenersi li nostri nel suo essercitio humile d’insegnare li giovinetti solamente et non sarebbe questo nella s.ta chiesa di Dio di poco anzi di grandissimo frutto et sempre che li nostri religiosi eccederanno in questo particolare relasseranno l’istituto come si vede chiaramente nel voler confessare secolari, et quando uno dei nostri arriva ad esser confessore de secolari pare che lasci da parte l’istituto delle Scuole et se qualcheduno dirà che il confessare secolari è un mezzo opportuno per havere delle limosine, io rispondo che Iddio benedetto ne manderebe per altra via come si è visto in più 20 anni che non havemo avuto chiesa ma solo Oratorii dove si diceva solamente la messa delli scolari et s’udivano le confessioni di essi et senza dubbio camminavano le scuole et il sto timor di Dio molto meglio che di presente e piacesse a S. D. M. che ritornassimo alla sta osservanza e ... del nostro Istituto che sarebbe di maggior merito per noi et di maggior utile por li giovinetti.»

502 L.2276, Ep.V p.426-427: «Quanto all’andar di notte all’infermi sebene è opera di charità grande, non possono li nostri che insegnano tutto il giorno andarvi la notte, perchè mancaranno all’ opera il giorno seguente.» Cf. Constit. p.3rd c.6 n.324: «Qui ex nostris vocabuntur ad adiuvandos eos, qui morti sunt vicini, ea habeant in promptu curent, quae eo tempore, in quo tantum est momenti, usui esse possint tamdiuque illis adsint, quamdiu sola nccessitas postulaverit.»

In the face of all these temptations and possible deviations from the true Calasanzian way, the Piarist priest must therefore “humble himself” and dedicate himself entirely to the service and apostolate of the school “for love of God”[503], and he must never believe that this humble pedagogical apostolate in any way diminishes his priestly dignity[504].

503 L.4108, Ep.VIII p.195. Cf. also L.2577, Ep.VI p.161: «Ne sarebbe poco se sapessimo humiliarci alla capacità dei fanciulli alla istruttione dei quali la Santa Chiesa ci ha ordinati.»

504 L.3673, Ep.VII p.398: «Io sono stato sempre impiegato in diverse cose ed ho imparato la perfetione di scrivere et anco molte parti dell’abbaco per poterlo insegnare alli nostri et anco in caso di necessità ho fatto la scola di scrivere et abbaco, di leggere et grammatica quando mi si sia offerta occasione d’infermità d’alcun maestro o altro accidente et non per questo ho perso niente della dignità del sacerdotio ne reputatatione dell’offitio.»

Let us conclude by saying that everything we have written and documented so far about the Calasanzian priest-educator shows that he is a specialized priest, with all the characteristics of a specialization. From the broad field of priestly ministry, he actually prefers apostolic teaching; and from the large number of sheep to be shepherded, he devotes himself to the care, education and instruction of the little ones and the young. At first glance, this specialization may appear to be a limitation of his priestly apostolate, but this is only the case at first glance. If we delve deeper into the question, as it was already presented in the original conception of Calasanz, we immediately see that the Calasanzian priest “loses” both in the extension of his apostolate and in the number of souls entrusted to him, but regains all this in the intensity and quality of his specialized (pedagogical and apostolic) work and in the undoubtedly greater effectiveness of the same[505].

505 It is, in fact, about children and young people who are still susceptible to any good word, any good orientation.

And Calasanz is more than aware of all this, placing his priest-educators at the disposal of an institute that is “the most necessary and perhaps the first for the reform of the corrupt currents of the century”; an institute that, as we have already seen, is “the most worthy, the most noble, the most meritorious”; because “on the good education of youth depends all the rest of the good or bad life of men”[506].

506 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. o.c.).

According to the Saint’s conception, the Calasanzian priest-educator has a sublime mission, which is certainly not inferior to any apostolic mission: he should make his students “capable of sanctifying themselves and becoming great in heaven”[507].

507 Ibid.

The priestly ministry, the intellectual apostolate exercised by the priest-educator, is therefore, according to Calasanz, like a “compendium” of all other priestly ministries; “not only because he helps his neighbor in need, in everything where he can be helped by others, but also because he prepares and dispositions the mind with a good education”[508].

508 Ibid.

Finally, “he helps to live well, on which the good death and peace and tranquility of nations, the good government of cities and princes, the obedience and fidelity of subjects, the propagation of the faith, the conversion and preservation of heresies, especially the youth, whom the heretics seek to infect from the beginning with their faux doctrines, almost certainly depend[509].

509 Ibid.

After all this, it would certainly lack any solid basis to claim that the Calasanzian priest-educator is an educator to the detriment of his priesthood, or that he should be a priest to the detriment of his pedagogical mission. Nothing could be further from Calasanz’ conception and nothing could be more at odds with the same historical truth.

As we have already indicated, the Piarist priest-educator is, to use a modern expression, a specialized priest and at the same time an educator perfected in his functions. The union of the two elements, i.e. the priesthood and the teaching ministry, in the person of the Piarist religious can and must be seen as a factor of perfection and integration, and not as a factor of return and disintegration. The priest therefore gains by specializing in such an important aspect of his apostolate as education and teaching, and the educator also gains by being able to integrate and supernaturally complete the work he has begun on a natural level. There is no doubt: in Calasanz’ thinking, “educator-priest” means a more zealous priest, a more perfect educator[510].

510 However, we cannot claim that there are no practical difficulties in the full realization of the Calasanzian concept. Only those who were at once perfect educators and perfect priests were able to fulfill to satisfaction the complete ideal of our Saint. With others, one can always find an excess or an error in one of the two fundamental activities. Moreover, it is of course always easier to achieve a simple and unique ideal than a more sublime and complex one, at least at first sight. And so, it may well happen that in certain cases, given the unity, the exclusivity of his pedagogical mission, a religious and lay educator can be a better educator if he remains only as such than if he becomes a priest. However, this does not happen because the priesthood, which also has a pedagogical function, prevents the pedagogical mission and pedagogical activity, but because the individual is better able to realize only this simpler and easier ideal, without having to assimilate and synthesize different and more sublime elements. Having seen all the steps that Calasanz has taken in this matter, we believe that it is not a thesis that can be accepted, “that the plurality imposed by the particular nature of the spiritual ministry will always lead to the school being considered as one of the means or even - for the moment - the principal means of the apostolate proper to the priest” (FRATEL EMILIANO, o.c.: Revista Lassalliana vol.23 year 16 [1949] 4243). Indeed, the fourth vow admirably avoids all dangers of this kind.

Therefore, it is certainly wrong to claim that, thanks to this last condition, the religious and lay educator “abbia una più compiuta comunanza con il popolo” (FRATEL EMILIANO: ibid., p.43; G. MORETTI, n.c., pp.62-64.113).

It may be that such an educator is per se closer to the people because of his culture and mentality, but no one can deny that a priestly educator (ceteris paribus) will achieve this closeness better, both because of his greater culture, at least the theological, ascetic and spiritual one, and because of the grace of the state inherent in the priesthood precisely for this purpose. Nor can the religious laity (ceteris paribus) have a “migliore penetrazione scolastica” (ibid., p.43) in any field; one must not forget that the magisterium occupies a considerable part of the Catholic priesthood. The teaching ministry of the priesthood is a teaching office that has a sacramental character. The Holy Spirit, who is received in the priesthood, participates in the teaching of the priest-educator himself. One could argue that he only participates in subjects that concern the faith and eternal salvation of the student. But which subjects do not touch more or less on these important points? Would it not be better to teach religion only in state institutes, but more effectively everywhere? But if they teach these subjects in the just conviction that all subjects, even the profane ones, have very many points of contact with the faith and salvation of the student, how can it not be seen that a priest (ceteris paribus) has the greater divine and human competence to teach them? Cf. the Pope’s letter on the high mission of religious educational institutes (L’Osservatore Romano, 7-4-54), in which Pius XII recognizes the great merits of religious congregations of teaching brothers and says that these congregations are a valuable help to priests in the education of youth, from which it follows that the main actors in this work are always the priestly educators (“Quae quidem Religiosa Sodalitas, quamvis fere unice ex iis constet qui peculiari Dei vocatione, sacerdotii dignitate iisque solaciis, quae ex eo oriuntur, renuntient, magno tamen apud Ecclesiam in honore est, ac sacros ipsos administros in christiana iuventutis conformatione summopere adiuvat” . ... and further “adiutricem iisdem validamque navant operam”). In the same letter he wants that “nemo illarum Sodalitatum socios, eo quod ad sacerdotium non ascendant itemque eorundem apostolatus fecunditatem minoris aestimet”; but by this he does not mean to say that the religious educator and priest (ceteris paribus) is not superior in the field of pedagogy to a purely religious educator; he only means that neither they nor their fruitful activity and pedagogical apostolate are less valued. It is clear from the rest of the context that, as we have seen above, they are collaborators of the priesthood, the main vehicle of all Catholic education.

In the course of this discussion, we have often felt the need to add to our assertions in favor of the priest-educator that everything goes ceteris paribus. There are very concrete reasons for this. In general, the pedagogical, literary and scientific preparation of the priest-educator does not always reach the level of the pure religious educator, because seminary formation is deficient in some subjects and because it is difficult to attend college regularly for four or five years after the two years of scholastic philosophy and the four years of theology. For this reason, it can be assumed in practice that the lay educator has better preparation and pedagogical training than the priest educator. This is a difficult practical problem, because four or five years of college are sufficient for the complete formation of a lay educator, whereas ten or twelve years are usually required for a priest educator. So which religious order has the necessary economic basis for such expenditure? And how many young people have the necessary health and patience for such a long course of study? In the days of Calasanz, the problem was not so serious, for the secular culture of the middle school educator usually surpassed that of a priest by little or very little. But now...!

But here there is a possibility that this parenthetical fact may give rise to the inaccurate, even false, notion among many that the lay educator is per se better suited to the pedagogical ministry than the educator-priest.

It cannot be denied that the simple fact of being both educator and confessor of the pupil can lead to certain psychological difficulties for both the educator and the student, and consequently also in the same pedagogical function (cf. FRATEL EMILIANO. o.c. pp. 44-45).

But such difficulties can easily be avoided, or at least partially overcome, by leaving the students full freedom in the choice of confessor, or by not imposing other scholastic or disciplinary duties on the students’ confessors in the classes where they confess (what are the specific duties of the Calasanzian educator as priest, we will see in the following chapters); this was precisely what Calasanz himself wanted (cf. the chapter on the teaching staff: “The confessor of schoolchildren”).

If we want to examine this question of the educator, the priest, and the confessor more closely, we need to make a proper distinction. Theoretically, it would be ideal if the educator-priest could also be the confessor of his pupil, i.e. if the teacher with a sacramental character could continue to give the last hand to the teacher with a purely natural character. Thus, with the help of the Holy Spirit, such a teacher could transfer the work done on the natural level to the supernatural level. His fatherly work and authority would thus be complete, and the pupil would surrender to the guidance of the master-father with a truly childlike trust. The confessor could then use the experience of the teacher, and the teacher -sine gravamine paenitentis- the experience of the confessor. In this way, the disciple would have an adequate guide for his entire intellectual and spiritual life. But to do this without great danger to the student’s freedom of conscience and the dignity of the priesthood and the sacrament, one needed a holy educator and teacher and a no less holy student (cf. Don Bosco and Blessed Dominic Savio; on Don Bosco’s wish that the director of the institute should also be the confessor of the students, cf. RICALDONE, Don Bosco I p. 250)

For this reason, the negative provision of Canon Law regarding a similar question in houses of study and novitiates of religious (CIC 518 § 2-3) and in seminaries (891) was very prudent. Moreover, for the same reasons, Calasanz did not want to allow the teacher of the class to be also the ordinary confessor of the class (L.2571, Ep.IV p.344-345: “Non mi par conveniente che il Maestro senta la confessione delli scolari acciò per vergogna non lascino alcun peccato di confessarsi”). But if, for obvious practical reasons, it is not advisable that the same educator should also be the confessor of the student, this does not mean that the priest-educator should be excluded from the ministry of education simply because he could also become the confessor of one of his students (cf. FRATEL EMILIANO, o.c., p. 44, according to which, because of certain disadvantages in this area, “non è necessario confessare i propri alunni, basta il poterlo fare o anche aver confessato altri”) or because he actually confesses to others who are not his pupils. While, on the one hand, such a possibility or such a state is possible under normal circumstances, on the other hand, such a possibility or condition does not harm the dignity of sacramental confession or the formation itself, nor does it hinder the spiritual freedom of the student. Also, the fact that one is the confessor of students (not of one’s own students, of course), completes the sense of paternity, increases the effectiveness and greatly enriches the pedagogical experience of the educator-priest. The latter, as a teacher, will know with greater effectiveness, competence and certainty how to lead his own students to the sacraments, since he knows from experience how far human powers reach and where it is necessary or at least appropriate for sacramental grace to intervene ex opere operato; and as a confessor he will have more patience, understanding, experience and skill when it comes to treating, healing and strengthening the youthful spirit in close and humble collaboration with God and sacramental grace, since he has the natural dispositions enriched by his confessional and pedagogical experience.

Therefore, far from “sostituire l’impacciosa ed opaca opera dell’uomo a quella di Dio, che solo educa” (ibid.), the educator-priest and confessor with his double pedagogical and priestly ministry becomes a humble and effective servant and follower of Christ, (the only Master and High and Eternal Priest, who for pedagogical reasons so willingly makes use of people in his act of redemption. As an educator, he too “si arresta di fronte alla coscienza dell’educando” (ibid.); but his attitude is not full of uncertainty, like that of a man who approaches invisible mysteries, but rather it is the conscious act of a man who knows the limits well, because he knows all the limits of the psychological and spiritual world of the young person. Moreover, the educator-priest and confessor should know, by virtue of his experience and the grace of the state, how to proceed more concretely in these matters, whereas a lay educator more easily overshoots the mark, either by error or by exaggeration, the latter being more common.

So when it comes to the very delicate subject of confession, it is better from a pedagogical point of view if the educator (servatis servandis) is also a priest and confessor.

On the other hand, it should be borne in mind that the priest is usually also the student’s spiritual guide during confession and thus provides a pedagogical service par excellence. In an institute of lay educators, it is difficult not to see the danger of a double spiritual direction: one given by the educator himself during the daily lessons, and the other given by a confessor who is not a member of the institute and is therefore less immersed in the spirit, in the mentality of the institute. In such cases, there is a risk of a sudden break in the orientation given to the student by his educator at the very moment when it should be perfectly fulfilled. In an institute with priestly formators, however, such dangers do not exist and it is difficult to achieve such situations. The unity of orientation is guaranteed by the unified religious, priestly and pedagogical spirit of the same educational order, and the teacher can accompany the student from his most primitive psychological, intellectual and spiritual manifestations to the most sublime peaks of the mystical union of the soul with God. In such institutes the paidagogos is truly a psychagogos and for this very reason a perfect educator. The institute itself, in its functional and spiritual unity, in which each of the educators (teachers, priests, confessors) is a humble but effective mediator and representative, is the best pledge of a coherent, straightforward and uninterrupted education.

Having set out Calasanz’ thought on the Piarist educator-priest, we must add, out of love and fidelity to historical truth, that it only became decisive and definitive after a long and painful experience and only after the General Chapter of 1637. In the preceding years, Calasanz, although convinced that “priests are better suited than clerics or brothers to educate pupils well”[511], had nevertheless, moved and forced by historical circumstances and by practical reasons - such as the lack of suitable subjects and the reluctance of priests to condescend to elementary education[512] - allowed those who were not promoted to the priesthood to teach in the Pious Schools from the outset. However, he did not leave them in the situation of lay working brothers, but - since their work in the school was considered equal as to attend the choir, either to fulfill them with the zeal of the humble tasks of the school, or to preserve “uniformity” and thus promote “harmony, unity and fraternal love”, and finally, to increase “the authority and dignity of the teachers”, he wanted them to wear tonsure and biretta and bear the name “cleric brothers”[513].

511 L.2811, Ep.VI p.306.

512 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit., p.700-704. 714. 717-720.

513 See the Brief of Urban VIII, year 1636, published in the Supplementum ad Bullarium Scholarum Piarum (Archivum Scholarum Piarum IX [1950] p.31-33): «Nuper pro parte dilecti filii Ministri Generalis Clericorum Reg. Paup. Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum nuncupatorum Nobis expositum fuit, quod ipse in prima, quam cum nonnullis dictae Congregationis Clericis ad illius regimen auctoritate apostolica deputatis habuit, Congregatione, considerans Scholas Pías proprium dictorum Clericorum Regularium Institutum pro interventu in Choro ab ipsa Congregatione haberi, in eaque functione non minus dictae Congregationis fratres operarios, quam clericos magno cum spirituali fructu incumbere, decrevit quod quicunque ex ipsis fratribus operariis repertus fuisset idoneus, clericali charactere insigniri posset, retento inter clericos loco suae professionis; eosdemque fratres operarios ad dictorum clericorum differentiam Clericos Operarios appellavit; tum ut eos ad labores in Scholis huiusmodi suscipiendos excitaret, cum ad uniformitatis habitus conservationem, et magistrorum -auctorilatem et decorem-. Et licet noluerit, tunc temporis, dictos clericos operarios ad sacros ordines promoveri Ministro tamen Generali dictae Congregationis pro tempore existenti, illos si reperti fuerint idonei, ad dictos ordines servatis alias servandis promoveri faciendi facultatem non ademit.»

See as well Difesa del governo del fondatore delle Scuole Pie: Reg. Cal. XIV 60** (probably by Fr. Francis Castelli): «Quanto alli detti fratelli: E le cause motive furono non tanto per animar detti frelli a mantener le scuole basse pericolose di abbandonarsi da chierici che sempre le hanno sfuggite e fatte mal volentieri e a portarsene sempre migliori col vederse ordinar alcuni più bene meriti; quanto per maggior decenza di dette scuole basse i cui maestri per non portar berretta stimati laici ignoranti erano da medesimi scolari sprezzati, e per maggior vantaggio de veri chierici d’attender a studi e scuole maggiori.»

Cf., Also, Memoriale S. P. N. ubi problema clericorum operariorum tractatur (Reg. Cal. XII 110): «Et le scuole del leggere, scrivere e abbaco che sono le più frequentate e utili per la povera gente non potranno esercitarsi, essendo tutte in mano di simili fratelli come sono stati sempre fino da principio della religione ... et quando a questo particolare del nome di laico con ogni semplicità e verità affermano i suddetti oratori all’E.V. di non haver havuto mai il pensiero di vestir laici nella loro religione ma fratelli religiosi: altri de quali fossero loro coadiutori nell’amministrazione delle cose temporali e domestiche; altri nell’essercitio delle scuole secondo il talento e abilità di ciascheduno; tutti però pensarono di accettarli per frelli e compagni, non per servitori e schiavi. Onde procurarono al possibile, che in ogni cosa fossero simili a sacerdoti e chierici; sapendo molto bene che con questa uniformità si conserva, augmenta nelle religioni la concordia, unione e carità fraterna.»

Also Risposta al Memoriale delli Inconvenienti: Reg. Cal. IV 99 (written by Calasanz in the year 1631 or 1632): «Quanto al numero dei laici non s’intende il modo di questa religione perchè in più di trecento soggetti li laici che si chiamano fratelli operarii non arrivano al numero di vinti.

Et perchè nella religione delle Scuole Pie in loco del choro che tengono altre religioni tengono le scuole tre hore la mattina et tre hore la sera tutti quelli che sono atti a tener le scuole et a pigliar la prima tonsura si chiamano chierici con questa distinzione che quando si accettano se hanno tanta intelligenza che possano esser sacerdoti, si chiamano assolutamente chierici et li altri che sanno solamente scrivere o abbaco, si chiamano chierici operarii, li quali servono nelle scuole cosi bene quanto li chierici et sacerdoti, et tutti questi portano la berretta di chierici.» On the problem of the “cleric brothers “, cf. R. MARTIN, Tercera clase de religiosos en la Orden de las Escuelas Pías (Madrid 1962)

The first official decree to this effect was issued by the General Chapter of 1627[514]. In this decree, the scope of their duties was already precisely defined and it was determined that the said “cleric brothers” should only study and teach “reading, writing and abacus”. They were, therefore, absolutely forbidden to study grammar or any other major science[515]. Nevertheless, they also took the fourth vow of teaching[516], and in 1631 an attempt was even made to give them an active voice in the Chapters[517].

514 Cap. Gen. (1627), 27-10-1627 (Reg. Gen. 4): «Item in quanto al portare li fratelli operarii la berretta clericale, si concede a tutti quelli, che saranno habili a pigliare la prima tonsura, e siano per l’avvenire chiamati chierici operarii, i quali non possino pretendere con questa concessione d’impiegarsi in altro studio, che di leggere, scrivere, et abbaco, et in questo quelli soli, che saranno giudicati atti dalli Provinciali, e se alcuno di questi chierici operarii ricusasse notabilmente, o con iscandalo di fare tutti gli esercitii temporali impostigli dall’ubbidienza, s’intende ipso facto privato di tale concessione.» Cf. PICANYOL, Epistolario III p.178.

515 L.726, Ep.III p.185: «...non voglio che studino lattini...»; also L.549, Ep.III p. 45: «...et imparino scrivere o abbaco...»; and L. 726, Ep.III p.212: «Quanto al portar la berretta li frelli, mi pare conveniente tutti quelli che sono atti a pigliar la prima tonsura, la piglino, e portino la berretta, e si dicano questi chierici minori, cioè che non possono ordinarsi di più che da prima tonsura, ne studiar grammatica»; finally, L.127, Ep.II p.167: «Al Frei Paolo li dica che lasci di attendere alla grammatica, che attenda a saper recitar bene il rosario con li misteri che si sogliono considerar che sarà miglior gramatica.»

516 Cf. Fr. CASTELLI, Giustificazione del governo: Reg. Cal. XIV 60; BAU, Biogr. crit., p.700-701.

517 Memoriale pro voce activa pro fratribus operariis: Reg. Cal. XII 91.

These “ cleric brothers” or “minor clerics”[518] were assigned to the lower schools, and their introduction can be seen as a modest attempt at specialization among the various members of the teaching staff of the Pious Schools[519]. They were dedicated to the care of the elementary schools, i.e. the teaching of writing, reading and abacus - in San Pantaleo also music[520] - as well as the first elements of technical and commercial sciences. In this way, the true clerics could devote themselves with greater dedication to the major studies and make themselves suitable for the Latin schools, for those of the classical-humanistic type[521].

518 L.762, Ep.III p.212.

519 Cf. SBARAGLI, o.c., p.148-149.

520 Cf. Processus ob furtum (Reg. Cal. XIII 43): «Donatus ab Amore Dei: Io attendo alla scuola di musica». Cf. también Dom. Gen. 48 (Libro di uscita, 1-11-1634): «Al fratel Donato musico per le corde da violino, giuli 2»; «Al Fratel Giovanni musico per comprare corde, giuli 1».

521 Giustificazione del governo (Reg. Cal. XIV 60): «...per maggior vantaggio di detti chierici di poter maggiormente attendere a studi e scuole maggiori si deliberò nella prima radunanza di detti Padri di dar ai fratelli operarii atti a tale scuole la berretta chiericale...»; cf. también Difesa del governo (Reg. Cal. XIV 60): «e le cause motive furono... per maggior vantaggio dei veri chierici d’attender a studi e scole maggiori...»

The “time” factor may also have played a role. As the cleric brothers possessed the aforementioned clerical character through the tonsure, they were able to make their profession at the age of fifteen - before reaching the age of twenty-one prescribed by Clement VIII for lay brothers - and, as they did not have to devote themselves to theological studies, could immediately dedicate themselves to scholastic duties[522].

522 Giustificazione del governo (Reg. Cal. XIV 60): «...per non esser veramente laici e per conseguenza non compresi da Decreti di Papa Clemente proibitivi di ammettere laici a professione prima di 21 anni... non si guardava a far novitii o professi di 15 nonchè di 20 anni purchè fossino habili per dette scuole» (cf. SBARAGLI, o.c., p.149).

This attempt, so interesting from a pedagogical point of view[523], shows us the high esteem and the noble idea that Calasanz had of the simple elementary school teacher and the great care he took to ensure the appropriate training - as specialized as possible - of his educators. Nevertheless, it failed because of human weakness[524]. In reality, only a few of the “cleric brothers” adhered to the boundaries thus gained, while the others aspired to the priesthood. This resulted in great internal disorder, which later became one of the causes of the Order’s temporary dissolution[525].

523 The same can also be said from the juridical point of view. Calasanz wanted to create in this way a sort of third state, intermediate between that of the lay brothers and that of the true clerics (cf. PICANYOL, Epistolario I II p.136).

524 Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p. 740; the author of the Giustificazione del govemo (Reg. Cal. XIV 60), Fr. Castelli, thinks this way about the pitiful event: «...quasi che tutti i mali successi disordini derivino da mali ordini, e non ben spesso dalli abusi delli ordini buoni, o che la debolezza et della vista e forza humana, possa prevedere e provvedere a tutti gli accidenti a che soggiacciono tutte le cose e massime le spirituali e religiose nei loro principii più dal Demonio impugnati».

525 Cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.20.

Calasanz and the General Chapter of 1937 saw all this and decreed the abrogation of what had been granted in this respect in 1627, stating “that from now on anyone who has dressed to become a brother cannot study or learn more than what he already knows when he enters the Order, nor may he ever wear the clerical biretta. And from now on, the schools will only be attended by clerics and priests”[526].

526 Cap. Gen. 1637 p.7: Reg. Gen. 4.

In the same Chapter, the formula of profession of the brothers was also changed and the fourth vow of teaching was replaced by the vow not to aspire to the clerical state[527]. However, the Most Reverend Prelate, who presided over the Chapter, declared “that the clerics hitherto called ´cleric brothers´ may continue to wear the biretta and the same designation of cleric brothers, and the Father General may henceforth authorize others who in his judgment are suitable, but these may not receive the first tonsure or wear the tonsure”[528]. And Calasanz, who made use of this authorization, allowed some brothers to wear the biretta as late as 1638 so that they would be “more respected by the students”[529].

527 Cap. Gen. 1637 p.19 (Reg. Gen. 4): «Formula della professione solenne da farsi da frelli operarii; Io N. di N. nel secolo chiamato N. Figliuolo di N. faccio la mia professione solenne di Obedienza, Povertà e Castità tutto il tempo della mia vita et anco prometto e faccio il 4° di non ambire lo stato clericale né alcuna voce attiva né passiva, né portar chierica e berretta fino alla mia morte. La qual professione...»

528 Cap. Gen. 1637 p.14 § 4: Reg. Gen. 4.

529 L.2800, Ep.VI p.297.

In 1640, a commission of six Fathers once again stipulated: “The brothers may wear the biretta during school exercises, but those who do not have the first tonsure may not wear the clerical tonsure”[530]. But these provisions were only the last gasps of an institution that was already doomed to die. At the General Chapter of 1937, it was decided “that those who have been initiated into the principles of grammar should not be admitted as brothers, in order to deprive the religion of all pretension and unrest”[531]. Calasanz himself made the following statement in the explanations for the General Chapter of 1937: “...and we declare the said brothers unfit to teach, and the ministers are instructed not to use [them] as teachers or assistants in the schools”[532].

530 BARTLIK, Annales Scholarum Piarum, fol. 283v.

531 Cap. Gen. 1637 p.12 § 20: Reg. Gen.

532 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI 5.

N. B.- Regarding the whole question of cleric brothers, see also PICANY0L, Galileo Galilei p.83-91 and BAU, Biogr. crit. p.451, 700-704, 714, 717-720, 737-738.

10. Other pedagogical qualities of the calasanzian educator

The portrait of the Calasanzian priest-educator would be incomplete if we did not add to the lines drawn so far, some qualities of pedagogical excellence with which Calasanz also wanted to endow him. The first of these qualities is the authority of the educator. Calasanz attaches great importance to this point. In his opinion, the educator must be esteemed[533], respected[534], revered[535], obeyed[536] and loved[537] by the students. The educator must be “respected and loved by the good and feared by the bad and lax”[538] and, especially in the higher classes, he must have a certain “presence”, a certain strength, energy and personal firmness, a certain religious seriousness with which he can dominate the class and guide the student[539]. But this authority must never be based on excessive rigor[540], but must be achieved through a “happy combination “of severity and goodness”[541] that “combines authority with discretion”[542] in order to be “loved more than feared”[543]. Furthermore, the Saint wanted the educator’s authority never to lead to a kind of totalitarian domination, but for the teacher to “make himself docile with kindness”, because “to obtain the diligence of a subordinate, the superior must make many efforts”[544]; and he should lead the student to a voluntary service through the truth explained with the love of a father, much more than with shouting and insulting words”[545].

533 L.2190, Ep.V p.323.

534 L.2136, Ep.V p.277 and L.214, Ep.II p.232.

535 L.32, Ep.II p.81.

536 L.1191, Ep.IV p.73.

537 L.4116, Ep.VIII p.199.

538 L.2526, Ep.VI p.126.

539 L.3980, Ep.VIII p.120; L.613, Ep.III p.113; L.481, Ep.II p.412.

540 L.738, Ep.II p.195.

541 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.186: «...severitatem cum benignitate miscere.»

542 Patente per Rettori (Reg. Cal. XII): «...Ut auctoritatem cum discretione coniungas.»

543 L.1331, Ep.IV p.175.

544 L.1191, Ep.IV p.73.

545 L.2412, Ep.IV p.53; cf. also Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.201: «...curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit ad obsequium et amoren virtutum eos benigne inducere». We cannot fail to emphasize here the almost identical advice of Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, a great theoretical pedagogue of the sixteenth century, on this subject. (Tre libri dell‘educazione cristiana dei Figliuoli p.128): «Per tanto deve il Padre procedere in modo con il figliuolo, che egli lo ami e tema insieme. La troppa dimestichezza senza alcuna gravità cagiona un certo disprezzo. Ma per contrario il farsi solamente temere non guadagna il cuore del fanciullo di timor filiale et non servile et di schiavo, il quale teme il bastone.»

Given the great importance Calasanz attached to the authority of the educator, he used all possible means to shape and strengthen it. For example, he wanted the educator to take great care not to jeopardize it through his poor knowledge[546], his actions or his faully pedagogical performance. In Calasanz’ view, the educator must be close to the students, but “without familiarizing himself with them”[547], without making jokes[548] and without “talking to them about useless things”[549]. He can and must often even demonstrate his knowledge to his own students “so that they recognize that the teacher knows and do not have him or talk about him as a teacher who does not know”[550]. It is also very useful, according to the Saint, to preserve the authority of the educator, to make a certain conscious effort to maintain his independence, whether towards ignorant or capricious pupils or towards their parents[551]. And the Calasanzian educator must also maintain this independence in the daily struggle with the various political parties[552].

546 L.1970, Ep.V p.176: «Il P. Superior tenga cura che non si diano in volgare né in latino fuori a secolari cosa alcuna che non sia revista del detto Superiore o da chi esso commetterà; perciochè sarebbe grave error che si vedessero fuori cose nostre con errori et sarebbe perdere assai di credito per così poca diligenza.»

547 L.1441, Ep.III p.250.

548 L.481, Ep.II p.412.

549 Ordini per la Scuola di Nikolsburg (11-7-1933): Reg. Cal. X 21.

550 L.371, Ep.II p.331-332.

551 L.364, Ep.II p.327: «...chi non vorrà venire alla scuola vada dove li piace che non è bene che noi stiamo a capriccio di scolari ignoranti che habbiamo di tener li Maestri a gusto loro, se essi vorranno studiar li Maestri nostri sono bonissimi et così rispondo al Sig. Ottaviano che dice che li suoi figliuoli non vi vogliono venire et però desidero haver il loco che non sia dependente dalla communità acciò non siamo astretti alli loro capricci». Cf. also L.367, Ep.II p.328-329: «...et non stiamo ogni dì al giuditio di scolari ignoranti, che vogliono essi esser insegnati al modo che essi vogliono et non al modo del maestro, et non stia a darli audienza né a volerli compiacere.»

552 Constit. (p.2nd c.7 n.174): «In nostra Congregatione nullo modo permittatur animorum propensio ad partem alterutram factionis quae solet esse inter Principes inter civitates et cives. Seminarium enim gravium malorum esset.»

Furthermore - according to Calasanz himself - it is not enough for the educator to respect his authority, but his school colleagues must also cooperate with him by confirming and reinforcing it[553], especially if they are still young educators[554].

553 L.32, Ep.II p.81: «...et costà verrà il P. Pietro Andrea... et conviene pubblicarlo costà per un gran servo di Dio et per molto intelligente come veramente è nell’insegnar et spero farà grandissimo profitto.» Cf. also L.612, Ep.III p.112: «...Sarà necessario che costì tutti di casa lo abonino con li scolari et con li secolari ancora acciò da principio ne tengano buon concetto che poi egli se lo mantenerà con le sue fattiche.»

554 L.598, Ep.III p. 102: «...ma è giovine che bisognarà che il Superiore usi diligenza in farlo rispettar...»

The educator’s authority in the eyes of the students will be great if the educators themselves respect each other[555] and duly revere their superiors[556]. Moreover, the desired and indispensable authority of the educator is greatly enhanced by his own exemplarity, so often called for by Calasanz.

555 Constit. (p.2nd c.7 n.167): «Omnes etiam se invicem venerentur, et cum magna reverentia alloquantur...»

556 Duo praestantissima documenta, Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Del Maestro di Scuola) p.18: «Si guardi di far resistenza al Prefetto quando andarà in Scuola per castigar alcun Scolaro o per altro effetto ne meno parlarli parole di poca modestia in presenza delli scolari.»

The extent to which he wanted the educator to have authority in the eyes of his pupils can also be deduced from all the precautions he took in the interests of the cleric brothers. Conveniently, they wore tonsure and biretta so that they would be more respected by their own students[557].

557 See above the issue of cleric brothers, p.184-189.

If we summarize what we have said about the authority of the educator, we can affirm that the Calasanzian teacher should aspire to an authority that is not so much external and maintained with rigor and extraordinary means, but an internal, intellectual-spiritual and humanly liberal authority. According to Calasanz, the greater intellectual, moral and spiritual perfection of the educator, manifested with a certain art and simplicity, with clarity and pedagogical charity, should in itself convince and guide the student, who, seeing and virtually experiencing the irresistible values of the educator, especially truth and love, willingly submits to a “voluntary servitude”.

Calasanz himself demonstrated brilliantly with his teaching and his life that such pedagogical authority can really and concretely exist[558].

558 This, at least, is how it is expressed in a deposition of the Informative Process (Proc. inf auctoritate ordinaria 1650 fol.303: Reg. Cal. XXX): «...Come egli comportasse et amonisse l’insolenza, poco giuditio, mala creanza di quelli ragazzi che e per la poca età, e per esser nati di gente povera havevano condotta incivile». «Esso li sopportava con carità grande, l’instruiva, ammoniva». «Et io -tells the witness- più di una volta ho oservato quanto dico questi medesimi ragazzi che per la ragione che ho detto erano come animaletti, riverissero et temessero il P. Giuseppe, che dove l’altri con botte non li potevano far stare quieti, lui con un cenno li faceva stare quieti, et non si movevano...»

N. B.- Regarding the role of love in the authority of the master, see above. p.102s.

The authority of the educator is inseparable from his exemplarity. Calasanz also teaches that “examples move more than words”[559] and that the educator “must first act and then teach”[560]. Consequently, he also wants the educator to lead a completely exemplary life[561] and set a good, or rather “very good” example to his students[562], “both in things of the spirit and in things of the letters”[563]. The educator - according to Calasanz - must “edify with his conduct and his teaching”[564], “must be a guide in everything and for everything, and teach by his example, so as gradually to induce the subjects to true observance”[565]. Often the “abundance of the disciples” also depends on their example, on their spirit[566]. Moreover, the Piarist educator must be aware that “the faults of superiors, however small they may be, are known and noticed by subordinates”[567] and that “every little fault they notice in him would be very harmful to the progress of the pupils”[568].

559 L.4563, Ep.VIII p.328; in another letter: «...muove più l’esempio che il consiglio» (L.263, Ep.II p.268). Cf. also L.1970, Ep.V p.176: «...che tutti li nostri procurino d’insegnar alli prossimi più coll’ esempio della mortificazione et disprezzo delle cose terrene che con le parole...»

560 L.3055, Ep.VII p.52.

561 Cf. Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.203): «...ad eum finem consequendum (puerorum eruditio) praeter spiritualis vitae exemplum doctrinam et modum eam tradenti necessaria esse duximus».

562 L.3581, Ep.VII p.354.

563 L.756, Ep.III p.208.

564 L.4146, Ep.VIII p.214.

565 L.1058, Ep.III p.433.

566 L.2788, Ep.VI p.283.

567 L.424, Ep.II p.375.

568 L.2938, Ep.VI p.399.

All the more reason for him to scrupulously avoid a possible scandal among the students[569]. And we can even add that Calasanz himself, in order to emphasize this exemplarity of the educator, is not content with an inner - perhaps imperceptible - “goodness” of the educator, but insists that this is also expressed in an “outer modesty”[570] that permeates his whole personality and attitude.

569 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «Se alcuni de nostri recalcitraranno in tener scuola o vero daranno scandalo dove saranno messi di familia alli scolari o a secolari il Provinciale alli chierici non li dia dimissoria per ordinarsi, li sacerdoti metta nell’ultimo loco nelle attioni communi.» Cf. also L.760, Ep.III p.211: «...come si potrà riparare adesso ad un tale scandalo che è noto alli scolari tutti? Io sono risoluto di tenerlo in una perpetua prigione o farlo mutar ad altra religione».

570 L.4001, Ep.VIII p.134: «Procurarà che li nostri inoltre alla bontà interiore habbiano una modestia esteriore.» Cf. Similarly Constit. p.2nd c.7 n.165: «Ad Christi imitationem omnes in Congregatione nostra modestiam observabunt; praecipue vero in oculis, in incessu, in corporis habitudine; et non tantum in sermone, sed etiam in modo loquendi.»

The Saint wants the educator to be impeccable in his outward appearance as well. For example, that the face is well washed and groomed and that the clothes show no particular deterioration[571].

571 L.1637, Ep.V p.385: «Veda che li nostri vadano non stracciati ne sporchi et che si accomodino tutti alle cose necessarie»; also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «La mattina dopo l’oratione overo almeno prima di uscire in pubblico si ricordino tutti di lavarsi le mani e la faccia...»; «due volte per settimana dovranno mutarsi le bandinelle per le mani...» Cf., also, Constit. p.2nd c.6 n. 161: «Omnes autem in Domino valde hortamur, ut vestium paupertatem munditia decorare curent, tum in vestibus exterioribus, tum interioribus.»

If, after all this, we wanted to define the exemplarity of the Calasanzian educator as desired by the saint, we could define it as follows: perfectio vitae intellectualis et spiritualis cum claritate et simplicitate. (The perfection of the intellectual and spiritual life with clarity and simplicity).

According to Calasanz, the educator must also be a good psychologist, i.e. a person who knows the learner in depth and knows how to get to know him. When teaching, “he must not lead everyone to perfection in the same way, but must adapt to the talent of each individual”[572]. Even in the difficult task of making himself understood, he must adapt himself to the abilities of each one”[573]. In a word, he must “apply such a style to each one that he assigns to each one the task for which he is gifted”[574]. To do this well, he must therefore endeavor to know the student’s mind and heart precisely[575]. He must explore the pupil’s “inner inclination”[576] without paying too much attention to “the “simple trifles and ease that correspond to age and are natural to the little ones”[577].

572 L.2441, Ep.VI p.71.

573 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.196): «...Magistri diversi pro diversitate, numero et captu audientium constituantur»; ibid., n.194: «...docebitque praedictus magister... pro ipsorum capacitate.» Cf. also L.1488, Ep.IV p.282: «...et l’animi ad esser diligenti et accomodarsi alla capacità delli scolari non solo nel dare li volgari ma ancora in dichiarar le lettioni»; and Duo Praestantissima documenta. Doc. Princ. p.9. «Item che tutti entrino in Scuola al suon del Campanello et in essa si essercitino secondo le capacità delli scolari.»

574 L.1226, Ep.IV p.100.

575 L.1226, Ep.V p.100: «...et conviene conoscer l’inclinatione di ciascuno.»

576 Constit. (p.1a c.2 n.23): «...diligenter scrutetur internam propensionem.»

577 Riti comuni: Reg. Cal. XIV 741.

N.B.- It is true that, in order that the educator could know his pupil better and could effectively get closer to him, Calasanz wanted him to be, as far as possible, of the same language, of the same nationality. See BAU, Biogr. crit. p.767. Also: Letter of Fr. Ambrose Leailth, from Nikolsburg 25-1-33 (EEC p.639-641); Letter of Fr. Onofrio Conti, from Warsaw 1-8-42 (EEC p.239-240), but especially L.1907, Ep.V p.129: «Et ho pensato che sono più a proposito li nativi del paese ad insegnar che Italiani, introdotti per alcuni mesi nell’ oratione et cognitione delle nostre regole et assistendoli poi da principio alcuni delli italiani si faranno presto atti all’insegnare.»

With this serious knowledge of the pupil and with this adaptation to his abilities and character, it will not be so difficult for the educator to become, in a sense, an absolute teacher. He will not be forced to speak to his pupils in a general way[578], but will find the right words for each individual. In this way, “he will encourage the students to be diligent in school and will win them more easily for the service of God”[579].

578 L.2129, Ep.V p.273: «...il parlar universalmente poco frutto può fare.»

579 L.1488, Ep.IV p.282.

This respect for the personality and character of the pupil, which requires the Piarist educator to adapt to him, ultimately also leads him to reverence his person outwardly, never to insult him, always to treat him with kindness and to avoid addressing him too familiarly, even when his pupils are still very young[580].

580 Riti comuni p.50 (Reg. Cal. XIV p.741): «Non dicano mai parole ingiuriose, né sopranomi agli scolari, ma con affabilità trattino con essi loro, e li riprendano caritativamente degli errori. Cosi riuscirà molto buono il guardarsi di chiamarli con la voce “Tu”, ma conformarsi con l’usanza commune e dirli Voi, e cosi in plurale: Voi leggete, fate Voi, fermatevi, scrivete e nel resto sempre.»

To conclude this analysis of the characterological, moral and pedagogical figure of the Calasanzian educator, we can note that the Saint wants all these qualities and gifts of the educator to be permeated and animated by a holy pedagogical zeal[581], by a true zeal for schools[582] and for intellectual and spiritual reform[583]. The Piarist educator can and must never be content with beautiful ideas and good intentions, but must be “ready for every sign of obedience - each in his measure to his superior - and in a special way in the education of children, from which no one must be exempt, both in teaching and in accompanying the little ones”[584]; and all this because “works praise the educator and not good words or good intentions, of which there is a great abundance in hell, while good works done purely out of love for God are accepted”[585].

581 L.4082, Ep.VIII p.181: «...Et attendino all’Istituto con una santa emulazione a chi farà più profitto nelli suoi scolari.»

582 L.2493, Ep.VI p.108: «...desidero havere alcuni qui che habbiano vero zelo delle scuole.» Cf. also Archivio di Stato Palermo vol.42. «[Ordine per i Maestri:] ...che ogni Maestro habbia una diligenza grande, acciò li scolari siano li più modesti e studino con maggior diligenza.» L.1114, Ep.IV p.20: «Quanto alle scuole non vi si può attendere con tanta diligenza che non siamo molto più obbligati.»

583 Patente per Provinciale (Reg. Cal. XII 31): «...Sanctus reformationis zelus...»

584 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «Superiori e sudditi ugualmente devono insegnare.» L.2798, Ep.VI p.292: «Intendo che ha mancato un maestro nella scuola di Porta Reale et se V. R. havesse supplito in luogo suo haverebbe dato grandissimo esempio ai secolari et non haverebbe perso niente della dignità di sacerdotio ne di Provinciale et haverebbe superate la superbia di tutti li nostri religiosi: questo atto di subintrar io in una scuola per mancamento di un maestro l’ho fatto più volte et non ho perso per questo un punto di credito appresso li secolari, ma tra li nostri religiosi come uno arriva ad esser superiore di una casa pare che diventi libero di non fare mai più scuola, et è una tentatione grande, con la quale si sono lasciati vincere molti dei nostri.»

585 L.694, Ep.III p.166. Cf. also L.4204, Ep.VIII p.240: «...et le assicuro che facendo questo esercizio scolastico per sola charità acquisterebbero maggior merito appresso Iddio che se facessero oratione, essendo vero quel detto che non mi ricordo di che santo sia seben mi pare sia di S. Agostino che dice qui orat bene facit, sed qui juvat melius facit, et questo che io ancora vecchio come sono vado spesse volte per le scuole ad agiutar.»

N.B.- Regarding the figure of the Calasanzian educator (the intellectual aspect will be studied in the following chapter), see also the article, by PEDRO FONT PUIG, San José de Calasanz, maestro de psicología: Revista Española de Pedagogía 7 (1949) n.26 p.247-262.

B) The intellectual and spiritual formation of the Calasanzian educator, his cultural activity

1. Principles and general dispositions

So far, we have seen what the educator should be like according to Calasanz’ conception, looking at him mainly from the ascetic-moral-pedagogical point of view. Now we must show how he arrives at the ideal outlined above. We must examine his intellectual formation and his cultural activity. We have already seen how Calasanz wanted the candidate to already possess good moral qualities and suitable intellectual gifts[586] as a precondition, precisely in order to guarantee a good scientific and moral education for his future educators. We have also already consulted the relevant paragraphs of the Constitutions, which prescribe a conscientious formation of the future educator and provide for him to be instructed in the method of teaching according to a solid moral foundation both in the humanities and social sciences and in pedagogy, especially in didactics[587].

586 See before Conditions of admission p.133-139.

587 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.203): «Cum finis ad quern nostra Congregatio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum intendit, ut supra diximus, sit puerorum eruditio tum circa Christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam; ad eum finem consequendum praeter vitae spiritualis exemplum, doctrinam, et modum eam tradendi, necessaria esse duximus. Et postquam in his, qui ad professionem admisi sunt, apparebit in veris virtutibus nonnihil profecisse, de fundamento litterarum et modo eas proponendi cogitandum erit.» Cf. CAMPANELLA, Liber Apologeticus p.239 ad 7: «...nec sufficit illis lectio librorum moralium, ut Iesuitis, et aliis speculativam non adeuntibus. Isti enim ad docendum populum non sunt instituti sicut Scholarum Piarum Professores, qui ex hoc munere coguntur scientias methodice dogmatice addiscere non more idiotarum; qui possint populum Dei instruere prudenter utiliter et sine erroribus...»

But beyond the general affirmation of the need for a good and serious education and formation of future educators, Calasanz also gives more precise norms on this subject in the Constitutions[588].

588 Constit p.1st c.2. «De admissione novitiorum» (Here are contained norms and rules, particularly concerning the spiritual life of the future educator); Constit. p.2a c. 10. «De promovendis ad studia litterarum.»

The spiritual formation of the educator, according to the Constitutions of Calasanz, must begin in the novitiate and must be serious, under the helpful and fatherly care of the novice master, who must lead his pupils to the perfection of every virtue with his wisdom, his theological erudition, his experience, but above all with his example[589]. Here - in the novitiate - the future educator is initiated and trained in the various practices of piety[590], in prayer, in spiritual reading, in meditation, in the various mortifications of the senses, the will and the intellect”[591].

589 Ibid. (p.1st c.2 n.19): «Ubi vero quis ad habitum admissus fuerit, Magistro novitiorum instituendus tradatur: ad hoc autem grave munus is potissimum a Generali eligatur, qui suos novitios, ad virtutum culmen promovere non solum prudencia, eruditione et experimento sciat, sed etiam exemplo possit, qui videlicet communes labores libenter et assidue suscipiat, qui rebus divinis et ecclesiasticis ritibus sufficienter eruditus, et iussa Dei, consilia, viamque perfectionis, et verbo doceat, et factis exprimat.»

590 Ibid. (p.1st c.2 n.21): «Strenue autem probentur et exerceantur in omni genere devotionis, hoc est in oratione, in sacris tum lectionibus, cum meditationibus, necnon in variis mortificationibus...»

591 Ibid. (p.1st c.2 n.22): «Similiter etiam excrceantur in propriis voluntatibus iudiciisque frangendis.»

This spiritual formation must then be continued and perfected during the successive years of study[592] under the care of the Master of Juniors[593], and also during the first years of his priesthood under the paternal vigilance of a senior father[594]. But the education and spiritual formation of the Calasanzian educator does not end with this period of study. Under the guidance of the superior and the confessor of the community, according to the wise precepts of the Constitutions[595] and in the spirit of the four vows he has taken, he must strive earnestly to reach the common goal of all religious[596] and the particular goal of the Pious Schools[597].

592 Ibid. (p.2nd c.10 n.210): «...ita studia cum pietatis ardore coniungant ut alterum alteri emolumento esse possit.»

593 Ibid., n.211: «Curabitque... ut exercitiis spiritualibus ... spiritus fervorem recuperent et augeant.»

Acta Capituli Gen. 1637 p.8 § 22 (Reg. Gen. 4): «Che li giovani studenti non portandosi bene nello studio e viver religioso, si rimovino da esso, e prima che vi siano posti siano provati et approvati per osservanti e di buoni costumi e spirito, et inoltre esercitati in mortificazioni, perchè ciò sarà ottimo freno per tenere e mantenere in osservanza regolare la gioventù.»

594 Constit. p.3rd c.4 n. 299: «Constituet etiam in qualibet Domo suae provinciae aliquem Institutorem rerum spiritualium, qui Superiorem iuvet in dirigendis subditis ad perfectionem et curam peculiarem habeat iuniorum, non secus ac si Magister novitiorum esset.»

595 Ibid., p.1st c.4: «De recessu a saecularibus»; c.5: «De orationis studio»; c.6: «De silentio»; c.7: «De suscipiendis Sacramentis»; c.8: «De caerimoniarum observatione et suppellectili Ecclesiastica», etc.

596 Ibid. (p.2nd c.1 n.95): «Ad fastigium perfectae charitatis, quae vinculum perfectionis dicitur, qui aspirare desiderat, nihil facilius, nihil conducibilius invenire poterit, quam si illarum virtutum praxim fideliter observaverit, quas Religiosi viri, saeculo renuntiantes, et Deo adhaerere cupientes, sub voto adstricti profiteri conantur...»

597 Ibid. (p.2nd c.10 n.203): «Cum finis ad quem nostra Congregatio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum intendit, ut supra diximus, sit puerorum eruditio tum circa Christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam...»

With regard to the intellectual formation of the educator, Calasanz ordered in his Constitutions that in the second year of their novitiate, novices should, according to the instructions of the superiors, partially resume the studies they had begun[598], especially grammar and the interpretation of classical authors[599], and learn the method of teaching Christian doctrine, calligraphy and the abacus[600].

598 Ibid. (p.1st c.2 n.27): «Cum illis vero novitiis, qui primo Probationis anno in variis mortificationibus, et signanter in studio orationis notabiliter profecerint, ne eorum quae antea didicerint, obliviscantur, circa studium poterit Provincialis dispensare».

599 L.2420, Ep. VI p.57: «...il progresso dell’lstituto nostro in coteste parti (Lipnik) depende del profitto che faranno li novitii nel tempo del novitiato et se nel secondo anno potessero sentir alcuna dichiarazione delle regole et di qualche autor uscirebbero dal novitiato mezzo maestri et con poco studio poi sarebbero ottimi ad insegnar.» Cf. also L.4116, Ep.VIII p.199: «...oltre di ciò se gli paresse ben fatto, che quei novitii che terminato hanno l’anno attendessero a studiare qualche cosa, io ci concorrerei ancora con il mio parere, perchè nè quelli si scordino affatto di quanto hanno imparato, e perchè possino più presto soccorrere al bisogno delle case.» How intensively the classics were studied in the novitiates can be guessed from the information in the inventory of the novitiate of Genoa from 1646 (Reg. Prov. 8; Gen. 8). In addition to the indispensable spiritual books, the catalog of this inventory also contains many classical authors, dictionaries, poetics, rhetoric, etc.

600 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.210): «...ita studia cum pietatis ardore coniungant ut alterum alteri emolumento esse possit.»

After completing the novitiate, the newly professed continued their studies in the various houses. Each of them had to be responsible for the formation of at least two clerics. But all this was only provisional until a study house could be built for each Province[601]. In this future formation center, according to Calasanz’ plans, the future educator was to be taught all the subjects that he would later perhaps even teach his own fellow brothers. He was to perfect himself in writing, in the abacus, in the method of teaching Christian Doctrine- studies already begun in the novitiate - and he was to complete or initiate those of grammar, rhetoric and the humanities, while at the same time asserting himself in moral casuistry, the so-called cases of conscience[602].

601 Ibid (p.2nd c.10 n.204): «Proinde singulae domus nostrae duos ad minus alumnos ex nostris, ut discant, sustentabunt, qui supplere possint locum, cum quis vel morbo, vel alia iusta causa impeditus fuerit, donec Congregatio Domum unam habeat in singulis provinciis, quae omnibus illius provinciae domibus Ministros idoneos suppeditare possit.»

602 This course on ´cases of conscience´ was nothing more than a practical course on morals in order to train future priests to hear the confession of the faithful.

This entire period of study, which was outlined by Calasanz as early as 1621, was to have a humanistic-literary character, referred to as the study of “litterae humaniores”. Regular – systematic - disputations, more or less solemn, were to be carried out under the guidance of a competent teacher. There were also various exercises in composition, either in prose or verse. The students had to speak to each other, usually in Latin[603].

603 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.205): «In qua ultra Rhetoricam, et Casus conscientiae, nisi pro nostris, in aliis scientiis ne procedatur, et qui ex nostris litteris humanioribus vacaverint, suis temporibus de iis disputabunt, quae ad illa studia pertinent, coram aliquo, qui eos dirigere possit».

Ibid., n.206: «Similiter in componenda soluta oratione, aut carmine, seu themate ibidem ex tempore ad explorandam ingenii promptitudinem eos exercebunt, et in aliis etiam exercitationibus, prout Superior expedire iudicaverit: hi omnes litterarum studiosi communiter latine loquantur.»

Later, the General Chapter of 1637 also decided to establish a scientific-mathematical course of study for our students, for which the Father General himself was to draw up regulations. These studies were to include at least eight or ten young students, but “priests of the appropriate age who were deemed suitable for the sciences” could also be admitted to the studies. They were to attend the appropriate courses at the Collegio Romano or the Minerva[604].

604 Cap. Gen. 1637 (27-10-1637) p.8 § 14 (Reg. Gen. 4): «Che si metta Studio per li nostri nelle scienze, et al mantenimento di studenti concurrino tutte le provincie e case della religione conforme ordinerà il Pre. Generale. Et quanto al modo da tenersi nello studio, si prescrivino dall’istesso Padre Generale le regole inviolabilmente da osservarsi con le sue mortificazioni e penitenze. Si faccia uno studio di otto o dieci giovani fra quali possono esser anco annomerati et ammessi li sacerdoti più provetti della religione e giudicati idonei alle scienze: e questi vadano alle scuole del Collegio Romano o della Minerva e non possino esser rimossi, eccetuati i casi di estrema necessita riservati a P. Generale.»

From these precautions taken for the intellectual training of the Calasanzian educator, even if they could not be carried out during Calasanz’ lifetime[605] due to historical circumstances[606], we can conclude how much value the Saint placed on the good and conscientious training of the future educator. But even if the house of studies conceived and desired by Calasanz[607] and the competent ecclesiastical authorities[608] could not be fully realized during the Saintly Educator’s lifetime, several worthy initiatives were born during the lifetime to meet the urgent needs of the growing Order and to support Calasanz’ far-sighted projects[609]. These initiatives, even if they proved to be impermanent or incomplete, nevertheless served as a nucleus and example for future generations and allow us to reconstruct the main stages of the intellectual formation given to the Calasanzian educator at the time of the holy Founder.

605 With regard to the practical difficulties caused by the lack of a stable house of study, the letter from a student cleric addressed to Father General, which we quote below, is very revealing: Iosephus [Apa] a S. Nicolao (Nikolsburg October 8, 1631; EEC p.35): «Non ho cominciato ancora a studiare teologia, ne altra cosa per mancamento de’libri, sto qui come persona morta o esiliata. Io non so a che dovrò mai servire, e pur già sono quasi di 23 anni; certo il non sapere che cosa habbi da fare, et a che vogli il Superiore impiegarmi, mi fa applicare a molte cose, le quali hora bisogna lasciare et hora ripigliare. Mi mandò a Napoli Sua Paternità, acciò che studiassi Filosofia; dopoi commandò che esercitassi la scola, onde mi fu necessario ripigliar gli studi di Humanità, dopoi ordinò che studiassi Teologia perlochè lasciai di nuovo gli studi di humanità e mi diedi alla speculativa, sebbene non come dovevo, poi mi mando qua acciochè studiassi, fui posto ad una scola, onde vedendo esser per quella necessario lo studio di Humanità, mi diedi di nuovo a quello. Hora di nuovo commanda che io studi Teologia, non trovandosi qui ne chi possa insegnarmi, ne havendo commodità di libri, mi bisogna fare alle volte versi per le occasioni, che si presentano, havevo incominciato alcuni versi, li quali posti in picciol volume si potevano donare al Cardinale. Hora ho lasciato di farli: pluribus intentus minor est ad singula sensus. Se Sua Paternità si vuol servire di me per predicare, come par che accenni il P. Pellegrino, è bisogno che io attendi a quelle cose, cioè studiar Teologia, legger i santi Padri, comporre prediche et esercitarmi con qualche persona, che possa correggermi» (cf. Ep. IV p.204-205).

N.B.- Only after the death of Calasanz the question of the house of studies could be definitively systematized with the erection of the house of formation in Chieti in June 1660 (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.179 ) and with the erection of a center of mathematical studies in 1677, in Rome, in San Pantaleo (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.185-186), and, finally, arriving at the codification of a Ratio Studiorum pro Nostris, already designed by the General Chapter of 1692, but only concluded and carried out by the General Chapter of 1718. On this topic, cf. G. SÁNTHA, Probación y formación de nuestros juniores en tiempo de N.B.P., en G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.283-319.

606 Particularly because of the poverty of the new Order and the scarcity of suitable subjects. L.674, Ep.III p.152: «...ne V. R. doveria procurar di racomandar soggetti che non sanno quanto conviene per noi, che non è bene riempire la religione di gente ordinaria», and mainly because of the relatively rapid diffusion of the Order. We already know that Calasanz could hardly ever clothe “giovanetti di poca età e di bell’ingegno” (L.1849, Ep.V p.92), for the simple reason that the Institute of Pious Schools was in great demand everywhere and could not wait for the long years of its formation, as it urgently needed men who, once they had finished the novitiate, were ready to become teachers. See letter 20, Ep.II 71: «Ne mi risolvo di pigliar giovani per chierici che non sappian ben grammatica che molti mi hanno ricercato di voler entrar tra noi, ma non li ho possuto dar sodisfattione, perché non sanno quanto noi havemo bisogno che sappiano che al presente non ci conviene pigliar gioveni per sacerdoti che noi l’habbiamo per insegnar la grammatica, ma havemo bisogno di huomini che passato un anno, ce ne possiamo valer, pero li potete dire che per il presente non e possibile accettarlo nella Congregatione, col tempo sì.» Cf. also PICANYOL Galileo Galilei p.20.

607 L.606, Ep.Ill p.109: «Quanto poi al metter studio de’ nostri io ne ho una brama grandissima et sono risoluto, se quei di Messina vengono, di metterli allo studio insieme con altri a proposito acciò che in dui anni habbiamo alcuni soggetti di comparir, che adesso ne stiamo in estremo bisogno. Questo è negotio molto principale et importante per il nostro Istituto et ne tratteremo a bocca.»

608 Cf. Decretum Visitationis Apostolicae anni MDCXXV § 12 (Eph.Cal. 5 [1959] 200-201): «Provideat P. Praepositus Generalis saltem infra duos menses maximos, quod saltem ex his unus exstet ex PP. Magister, cuius parcticularis cura sit incumbere lectioni et repetitioni illorum qui ad omnes onus edocendi pueros admittendi sunt, sub eadem poena suspensionis». But before, see § 11: «Non admittantur in futurum Magistri ad docendos pueros Grammaticam et Humanitatem qui saltem Rhetoricam non studuerint.»

L.380, Ep.II p.338: «...Monsign. Seneca mi disse che stima il nostro lstituto delli più necessarii che siano nella repubblica Xriana, et vuol procurare con nostro Signore che con una ampia Bolla di approvatione lo confermi et tra li altri capi per li quali egli pensa che il nostro istituto si possa relassare è uno il pigliar troppi luoghi perché per supplire ad essi ci converrà servirci di soggetti non ancora atti ad esser maestri...» (17-12-1625).

See also Decree of the Apostolic Visitation in 1627 (Reg. Cal. XV: Varia): «Molto R. Padre in Xsto. Acciocché dall’opera delle scuole pie si possa conseguir quel fine, per cui è stata istituita, gl’illustrissimi Sig.i Card.li della Sacra Congregazione hanno per bene che dentro lo spatio di due anni prossimi la P. Vra non accetti alcun luogo per farvi le dette scuole, che frattanto i soggetti verranno ad habilitarsi maggiormente all’esercizio di questo Istituto per servitio di Dio, e benefitio de Popoli. Conformisi ella dunque con il senso delle Signorie loro Illustrissime, che io perfino me le offero e raccomando con tutto l’animo. Di casa di 23 di Giugno 1ó27. Servo affezzmo. P. Fagnani (cf. PICANYOL, Epistolario II p.346)».

Cf., also, Risposta al memoriale delli lnconvenienti given by Calasanz in the year 1631 or 1632 (Ep. V p.23): «Fu anche concluso (in a non-official meeting of the members of that frustrated Chapter) che si facesse studio per li gioveni della Religione et si è posto in essegutione perciò che vi sono sette gioveni che attendono ad imparar l’humanità senza impiegarli in altro et quattro che attendono alla logica et altri quattro alla filosofia, tutti con maestri dentro la religione».

609 Thus, there were study centers for our people in Rome. (BERRO, III p.26-27; L.1275, Ep.IV p.137; L.1374, Ep.IV p.204-205; L.2924, Ep.VI p.389: PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.35), in Florence (PICANYOL, p.67-68), in Naples (EHI p.99: letter of Fr. Apa to the holy Founder, 30-11-1641: EPC p.1303: letter of Fr. Giovanni Luca di Rosa to Fr. Pietrasanta, 6-6-1643); in Genoa L.1543, Ep.IV p.325-326; in Carcare L.237, Ep.II p.2470; in Narni L.2115, Ep.V p.264); in Norcia EHI p.702: letter of Fr. Giacomo Cipoletta to the holy Founder. 9-12-29; in Frascati L.1694, Ep.IV p.422; L.1694, Ep.IV p.425, L.27, Ep.II p.77; in Moricone L.2466, Ep.VI p.88; in Mesina L.4208, Ep. VIII p.242; in Palermo L.4221, Ep.VIII p.249. in Cagliari EHI p.212: Letter of Fr. Pier Luca Battaglione to Fr. General 23-11-1647, EHI p.838: letter of Fr. Giovanni Battista de Ferraris 9-1-1648: cf. PICANYOL, o.c., p.176); in Nikolsburg L.4224: Ep. VIII p.251; L.3038, Ep.VII p.38; EEC p.859: letter of Fr. Alessandro Novari, 16-10-1644; in Strassnitz EEC p.59-64: letters of Fr. Giovanni Francesco Bafici 6-12-1636 y 17-12-1636; in Leitomischl L.4437, Ep.VIII p.347; and in Podolin (PICANYOL: Galileo Galilei p.176-177: GULYÁS, o.c., p.29-31).

For Nikolsburg, Strassnitz and Leitomischl, see also “ familia domus “ from 1639. (Reg. Prov. 51^15).

But Count Althan’s plan was never realized. He, as Fr. A. Leailth wrote to the Saint, “ha ancora in animo di fabricar un luogho qui a Nicolsburg per trentatre alunni, li quali devono essere undeci Ungari, undeci Bohemi, undeci Tedeschi acciò da questi possiamo allevar soggeti e per questo efetto io sono stato chiamato più volte dal Conte» (EEC p.640).

Thus, we can begin by stating as our main thesis that, according to the letters of Calasanz and those of his collaborators, as well as the documents, the practical organization of the actual studies was as foreseen and conceived in the Constitutions of Calasanz. However, it lacked the order and stability that only a permanent and economically secure house of studies could have provided. In the meantime, in order to meet the new requirements, houses of study for philosophy, theology (Cagliari, Florence, Frascati, etc.) and special courses in the Latin language (Florence, Naples, etc.) had been established.

In order to get a fair, precise and clear idea of the effective training of the Piarist educator at the time of Calasanz, we can outline each of the subjects in which, although not all and not all to the same extent, they received training and special instruction to meet the requirements of the Institute and those of the time.

2. Writing[610]

610 It is understood that also for the reading class an adequate preparation on the part of the teacher was required. In fact, we know that Calasanz could not tolerate teachers who read badly. (cf. L.1010, Ep.III p.401-402: «...in loco del fratello che è venuto qui col P. Matteo le manderò un chierico che saperà leggere... che intendo questo che è ritornato qui leggeva molto male»), but we do not know precisely how this class was developed; in one of his letters, Calasanz expresses himself as follows on this matter: L2613, Ep.VI p.183, «...e tutti tanto sacerdoti quanto chierici ed altri che ci havessero dispositione doveriano procurare con ogni fatica a saper insegnare non solo grammatica, abaco e scrivere e di perfettamente leggere e pronunciare, ma quel che più importa di saper catechizare i fanciulli.» Hence, most probably, the future Calasanzian teacher had to perfect himself in the exact pronunciation, with the recitation aloud of reading texts. Cf. also L.1003, Ep.III p.397: “Faccia che li fratelli che non sanno perfettamente leggere che ne imparino ogni notte un poco acciò siano atti ad insegnar alli scolari.” It is also noteworthy that, in addition to the exact pronunciation, the future teachers had to learn a certain method to be used in the teaching of this subject, a method of which the Breve relazione (vol. cit., p.5) speaks clearly, and which in modern pedagogy is known as the “simultaneous method”»: «Et perché il numero di questi figliolini suole essere di 60, o vero 70 et un maestro solo non basterebbe a recitare si gran numero, si tiene nel muro attaccatta una carta con un alfabeto di lettere grandi assai, et il Mro con una bacchetta va toccando le lettere da una ad una più e più volte et cosi vengono li figliolini più volte recitati et si conosce presto chi ha buon ingegno. Et per quelli che cominciano a compitare si tiene parimente nel muro un altra carta con lettere parimente grandi del ba, be, ecc., ab, eb, ecc., et alcune parole facili li quali come cominciano a compitare se mandano ad un altra clase maggiore.»

From this text we see that, in addition to the simultaneous method, the intuitive method was also used.

From the same Breve Relazione we can also deduce (p.5-6) that, as far as reading was concerned, the whole process of instruction was divided into three degrees: 1st, spelling; 2nd, reading the syllabary fluently; 3rd, reading current books fluently.

Given the great importance of teaching writing and calligraphy[611] in the Pious Schools, it was obviously necessary to have good teachers, and for this reason Calasanz did everything to ensure that they were properly trained[612].

611 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.198: «...provideatur de diligenti magistro, qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi ... quo facilius quisque sibi necessaria acquirere possit.»

612 L.900, Ep.III p.316: «Che importa assai che tra di noi vi siano huomini perfetti in questo esercizio dello scrivere.» Also, L.248, Ep.II p.257: «Vorrei che essi [due fratelli] havessero particolar talento in scrivere et abbaco, perchè sono più stimati in ogni parte et possono far maggior profitto nelli scolari perchè per l’ordinario un buon scrittor et abbachista tira a sé gran gente.»

In fact, the Saint wanted his masters to learn the art of writing as early as the second year of novitiate[613] and that they should continue to perfect themselves as clerics with half an hour’s study after lunch and a little more in the afternoon[614]. Out of holy obedience, he prescribed the study of calligraphy to all who were able to do so, even if they were priests[615]. And although it was the Saint’s express wish that priests should also learn the art of writing[616], it remained - at least until the General Chapter of 1637 - the special duty of the “cleric brothers” to perfect themselves in this matter of teaching[617].

613 Constit (p.2nd c.10 n.207): «Sint etiam aliqui ex nostris, qui novitios in secundo probationis anno ... doceant ... modum perfecte litteras formandi...»

614 L.1537, Ep.IV p.319: «...et bisognerebbe che anco li chierici imparassero ben di scrivere et d’inverno vi possono attendere una mezza hora doppo pranzo, la sera molto più.» Cf. also L.2162, Ep.V p.297: «Quanto alli maestri di scrivere et abbaco V. R. ordini che chi vi abbia talento ancorché sia chierico vi attenda. Et io per havervi atteso non ho perso punto del mio sacerdotio che è la maggior dignità che ho possuto conseguire.»

615 L.2742, Ep.VI p.255: «Quanto alla scuola di scrivere et abbaco mi pare gran cosa che non facciano imparare in ogni casa ad alcuno. Pero V. R. vederà chi ha dispositione per imparare in contesta casa che li commandai io che in virtù di Santa Obedienza imparino ancorché sianno sacerdoti, perciò che quella è una scuola la più principale di tutte fuori la prima di grammatica e ricerca un soggetto che insieme col insegnare lo scrivere et abbaco impari anco il santo timor di Dio.»

616 L.2657, Ep.VI p.207: «Dirà V. R. a tutti quelli che hanno talento di imparare a scrivere che si apparechino che nel mese di marzo si doveranno cominciar ad esercitare un poco ogni giorno massime se sono sacerdoti, i quali tutti vorrei, che havessero diverse habilità per poter aiutare il prossimo con molte cose.»

617 Cf. Prescriptions of General Chapter of 1627.

In order to put all these instructions into practice, Calasanz himself was the first to do everything possible, taking particular personal care. Thus, to be able to teach others well - especially his brothers in religion - he first perfected calligraphy himself[618], and then he endeavored to teach it to others by providing them with models of fonts[619], checking their writing, for which he had calligraphic models sent even from distant cities[620], and he even personally gave them detailed instructions concerning the secrets of the art[621].

618 L.3763, Ep.VII p.398: «Io sono stato sempre impiegato in diverse cose ed ho imparato la perfettione di scrivere per poterlo insegnare alli nostri.»

619 Oratio in trigesimo S. P. N. habita a R. Admodum Patre Hyacinto A. S. Vicentio Carmelitano excalceato (1648): Reg. Cal. XIV 78): «...stendendo gli esemplari da scrivere...»

620 L.1755, Ep.V p.28 (from Venice): «Mi piace la mano di scrivere et praticandola un poco potrà servir per dar essempi.» L.2992, Ep.VI p.443 (from Naples): «Aspettavo con desiderio le scritture per vedere se vi è qualche cosa del P. Carlo». L.31, Ep.II p.80 (from Frascati): «Vi mando una resima di carta e tre ferretti per il fratello Venantio il quale vorrei che facesse una buona mano di scrivere et mi mandi un poco di mostra fatta da esso.» Cf. also L.803, Ep.III p.241: «Il fratel Giacomo mi mandi due cartelle di formatella un poco piena.»

621 L.1633, Ep.IV p.382: «Quanto al fr. Andrea che impara a scrivere faccia che si emendi in la uguaglianza della larghezza delle lettere che vi erra molto, in quanto alle haste non fa male.» Cf. also L.535, Ep.III p.36: «Al frel Giacomo scriverò l’altra volta circa le cartelle, procuri far la lettera più piccolina alla istessa forma, ma più sottilina». The same in L.907, Ep.III p.321: «Ho visto alcune cartelle del frel Giacomo et mi pare che scriveva meglio l’anno passato che non fa adesso, perchè egli vuol fare ogni sorte di lettera con la penna quadra et non li riesce, spero che ritornerà ad intendere che temperatura di penna richiede ogni lettera.»

Similarly, he himself procured the materials and instruments necessary for writing: Paper, pens, penknives[622]. And the holy Master did not stop there, but also ensured that the various types of characters used in different cities were mutually exchanged[623]. He bought various books and rules of calligraphy that were in vogue at the time[624] and made them available to everyone. In this way, he ensured that his religious - in order to adapt to and satisfy the various demands and tastes - were practical in the different types of “chancery”, “Spanish”, “French”, “ecclesiastical” and “commercial” writing[625].

622 L.31, Ep.II p.80: «Vi mando una resima di carta et tre ferreti per il Fr. Venanzio.» Libro di uscite, 13-8-1635 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Al P. Generale per temperini, giuli 10.» L.1400, Ep.IV p.225: «Il Fr. Antonio qui sta sano per gratia del Signore et dice che fece far un temperino ad un Coltellinaro che sta alli coltellari al’ insegna del Capello d’oro et che V. R. l’hebbe, ne dice tanto bene che ci ha fatto venir voglia di vederlo et se sarà tale como egli dice ne faremo far qui altri come quello, però ce lo mandi per la prima occasione.» Carta del P. Bafici de Strassnitz, 6-12-1636 (EEC p.60): «Il temperino inviatoci è stato a tutti non solo caro, ma necessario.»

Libro di uscite, 8-1-1633 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Un mezzo grosso pagato al Procaccio di Napoli per portarci temperini e rosarii.» Ibid., 16-9-1624: «Per 400 penne di scrivere, scudi 0,70».

623 L.3489, Ep.VII p.296: «Il P. Bonaventura dice che mandi una lettera di un alfabeto puntato et hora si manda il resto del l’Alfabeto quale potrà dare a S. Do. Felice et le dirà che se ne vuole un altro maggiore et anco un altro minore se li potrà mandare.»

624 Cf. lnventario di Poli (Supplementum 29: Prov. Rom.): Artificio dello scrivere; Arte aulica; Entrata et uscita, 12-6-29 (Reg. Cal. XIII 25): «Dati per le regole di Cancelleria, scudi 0,20.» L.1097, Ep.III p.463: «Mando dieci libri da scrivere che mi ha raccomandato il S. Camillo Cungi intagliator». L.904, Ep.III p.318: «Il signor Camillo Cungi intagliator in rame mi ha raccomandato sei libri del Ruinetti et sei del Pisani et dodici piccoli di Ms. Ventura acciò li mandi costi et veda V. R. di farli vendere tra li scolari.» Memoria delle cose di mandar alle case nostre fuori di Roma (Reg. Cal. XI 3): «Per Savona: Il libro del Gresci». Libro delle uscite (of San Pantaleo house; Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per Norcia: II libro del Cresci.» Regarding Ruinetti see CLAUDIO BONACINI, Bibliografia delle arti scrittorie e della calligrafia (Firenze 1953) p.292 n.1585 y 1586; RUINETTI (Tomaso), Ideal del buon scrittore. Opera prima di Tomaso Ruinetti da Ravenna ... a beneficio de desiderosi di imitare le vere forme dello Scrivere. Roma 1619. Con privilegio di Paolo V. Regarding Pisani see ibid., p.270 n.1439: PISANI (Francesco), Tratteggiato da penna, Franciscus Pisanus Scriptor Genuensis Inventor. 1640. N.1440: PISANI (Giovan Battista), Il primo libro di lettere corsive moderne di Gio. Battista Pisani in Genova stampato appresso l’autore, 1641. Regarding Cresci see BONACINI, o.c., p.84-91. His main works are: n.415, Esemplare di piu sorti di lettere di M. Giovanni Francesco Cresci, Milano, Scrittore della Libreria Apostolica. Roma 1560; n.426, Il perfetto scrittore (Roma s.a. [1570]). To get an idea of the content of these two books, here are their full titles: Essemplare di più sorti di lettere di M. Giovanni Francesco Cresci, Milanese Scrittore della Libreria Apostolica. Dove si dimostra la vera et nuova forma dello scrivere cancellaresco corsivo, da lui ritrovata et da molti hora communmente posta in uso. Con breve trattato sopra le maiuscole antiche romane, per il quale s’intende la vera regola di formarle secondo l ‘arte e il giudizio de gli antichi. Si descrive ancora la pratica che con la penna al buon scrittore s’appartiene havere in dette maiuscole ed altre sorti di lettere, nuovamente dal detto autore composte et a commune utilità date in luce.

Il perfetto scrittore di Gio. Francesco Cresci cittadino Milanese. Dove si veggono i veri caratteri, e le natural forme di tutte quelle sorti di lettere, che a vero scrittor si appartengono con alcun’altre da lui nuovamente ritrovate. Et i modi che deve tenere il maestro per bene insegnar.

625 L.1097, Ep.III p.463: «Mando dieci libri da scrivere che mi ha raccomandato il Sig. Camillo Cungi intagliator amico nostro acciò V. R. procuri costì che si vendano tra li scolari poiché questa sorte di lettera alla spagnuola piace costì più che la cancellaresca. Il prezzo come si fece delli altri a 4 g.li il libro.»

L.1535, Ep.IV p.317: «Se sarà costì un libretto stampato con essempi del Verovio di formatella chiara et alcuna ancora di cancellaresca molto sottile melo manderete per la prima occasione che è quanto per la presente mi occorre.» L.1538, Ep.IV p.320: «Hebbi il libro delli essempi del Verovio ma non sono in quello li essempi di cancellaresca sotile che io pensavo vi fossero.» (Regarding Verovio, see Bonacini, o.c., p.354-356. N.1947: II primo libro delli essempi di Simone Verovio in Parione all’insegna del Martella. Romae 1587. Martin van Buytem sculpsit. N.1949: Essemplare di cancellaresche corsive di Simone Verovio. Stampato in Roma 1593.)

And it must be added that he not only endeavored to teach the future teachers how to write, but that he also provided them with other excellent teachers. In Rome, for example, Ventura Sarafellini, an outstanding calligrapher of his time, not only taught calligraphy to the students of San Pantaleo, but most probably also to the Fathers - starting with the holy Founder - the cleric students and the cleric brothers[626]. A certain Santi was sent to Frascati to teach this art, which was so useful and necessary for the poor[627].

626 CAPUTI (o.c., I p.3 fol.31 n.122): «Ventura Sarafellini uno dei primi operarii che pagava il Padre da quando incomincio l’lstituto, che fu questo Sarafellini il quale era eccellente scrittore e lui fece le lettere alla cupola di S. Pietro a tempo di Paolo V, che dicono Tu es Petrus et super hanc petram ... Questo morì del anno 1664 et sempre fece scuola a S. Pantaleo con grandissimo essempio tanto di Padri come scolari, ne mai fu negato il suo stipendio et se li dava dalla nostra cucina quel che si poteva non solo per lui, ma per la moglie e figli oltre la paga di due scudi al mese, sempre il Padre li dava qualche cosa di più e questo lo so io.» Already from the text we have quoted we can see the great social sense of Calasanz, who with such liberality and generosity honored the calligrapher, providing him with a salary that today we would call family salary; but it does not seem useless to us to reproduce here the authentic text of the contract stipulated by St. Joseph Calasanz with said teacher: cf. Novelle letterarie ed ecclesiastiche delle Scuole Pie dall ‘anno 1749 al 1770: Rassegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica IX (1941) 57: «Jesus Maria. Adì 15 luglio 1618. Io, Giuseppe della Madre di Dio Prefetto della Congregazione Paolina delli Poveri della Madre di Dio faccio accordo con Mr. Ventura Sarafellini da Imola, scrittore in Roma che debba servire in dar lezione di scrivere per tutto il tempo della vita sua nelle scuole della nostra Congregazione il giorno dopo il pranzo nel comincio delle scuole sin al fine senza pigliare per tal esercizio cosa alcuna dagli scolari che vengono alle nostre scuole. Se però non gli usasse fuor della scuola particolar diligenza essendo chiamato da’ Padri alle case loro, e se gli debba dare per sua provisione ed emolumento scudi trenta di moneta all’anno, e mancando di servire, purché non sia per impedimento di infermità, se gli debba levare pro rata della detta provisione. E cosi ordino ed essorto che nessuno de nostri Fratelli, che mai a tempo avvenire ardiscano di contravenire a questo accordo, e mio ordine. E detta provisione voglio che gli sia data senza eccezione e fastidio suo ogni volta che egli ne abbia bisogno e che la chiederà, se non tutta in una volta, almeno quella poca che se gli potrà dare per sovvenire alle sue necessità; e che i nostri fratelli lo tengano come uno di essi, e sia partecipe di tutte le opere e meriti della Congregazione. Che perciò gli ho fatto per sua cautela e sicurezza la presente scrittura e foglio sottoscritto di mia propria mano, e postovi anco il sigillo della nostra Congregazione voglio che vaglia come se fosse instromento in forma Camerae Apostolicae; e perché ha servito questo luogo da principio fu cominciata questa benedetta opera delle Scuole Pie con grandissima perseveranza ed amore. Data in Roma nelle Scuole Pie questo dì e anno sopradetti. Loco sigilli Io, Giuseppe della Madre di Dio affermo quanto sopra.»

627 L.432, Ep.II p.380: «Manderò forse questa sera Santi per aiutare costì a scrivere.» Regarding Santi, see also L.1046, Ep.III p.424.

3. Arithmetic (abacus)

Alongside writing, the abacus, i.e. elementary mathematics, “so pleasing to the world”[628], was an equally, if not more, important subject in the new Pious Schools. It is quite natural that Calasanz did as much as he could to ensure that the abacus teachers were well trained and taught, especially as, according to Calasanz, “a good ‘abacus teacher’ usually attracts many people to himself”[629].

628 L.2358, Ep.VI p.13: «Attenda a perfezionarsi più che può nelle matematiche che si vede che sono grate al mondo.» Constit. p.2a c.9 n.198: «Et cum in omni fere Republica pro maiori parte incolae sint pauperes, qui filios suos in studiis litterarum ad modicum tempus sustinere valent, curet Superior, ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti Magistro qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi quo facilius quisque sibi neccesaria acquirere possit.» L.4135, Ep.VIII p.209: «Ho visto quanto la V. R. mi scrive circa la istituzione dell’abaco, il quale nella nostra Religione è di grandissimo merito, ma non è inteso dalli superbi et chi non si humilia non sara esaltato.» L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «...questa scienza [l’aritmetica] e l’essercito è molto utile per li poveri che non hanno capitale da poter vivere senza faticare». The reason for this importance will be better documented in the next chapter.

629 L.248, Ep.II p.257.

Based on this opinion of the Saint, the future Piarist teacher had to learn the first elements of mathematics in the second year of the novitiate, at the same time as writing[630], and after the novitiate he had to continue this study in each of the religious houses[631]. And although the study of the abacus was the special duty of the cleric brothers[632], the cleric students and the fathers also had to devote themselves to “mathematics” if they had not already learned it beforehand[633].

630 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.207): «Sint etiam aliqui ex nostris, qui Novitios in secundo probatioms anno ... doceant... modum perfecte litteras formandi et computa faciendi...».

631 L.2742, Ep.VI p.255, previously quoted (n. 615); cf. also L.2162, Ep.V p.297: «Quanto alli maestri di scrivere et abbaco V. R. ordini che chi vi habbia talento ancorché sia chierico, vi attenda.» Also L.1925, Ep.V p.140: «Et l’animo è che impariate in quanto breve tempo sia possibile le matematiche et alquanto di ben scrivere.» L.554, Ep.III p.52: «Ho molto caro che sia cominciato lo studio (a Roma) non solo di chierici ma ancora di abbaco et non potendo tutti haver libri particolari si contentino con li communi per adeso».

632 C. Gen. 1627: Reg. Gen. 4 (cit. in n. 514).

633 L.2251, Ep.V p.396: «Scrissi la posta passata che V. R. attendese con ogni diligenza alle matematiche che io l’havessi molto a caro havendone come ha costì ottima occasione col fratel Francesco di S. Giuseppe.» Cf. L.2302, Ep.V p.439: «Mi piace che attendano alla matematica, non lasciando però lo studio della virtù, la perseveranza dà la corona. Dio benedetto prosperi i loro studi a maggior sua gloria.»

So that the Saint himself could teach the abacus to the children of St. Pantaleo, but above all to his brothers of habit, just as he had learned to write, he also learned the abacus and actually taught it[634], and even further he established simple and clear rules of calculation for them[635]. And where he could not personally look after his brothers in religion, he made sure that there were others to teach them in this discipline[636].

634 L.2162, Ep.V p.297: «Quanto alli maestri di scrivere et abbaco V. R. ordini che chi vi habbia talento ancorché sia chierico vi attenda. Et io per avervi atteso non ho perso punto del mio sacerdotio, che è la maggior dignità che ho possuto conseguire.» Cf. L.3672, Ep.VII p.397: «E io più volte ho trattenuto la scuola dell’abbaco et ho insegnato alcuni de’ nostri che subentrassero nell’ essercitio dell’abbaco et non per questo ho perso punto dell offitio di sacerdote, che è cosa santa essere superiore universale in tutte le cose delle scuole».

635 Regula summam faciendi trium, quattuor vel quinque numerorum fractorum. (Reg. Cal. XII 15): «Per sumar tre, quattro o cinque rotti insieme primo si multiplicano li denominatori uno per l’altro sin all’ultimo et il prodotto di tutti si dice denominatore commune, il quale si parte per ogni denominatore particolare et quello che ne viene si multiplica per il numeratore particolare et il prodotto sarà numerator et si metterà sopra et volendo sumar questa figura suma semplicemente tutti li numeratori et quello che ne viene si denomina dal denominatore comune che sta abasso.»

636 For example, in Frascati: «Faccia che fratel Giacomo impari costì da Santi mentre vi starà un poco di abbaco» (L.433, Ep.II p.380).

The study of the abacus, arithmetic and geometry was also greatly facilitated by the numerous books he bought and made available to his students. The correspondence of Calasanz and his religious, the contemporary catalogs of the first Piarist libraries and some economic books show with the simple but clear eloquence of facts to what extreme the holy pedagogue, almost challenging the scarce means of his extreme poverty, came to encourage and promote the study of elementary mathematics among his religious[637].

637 Regarding correspondence, see: a) Calasanz’s letter (L.1509, Ep.IV p. 299): «Il libro dell’Oronzio farà la diligenza che si trovi perchè questo fratello è ingenioso in diverse cose massime in cose di orologi di sole et altri». Regarding Oronzio see Elenco cronologico delle opere di Computisteria e ragioneria venute alla luce in Italia dal 1202 sino al presente. Terza edizione. Roma, Tipografia Nazionale 1886, p.33. N.1587: FINEO ORONZI0, Aritmetica, Geometria, Cosmografia et Oriuoli. Tradotte da Cosimo Bartoli. Et gli Specchi. Venezia 1578. L. 1342, Ep.IV p.183: «Faro che scriva il frel Salvator che li denari si diano a V. R. acciò poi li possa dar la parte alla Madre et l’altra parte al detto fratello per comprar libri diversi di aritmetica geometria et matematica che riesce in queste scienze molto idoneo et è bene aiutarlo a farsi eccellente in quello che il Signore gli ha dato il talento.» L.2502, Ep.VI p.115: «Il fratel Gasparo mi domanda l’Algebra del P. Clavio et qui non ne trovo per prezzo alcuno; se si trovasse costì se la faccia comprar dal P. Ludovico» (it refers to Algebra Clavii [Roma 1608], apud B. Zannettum; cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.36). Regarding Fr. Cristoforo Clavio (1537-1612) (Schlussel), S.I., see J.C. POGGENDORF, Biograflsch Litterarisches Handwörterbuch der exakten Wissenschanften (Leipzig 1863) Band l p.455. His mathematical Works were printed in Mainz (Maguncia), in the year 1612, and are five volumes. Vol.l: In Euclidem et in Theodosium commentarii; De sinibus et lineis tangentibus et secantibus; Triangula rectilinea; Triangula sphaerica. Vol. 2: Geometria practica; Arithmetica practica; Algebra. Vol.3: In Sphaeram Ioannis a sacro Bosco commentarius; Astrolabium. Vol.4: Gnomonices libri octo; Fabrica et usus instrumenti horologiorum; Horologiorum nova descriptio. Vol.5: Romani Calendarii a Gregorio XIII. P. M. restitutio: Iosephi Scaligeri Elenchus; Castigatio Calendarii Greg. castigata; Responsio ad convicia et calumnias Jos. Scaligeri in Cal. Greg.; Confutatio Cal. Greg. L.1914, Ep.V p.134: «Questi fratelli venuti da Napoli dicono haver lasciato costì un libro di Algebra detto Diofanto quale procurerà mandar per via sicura» (maybe refers to Diophantes Alexandrinus: Arithmeticorum libri VI. Et de Numeris Multangulis liber unus, Lutetia Parisiorum 1609. Regarding Diofanto (Diophantos) cf. J. C. POGGENDORF, o.c., Band 1 col.575.

b) The letters of other religious: letter of Fr. Ambrogio Ambrosi addressed to Calasanz (Nikolsburg, 23-2-1634): «Mi scrisse alcuni mesi il Signor Giovanni Camillo Gloriosi di Napoli che era per stampare una seconda decade di matematiche, gli scrivo che havendola stampata si degni consegnarne una copia a nostri PP. che inviatola a S. P. la prego di mandarmela per li medesimi» (EEC p.51). (We have managed to find the first and third decades of this work in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Rome: loannis Camilli Gloriosi exercitationum mathematicarum decas prima, Neapoli Lazarus Scarigius 1627.-Ioannis Camilli Gloriosi exercitationum mathematicarum decas tertia, Neapoli 1639. Ex typ. Secundini Roncalidi.) Regarding Camilo Glorioso (1572-1643) vease POGGENDORF, o.c., 1913. The second decade was edited in Naples in 1635 (cf. POGGENDORF, o.c., 1913).

Regarding books of economy: Libro di uscite, 31-8-1534 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Al Fr. Salvatore dell’abbaco per un libro, giuli 25»; ibid., 2-12-1632: «Al Fr. Filippo di S. Francesco i tre compendi di Euclide, giuli 6» (maybe, Clavius, Euclides. Elementorum libri XV. Accessit XVI: «De solidorum regularium, auctore Christophoro Clavio (Roma 1589, 1578, 1603); ibid., 16-6-1633: «Al Fr. Domenico di S. Silvestro per un libro dell’abbaco comprato detto Mercante arricchito.» As for the book entitled Mercante arricchito, from the Elenco cronologico delle opere di Computisteria e Ragioneria, cited above, it is known that it was written by Grisogono Simon de Zara in 1609; its complete title is: Mercante arricchito dal perfetto quaderniere, ovvero specchio lucidissimo nel quale si scopre ogni questione che desiderar si possa per imparar perfettamente a tener libro doppio, etc., coi tre trattati i quali insegnano a formare qualsivoglia partita in occasione del negozio e carico pubblico o privato: et cui desidera pervenire a grado di Ragionato di questa Serenissima Repubblica di Venezia 1609; ibid., 16-10-1634: «Al P. Antonio Maria per un libro detto La Somma, giuli 1.» Libro delle uscite, 5-9-1624 (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per l’Aritmetica del Forestano, giuli 0,70» (It refers to Pratica d’aritmetica e geometria posta in luce dal R. P. Francesco Lorenzo Forestani. Venezia, Giorgio Varusco, 1603).

But even more eloquent and instructive are the contemporary catalogs of the libraries of the various Piarist houses and schools, which are very rich in interesting data[638].

638 There is, however, no contemporary catalog of the library of San Pantaleo, which must have been rich in mathematical works; at least in this sense Cardinal Piazza also writes in his Eusevologio Romano ovvero delle Opere Pie di Roma (printed in Rome, in 1698); c.25 says «Di S. Pantaleo, delle Scuole Pie»: «Segnalata di moltissimi volumi e codici manoscritti ella è senza dubbio questa copiosissima Libreria; perochè oltre il fornimento di libri di tutte le scienze et impressioni migliori, possiede a guisa di raro tesoro tutte le Opere Matematiche stampate, et Originali manoscritti d’ Alfonso Borelli famoso per le sue molte fatiche in questa Scienza, che lasciò per testamento, e si conserva in conto di preziosa eredità, da questa letterata Famiglia: di cui pure vi sono diversi istromenti Matematici; che col andare del tempo sempre cresceranno di pregio, come suol avvenire delle cose degli Huomini Illustri ... Illustrano parimenti questa Libreria, e servono di commodo agli Studiosi di Geometria, et Astronomia due Mappamondi di mediocre grandezza, ma ben regolati, e giustissimi; con due altri grandissimi, e sontuosi dell’ Accademia degli Argonauti di Venezia, che già furono dello studio del suddetto celebratissimo Matematico Borelli.

Trovansi di più alcune operette del Galileo non istampate, e tra queste le Postille all’Opere di Fortunio Leti, che essendo stato Maestro il medesimo Galileo del P. Angelo di S. Domenico, Religioso di quest’Ordine, che divenne sotto così eccellente Maestro gran Matematico.»

The catalogs that have been preserved say the following: Catalog of Narni, del 1635 (Reg. Prov. 42^21): Euclide (it is probably the Euclides: Elementorum libri XV. Acccsit XVI: «De solidorum regularium» auctore Christophoro Clavio) (Roma 1578, 1589, 1603).

Sphaera Clavii (Christophori Clavii Bambergensis ex S.I. in Spheram Ioannis de Sacro Bosco Commentarius, nunc quinto ab ipso Auctore hoc anno recognitus et plerisque in locis locupletatur. Accessit geometria atque uberrima de Crepusculis Tractatio. Romae 1607. Aloysius Zannellus)

Aritmetica e Geometria del Forestano (Forestani Lorenzo: Pratica d’aritmetica e geometria poste in luce dal R. P. Francesco Lorenzo. Forestani. Venetia. Varusco, 1603).

Aritmetica e Geometria del Feliciano (Feliciano Francesco: Libri d’Aritmetica e Geometria speculativa, composto per maestro Francesco Feliciano de Lazesio Veronese intitolato Scala Grimaldelli. Venezia, Francesco de Seno, 1561). Another later edition: Feliciano Francesco: Scala Grimaldelli, libro di aritmetica et geometria speculativa et praticale di M. Francesco Feliciano, diviso in tre libri. Padova, Donato Paquardi. 1629.

Aritmetica del Ghaligai (Galigai / Chaligai) Francesco [in fashion around the year 1515]: Pratica d’aritmetica di Francesco Ghaligai, fiorentino, nuovamente rivista e con somma diligenza ristampata. Firenze, appresso i Giunti. 1522): see POGGENDORF o.c., I col.889.

Catalog della Duchesca di Napoli, from 1635 (Reg. Prov. XII 15):

Aritmetica del Borghi [born after 1494]: Libro de Abacho. Incomincia la nobile opera de Arithmetica ne la qual si tratta tutte cose a mercantie pertinente, fatta e compilata per Messer Piero Borghi da Venezia, Vinegia. Bindoni Francesco e Pastini M. 1550. The first edition of this book is from1484: cf. GERINI Gli scrittori italiani del secolo XVII p.81; see POGGENDORF, o.c. 1 col. 241.

Aritmetica di Nicolò Tartaglia (1506-1559); cf. Tutte le opere d’aritmetica del famosissimo Nicolò Trataglia (Venecia 1592-1593): POGGENDORF o.c. II co.1069-1070.

Architettura militare del Busca (Della Architettura Militare di Gabriello Busca Milanese, Milano. Girolamo Morione et Pietro Martire Locarni. 1601).

Catalog of Frascati. from 1637: Reg. Prov. XXXlll 25:

Aritmetica Pratica del Clavio (Clavius Christophorus /Crist. Schlüssel). Aritmetica Pratica composta dal M. R. P. Christophoro Clavio Bambergense. della C. d. G. et tradotta dal Latino in Italiano dal Signor Lorenzo Castellano Patricio Romano. Roma. Domenico Basa, 1586).

Often the rarest or most difficult to obtain books were copied by the interested parties and thus circulated[639]. In this way, their education and competence often reached a level that enabled them to master the subject completely, as they proved by writing various books on arithmetic and the abacus[640].

639 Fr. Ambrogio Ambrosi, Nikolsburg 23-12-1633 (EEC p.48): «La P.S. resti servita per carità di far trascrivere l’opera di Francesco Vieta (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.36) intitolata De Recognitione Aequationum, quale intendo, che già tempo fa per via di un gentil-huomo amico, i nostri Padri siano fatti venir di Francia, et per quelli che la P.S. promette di mandar per aiuto di queste parti alla primavera, inviarmela, se sarà possibile.» Regarding Francis Vieta (Viete) see J. C. POGGENDORF, Biografisch Litterarisches Handuwörterbuch zur Geschichte der exakten Wissenschaften (Leipzig 1863) Vol.2 col.1204-1205 s.v. Viete. François (1540-1603); the aforementioned book appeared in Paris in 1615. Its full title is as follows: Francisci Vietae Fontenacensis: De Aequationum recognitione et emendatione tractatus duo. Quibus nihil in hoc genere simile aut secundum huic aevo hactenus visum. Parisiis, Alexander Andersonus, 1615.

640 L. 783 (Ep. III p.225): «Ho visto un libro scritto da mano dal frel Giovanni Battista in Materia di Abbaco, il quale se è opera sua, è molto più che io non credevo di esso». P. Ambrosio, Nikolsburg 19-7-1632 (EEC p.32): «Ma hora ho finito di comporre una regola sotto la quale si può mettere molte operationi dcll’Aritmetica et perché l’haverò scritta latina, è data ad uno de’ nostri Lauretani acciò la traducesse in tedesco, ma non facendola a modo mio, mi son risoluto di tradurla io, et ne ho già fatto la metà, et di mano in mano la fo rivedere ad un giovanotto al quale dichiarandomi che pretendo dire, riesce molto meglio, quando sarà finita, la darò a scrivere alli scolari e con quello che saprò dire credo che farà con l’aiuto del S. alcun profitto.»

To complete the picture concerning the study of mathematics, we must note that the formation of the Calasanzian educator did not stop at the simple knowledge of the rules and didactic method of the abacus. The foundation of the Higher School of Mathematics in Florence[641], the close relationship and intimate contact that Calasanz[642] and some of our people had with the great Galileo[643] and other famous mathematicians and physicists of the time, the personal inclination and brilliant intuition of Calasanz, who foresaw the scientific-practical direction of the new age[644] and the important role that mathematics would play in it, as well as his inexhaustible paternal charity, which led him to provide his poor children with a very effective means of earning their daily bread[645], led a good number of Calasanzian educators to devote themselves very soon to the study of higher mathematics[646].

641 Carried out in 1630; cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.67-70.

642 PlCANYOL, o.c., p.59-60.

643 Ibid., p.34-35; PICANYOL., Galileo Galilei p.34.35; cf. also L.2358, Ep.VI p.15: «V. R. con i compagni si fermino costi fino a nuovo avviso ... Attenda a perfettionarsi più che può nelle Matematiche, che si vede che sono grate al mondo».

644 PICANYOL, Epistolario I p.34-35; PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.34-35; cf. also L.2358, Ep.VI p.15: “V. R. con i compagni si fermino costì fino a nuovo avviso ... Attenda a perfettionarsi più che può nelle Matematiche, che si vede che sono grate al mondo.”

645 L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «La carità vostra non mi potrà fare cosa più grata, che insegnare con ogni diligenza l’aritmetica al P. Ignazio et se vi sarà alcun altro che vi voglia attendere di Nostri v’usi ogni diligenza perciò che questa scienza e l’essercitio è molto utile per li poveri che non hanno capitale per poter vivere senza faticare.»

646 Regarding this, see Fr. GIOVANNI GIOVANNOZZI, Scolopi Galileiani (Firenze 1917); ID., Il Calasanzio e l’opera sua, a cura de P. Domenico Mosetti (Firenze 1930) c.5 «L’Istituto Scolopi Galileiani» p.67-76, and specially Fr. LEODEGARIO PICANYOL, Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei (Roma 1942); see the same work (p.11) for an extensive bibliography on the Galileian Piarist studies.

The most important seats of these studies were Florence[647], Rome[648], Genoa[649], Naples[650] and Podolin[651], and in all of them famous teachers - generally close friends and collaborators of Galileo - taught our students[652].

647 PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.69. L.2251, Ep.V p.396: «Scrissi la posta passata che V. R. [P. Angelo Morelli] attendesse con ogni diligenza alle matematiche, che l’haverei molto caro havendone come ha costì ottima occasione col fratel Francesco di S. Giuseppe [Francesco Michelini] il quale se mancasse senza lasciar chi le sapesse, restariamo in qualche minor estimatione, havendo cominciato questo essercitio. » PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.40-79. We cannot but quote here a letter of Fr. Francesco Michelini, written on 12-10-1634, to Galilei: «Il nostro P. Generale mi concede solo due giovani per lo studio, per la scarsezza del nostro vitto ed habitatione in Firenze. Mi spiace non potere menar 6 over 8 di non ordinaria aspettatione. Egli mi dice che bisognerebbe far questo studio in Roma, ma a me più preme la vicinanza di V. S. che qualunque altra cosa ... Il nostro P. Generale le se conosce obbligatissimo per i favori che ella fa a me et a li altri nostri Padri. lndegnissimo Servo in Christo Francesco di S. Giuseppe.» Published by PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.52-53; with comment p.53-55.

648 PICANYOL, o.c., p.38-40.

649 Ibid., p.36-37.74. L.1226 (Ep. IV p.101): «Addesso si avvedono il Pre Provinciale di Genova et il Pre Provinciale di costì che l’haver innanzi tempo messo nello studio di scienze maggiori tanti studenti li fa star mendichi di soggetti per humanità...»

650 PICANYOL, o.c., p.37-38, letter of Fr. Francesco Michelini, 17-11-1629 (EHI p.1449): «…Acciò V.R. se così il Signore l’ispirerà mi possi mandare a Napoli per non perdere un occasione tanto eccellente di quel Matematico di Napoli (Gloriosi)»; cf. also L.1226, Ep.IV p. 101

651 PICANYOL, o.c., p.176.

652 In Florence, Galileo himself (cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.50.52-53.5556) had many relations with some of our religious; one of them, Fr. Clemente Settimi, “persona de molto garbo e di straordinario sapere” (PIC..., p.56), became his secretary when the scholar in December 1637 became completely blind (PIC., p.56-58); cf. also the following letters: the first one, from Galileo to Professor Baliani, in Genoa, January 7, 1639: «La gratissima lettera di V. S. ilustrissima mi fu resa ieri, insieme col suo libro del moto, del molto Reverendo P. Clemente di S. Carlo delle Scuole Pie, compagno del R. P. Francesco di S. Giuseppe, e perciò il mio infortunio di esser cieco del tutto da circa due anni non mi permette di poter vedere ne anche il sole nonché oggetti tanto minori, e privi di luce, quali sono le scritture e le figure geometriche, ho ottenuto questo giorno che il sopra detto P. Clemente sia venuto a trattenersi da me per molte hore, nel qual tempo habbiamo di compagnia scorso il detto suo libro ecc. ... » (ed. A. FAVARO, Le opere di Galileo Galilei 20 vols. [Firenze 1890-1907] vol. 18 p.11). The second letter is from Calasanz and is addressed to the Superior of Florence.: «E se per caso il Signor Galileo domandasse che qualche notte restasse là il P. Clemente, V. R. glielo permetta, e Dio voglia che ne sappia cavare il frutto che doveria» (L.3074, Ep.VII p.65; published by PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.58). Besides Fr. Settimi, however, Fr. Francesco Michelini also had friendly relations with the scientist (cf. his letter to Galileo): «Molto Illre. et Eccmo. Signore e Pron. in Xto Colmo. Nel solo pensare di dover scrivere ad una persona tanto eminente d’ingegno, dottrina, urbanità, e finalmente al filosofo de’nostri tempi, mi mancano i concetti e le parole, e però vado procrastinando di giorno in giorno il dar di mano alla penna per tal effetto; e se bene gli obblighi infiniti, il desiderio ardentissimo di servirla, e l’amore inmenso che le porto, stanno continuamente spronandomi all’impresa, nondimeno il conoscermi totalmente ignorante, anco del saper rispettivo, mi ritrarrebbe affatto del far l’obbligo mio, se non comprendessi ancora, l’ingratitudine esser il pessimo tra gli altri vizi, e la gentilezza di V. S. Eccma. atta a condonare ogni mia imperfezione. Le do avviso dunque d’haver visitato il Rmo. Abate Castelli e presentatogli la sua per me favoritissima lettera, che fu da esso ricevuta come preziosissima gioia, anzi per la più cara cosa del mondo. Si assicuri pur V. S. che tra gli altri amici e discepoli suoi da me conosciuti (senza pregiudicare ad alcuno) il P. D. Benedetto stimo essere il più affezionato e alla persona e alle case sue tutte; il quale per gli honori fattimi da lei e per l’innata sua cortesia, mi ammette, anzi ogni giorno mi invita con affabilità straordinaria, alla sua dotta e dolcissima conversazione, della quale, e d’altre cose, in altro tempo darò a V. S. eccellentissima compito ragguaglio. Il Sr. Marchese Strozzi, dalla cui gentilezza ho ricevuto singolarissimi favori, la saluta caramente, et il simile fa il nostro Padre Francesco Provinciale; ma io la prego a conservarmi nel numero de’ suoi minimi servi. Deo gratias. Roma, 8 aprile 1634. -Di V.E. Eccma. indegnissimo scolaro e servo in Xto., Francesco di S. Giuseppe, povero della M. D.»

Although exaggerated and falsified, but with many interesting particulars, this close relationship of the Fathers with the great Galileo is described by Father Mario Sozzi in the complaint made to the Inquisitor of Florence:

(Outside.) «Copia di lettera contra li PP. Francesco, Carlo Ambrogio e Clemente, delle Scuole Pie.-Fiorenza al P. lnquisitore.

(Inside.) Copia. Ad maiorem Dei gloriam. Il P. Francesco di S. Giuseppe delle Scuole Pie tiene per dottrina verissima e pubblicamente insegna che tutte le cose sono composte d’atomi e non di materia e forma, come tiene Aristotele, e tutti li altri.

Tiene anco che la terra si muove et il sole stia fermo, tenendo talmente per ferma questa dottrina ed altre del Sig. Galileo, che stima tutte le altre siano false e da nulla, essendo contrarissimo ad Aristotele, chiamandolo ignorantissimo, et il Sig. Galileo oraculo, et le sue opinioni tiene per oraculi, predicando il detto Galileo il primo homo del mondo con li altri titoli magnifici e grandi non solamente il P. Francesco, ma anco li PP. Ambrogio, Clemente, Carlo di S. Gasparo et Angelo, come suoi allievi stimano e sentono il medesimo; e lo dicono e si preggiano tutti li predetti padri d’essere li più saggi et intelligenti di tutti li altri sbeffando tutti gli altri Religiosi, tenendoli per ignoranti.

Di questa filosofia han procurato di imbeverne il Gran Duca, poi il Prencipe Gian Carlo, ma come dediti al negotio non ci hanno potuto attendere, ultimamente l’insegna il sopradetto P. Francesco, l’insegna tuttavia al Prencipe Leopoldo non solo queste loro opinioni, ma altre, chiamando questa nuova filosofia e scientia certa, ne hanno posta scuola, e cercano che s’impari, significando che il Gran Duca ha detto che si cerchino scolari che l’imparino, et essendo boni ingegni e poveri, gli darà il salario, come in effetto il sopradetto P. Francesco ha fatto, che ad istanza sua ha già salariato dua.

Per maggiormente potere ciò mettere in esecuzione so io che ha ritenuto li libri che ha potuto del Sig. Galileo, essendosene fatto copiare anco da suoi scolari, particolarmente da Candido del Buono suo scolaro il cui fratello è salariato dal Gran Duca, li quali [se ciò sia vero] ne possono fare testimonianza, e sua Paternità Rev.ma può far prendere la sua cassa che sta nella scuola, ove il P. Clemente insegna la matematica, e troverà ciò essere vero. Più volte discorrendo meco delle doctrine et opinioni del Sig. Galileo; et particolarmente che la terra si muova et li sole stia fermo, tenendola talmente per vera, etiam sia stata condannata per falsa, che si lasciò uscir di bocca che Sua Santità haveva fatto torto al Sig. Galileo in condannarla, asserendo che ha fatto ciò mosso da un affronto, che ha stimato haver fatto il Sig. Galileo, cioè che il Sig. Galileo volendo porre in luce queste sue opinioni per via di Dialoghi, lo conferì con Sua Santità, come esso mi ha detto, e che Sua Santità se ne contentò dicendoli che vi ponesse una certa sua ragione, la quale havendogliela posta sotto nome di Simplicio [come esso dice] il che s’intende per Aristotele, cosi chiamato per burla, e che Sua Santità intendendo ciò se ne piccò, e mosso da questa passione, come anco stimolato dalli emoli del detto Sig. Galileo, particolarmente da Padri Gesuiti, condannasse per false queste sue opinioni; che però replicò il detto P. Francesco, haveva sua Santità fatto torto a detto Sig. Galileo a condannarlo.

Dice il P. Clemente che il mondo non ha avuto principio, e che ogni cosa viene creata e governata e regolata da cieli e non si da altro né Creatore né Governatore.

Il P. Ambrogio dice che tutti li corpi sono composti d’atomi, con l’occasione che discorsi seco de’ colori, asseverò che non si danno colori, il che sarebbe contro uno degli accidenti che professano intorno al Santissimo.

Tutti li sopradetti tengono che non ci sia né più vera, né più certa scienza di questa del Galileo che insegna per via di matematica, chiamandola nova filosofia, e vero modo di filosofare; e più volte hanno detto i sopradetti e particolarmente il P. Francesco, Clemente et Ambrogio che questo è il vero modo di conoscere Dio; e più volte mi ha essortato il P. Clemente a darmi a questo studio.

Per imbeverare maggiormente li superiori maggiori et intrare in credito app.o di loro e per tirarsi innanzi app.o tutti, ed essere innalzati e per darsi bel tempo e per farsi forti nella città di Firenze, hanno detto che questa filosofia è provata, che questo è il vero modo di convertire gli heretici e conoscere Dio, oltre a ciò se la Paternità Sua Reverendissima anderà investigando, troverà questo esser vero, ma anco intenderà altre opinioni stravaganti più tosto da Ateisti che da Cristiani.

Il Presente foglio fu scritto da un sacerdote per darlo al P. Inquisitore di Firenze» (CIONI, o.c., p.56-58; PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p:141-143).

Besides Galileo, Fr. Francisco Michelini also taught mathematics to our people (PICANYOL, o.c., p.49-60); they did the same in Genoa, Fr. Antonio Santini, somascan (PICANYOL, o.c., p.36-37). Calasanz remembered him with great gratitude in one of his letters (L.1527, Ep.IV p.311): «Al carissimo figliolo in Xro. Ambrogio [Ambrosi] della Concettione, Genova. II tempo che vi tratterrete a Genova mi sarà molto caro che impariate quando haverete occasione dal M. Revdo. P. Santini, al quale da parte mia farete riverenza, et li direte che io piglio per obbligo particolare la carità che ha usato con il nostro fratel Francesco et usa ancor con voi.»

In Naples, Professor Giovan Camillo Gloriosi also taught mathematics (PICANYOL, o.c., p.37-38); in Rome, the Benedictine Benedetto Castelli, professor at the Sapienza, in Rome, from 1627 to 1643 (PICANYOL, o.c., p.38), and Giovan Alfonso Borelli (who died later in our house of San Pantaleo, in 1769) (PICANYOL, o.c., p.38-40); and among the same Piarists, Brother Salvatore Grise (PICANYOL, o.c., p.38 and from 111 to 115).

Fr. Carlo CAPUTI writes of him, quoting words of Calasanz (o.c., t. l p.112): «Il terzo fu il fratel Salvatore della Cava compagno del sopradetto Ambrosio, il quale fu vestito ancor lui per fratello operario, fece grandissimo profitto nello spirito, e vedendolo così modesto, che poco parlava, comincio ad imparar l’abaco, e poi studiò da per sé matematiche e fece tal riuscita che lo facevano chiamare i Cardinali per vedere le cose curiose che faceva, e se non vi era mandato per forza, non si curava di andarvi, scusandosi che non poteva lasciare la scuola e li suoi studi continui, e alle volte venivano a trovarlo, e li dava audienza in scuola, dove aveva fatto molti instrumenti matematici curiosi, restando molto sotisfatti, e per darli qualsivoglia satisfazione, li diede cento scudi e lettere di favore, acciò fosse aiutato in far detta provissione; tornò in Roma con gran sua sotisfatione e mio contento, e proseguì i suoi studi, e fece grande profitto, perché era tanto dedito a studiare che sino alla ricreatione commune si portava sempre un libro e studiava, ancor che li altri discoressero di varie cose, non per questo cessava della sua applicazione di studiare, che alle volte lo metteva per esempio a quelli che non volevano studiare, sicché si portò benissimo e attendeva a tutto. Haveva una scuola di 140 scolari con tre altri maestri che l’aiutavano e Messer Sarafellini vi era tanto contento che sempre mi diceva non haver mai havuto in tanti anni che haveva fatta scuola di scrivere un huomo di tanto silenzio e riuscita nell’insegnare con tanta facilità.»

The fruit of such serious scientific training was the noble and numerous group of so-called Galileian Piarists, which was formed during Calasanz’ lifetime and which, from its first moments, gave the new Order of the Pious Schools a clear and distinct scientific, positive and modern orientation[653].

653 Picanyol groups such Piarists in three series; “scolopi galileiani di primo ordine” were Francesco Famiani Michelini (o.c., p.73-94), Clemente Settimi (p.94-100), Angelo Morelli (p.100-106); “scolopi galileiani minori” were Fr. Francesco Castelli (p.107-108), Fr. Ambrogio Ambrogi (p.108-111), Br. Salvatore Grise (p.111-115), Fr. Carlo Conti (p.115-116), Fr. Giovan Domenico Romani (p.116-118); the other “scolopi galileiani minori” were Fr. Giovanni Battista de Ferraris (p.118-120), Fr. Giovanni Battista Costantini (p.120-121), Fr Domenico Rosa (p. 121-122). The work of Fr. Angelo Morelli (pp. 177-181) in the house of studies of Chieti was really important in this new scientific orientation. Perhaps it is not useless to point out that the scientific orientation of these Fathers was not so much theoretical as practical, from the moment in which, following in the footsteps of Calasanz (PICANYOL, Epistolario I p.34-35; cf. Galileo Galilei p.34-35; CIONI, o.c., p.34-35; AMERIO, I.c., p.357), «Il Calasanzio polarizò attorno a sé gli spiriti che cercavano di provare, volendo rimanere nell’ambito della Chiesa Romana, l’ortodossia della riforma scientifica, e in genere della modernità». See also the article of GIOVANNI CALÒ, Campanella e gli Scolopi a proposito dell’Apologia delle Scuole Pie: R. Accademia dei Lincei ( 1935) serie 6.• Rendiconti; Clase di Scienze morali, storiche e filosofiche II p.403-427; of Galileo [PICANYOL o.c., p.49-70] and of Campanella [PICANYOL, o.c., p.40-49]; regarding «la sensibilità del Campanella per gli avanzamenti de Sapere e della sua cura di mantenere le sue posizioni in confronto delle nuove scoperte»; and with respect to the fact that «la novità del secolo è per Galileo novità di cose novellamente vedute in natura, mentre per Campanella è novita di ordini umani da riformare», see the article of ROMANO AMERIO, Galileo e Campanella. La tentazione del pensiero nella filosofia della riforma cattolica, in Nel terzo centenario della morte di Galileo Galilei. Saggi e conferenze (Milano, Società Editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1942) p.299. 325; Publicazioni dell’Università Cattolica del S. Cuore, ser. 5a, Science storiche vol.25; and see as well the article of Fr. VANNUCCI, Il Campanella e il Calasanzio: Cultura 12 (1933) 923-932. Campanella’s scientific-practical orientation is admirably manifested in his Città del Sole, where, according to Fr. Vannucci, «dominatrice la scienza egli voleva in quella società solare appasionatamente segnata e disegnata, e ne faceva governatori i forniti di miglior cultura teorica e pratica e poneva senz’altro nel rango delle classi nobili quella degli operai» (o.c., p.96). Regarding Campanella see also TOMMASO CAMPANELLA, La Citta del Sole: testo italiano e testo latino a cura di Norberto Bobbio (Torino 1941) intr. p.45: «L’educazione dei Solari è rivolta appunto ad una istruzione enciclopedica: essi devono sapere e saper fare di tutto, le lingue, le arti meccaniche, le scienze e i mestieri. Quale compiacimento nel Campanella mentre descrive in termini sommari, e che a noi paiono infantili, tutta la scienza dipinta sulle facciate delle case ... predomina il sentimento della supremazia del sapere e la convinzione che il sapere è potenza, è conoscenza che deva dirigere l’azione ... tutta la loro educazione è volta a portare innanzi colui che eccelle nelle scienze e attribuisce il sommo potere al più sapiente. Contro la morale della potenza sta tra i Solari la forma moralizzatrice del Sapere, che viene opposta a coloro che sublimano gli ignoranti pensando che siino idonei al governo perché son nati signori o eletti da fazione potente, e viene espressa in questa formula incisiva, che potrebbe porsi ad epigrafe di tutta l’operetta: “non sarà mai crudele, né scellerato, né tiranno un chi tanto sa”» (p.66). The not insignificant relationship between Calasanz, Galileo and Campanella deserves a detailed study. A documented study on the relationship between the Pious Schools and Campanella can be found in Ricerche. Bolletino degli scolopi italiani 6, 1982 p.147-169, with the title L ‘umile presenza delle Scuole Pie nella vicenda umana di Tommaso Campanella. Although it is not mentioned, its author is P. G. Ausenda. The close relationship between Campanella and Galileo is very well seen also in their correspondence (LUIGI FIRPO, Bibliografia degli scritti di Tomasso Campanella [Torino 1940] p.198-236); and, among others, Campanella’s work Apologia pro Galileo: Mat. Flor. (Francofurtii 1622) was willingly oriented towards a certain practical application of pure mathematical and physical knowledge. This orientation is more clearly noted in the following centuries, but also during the life of Calasanz there are already clear signs. Thus, Fr. Francesco Michelini was an expert in hydraulics, and wrote a Trattato della direzione dei fiumi (PICANYOL, o.c., p.93); Fr. Angelo Morelli had the title of “Regio Ingegniere e Architteto del Regno di Napoli” for his public services in this field. Cf. Picanyol (o.c., p.106 n.1), who gave the following text on this subject: «Temporibus succesivis, si vacaret, ad animi relaxationem, intendere solebat obstrusioribus mathesis arcanis vel pro auditorum utilitate, vel pro mandatis supremorum principum. Sic mandato Principis Etruriae Leopoldi ... :atque ut arx Piscaria ad mare Adriaticum robustius muniretur ac una simul stagnantibus circa aquis, arcis non ultimis quin antiquioribus monumentis, via tandem inveniretur, recessui et accessui fluminis opportuna, curam eidem demandarunt Principes Neapolitani Regni, utriusque rei testimonia illustria, litterae utrorumque Principum, summae erga eum aestimationis, et laudis, a qua semper caeteroquin alienissimus fuit, plenae exstant in Archivio nostro Theatino.»

Fr. Ambrogio Ambrogi was “lngeniere e Matematico” in the pontifical troops (PICANYOL, o.c., p.114}; Bro. Salvatore Grise became “lngegnere Maggiore” in the same troops (PICANYOL, o.c., p.114); in Podolin, in 1643, certain courses in arithmetic were instituted for those who were later to devote themselves to the studies of economics, mines, etc. (GULYAS, JANOS, A podilini piarista kollégium története [Bp. 1933] p.60; PICANYOL, p.176).

And we must not forget that already the first mathematician of the Pious Schools, the Florentine priest Giovanni Francesco Fiammelli, “Matematico Teorico e Practico, Fratello della Congregatione delle Scuole Pie” (words taken from the title of his book), was oriented in this direction (cf. the title of his book Il principe cristiano guerriero, Rome 1602); as to his person and his activity, see PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.30-31; also Bollettino Bibliografico Scolopico (1934) fasc.2 p.28-30.

On all this see also R. Amerio. On a less known point of the Roman period of Campanella, cf. Rivista di filologia neoscolastica (Iuglio 1932) p.356ss: «Si sa che gli Scolopi, approvati nel 1617 da Paolo V assunsero fin dall’inizio un atteggiamento di simpatia e di modernità in confronto delle correnti contemporanee del nuovo pensiero scientifico, ed è noto in quale maniera membri eminenti dell’Ordine parteciparono alla questione Galileiana. Privo di una dottrina tradizionale di scuola e sorto nel periodo della rifusione generale del sistema aristotelico, il giovane Ordine ebbe per primo la consapevolezza della portata extrateologica delle scienze esperimentali...»

4. Christian doctrine

In the Pious Schools of St. Joseph Calasanz, Christian doctrine is the main subject[654]; therefore, it was particularly important for the Saint and his first collaborators to find the most suitable and convenient method to teach it successfully[655]. This is all the more true since, as Fr. Castelli writes[656], in the teaching of Christian doctrine it is not so much a matter of “learning the Christian doctrine, the quid agendum, but rather the practice of Christian doctrine, the quomodo agendum. It follows from this that a special method, a method sui generis, is required for its transmission, apart from the usual didactics.

654 Constit. (Prooemium n.5): «Erit ergo Instituti nostri ... Pietatem praccipue, et Doctrinam Christianam Pueros docere; et haec qua fieri potest facilitate, executioni demandare.» Cf. L.1148 (Ep. IV p.41-42): «Procuri di usar ogni diligenza in insegnar la Dottrina Cristiana et di aiutar le anime ch’è l’attione più alta che si possa far in questa vita et questa opera fatta con allegrezza piace grandemente a Dio.» L.1374, Ep.IV P:204: «Procurate di insegnar a tutti in scuola et nell’ Oratorio quanto importi il santo timor di Dio nel cuor di giovinetti che è la Dottrina più alta che si può insegnare in questa vita et la più meritoria facendola solo per puro amor del Signore essendo vero che: inter opera divina divinissimum est cooperari saluti animarum.» With respect to the actual teaching of Christian doctrine, see p.2a c.3,6.

655 Cf. Constit., (Proem. n.5): «...qua fieri potest facilitate executioni demandare.»

656 Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4.

Certainly, no one could indiscriminately undertake such delicate and at the same time so important work without running the risk of fatal failure. Deeply imbued with all this, Calasanz gives the relevant provisions in the Constitutions, which - as we have seen - prescribe that the novices “in the second year of their novitiate, in addition to writing and the abacus, learn the way of teaching Christian doctrine”[657]. Furthermore, the Common Rites - also seen and approved by Calasanz - want “the teachers of Christian doctrine to have the culture and authority corresponding to the priesthood”[658]. Following this principle and this general orientation, the saint, who was very knowledgeable in everything concerning the teaching of Christian doctrine[659], wrote his booklet Alcuni misteri della vita e passione di Cristo, Signor nostro, da insegnarsi alli scolari dell’infime classi delle Scuole Pie[660].

657 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.207): «...doceant non solum modum docendi doctrinam christianam...»

658 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «...e se fosse sacerdote (l’insegnante della Dottrina) riuscirebbe con maggior gravità...»

659 In fact, we know that he held important positions in the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine for several years; cf. Reg. Cal. XIII 9: «Attestatio authentica quod S. Pater Noster fuerit inter antiquiores et primos collegas Archiconfraternitatis Doctrinae Christianae» (1595); BAU, Biogr. crit. p.261-266; G. SÁNTHA, De la presencia, diligencia y cargos de N. S. Fundador en la Confraternidad de la Doctrina cristiana, in Ensayos críticos p.39-46.

660 Fr. Bartlik says that this little book was published for the first time in 1599 (cf. Eph. Cal. [1932] p.148). This edition, however, was not known to Fr. G. V. Stefani, who cites the editions of 1625, 1632, 1691, 1695 (Hist. Bibl. 30 p.63). Recently, Fr. Picanyol reprinted the 1691 edition published by Paolo Moneta, in the Parva Bibliotheca Calasanctiana n.2: Tria Pia exercitia a S. losepho Calasanctio concinnata p.5-10 (Roma 1933). Cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.110. 430-431.

But not only does he give his children a precious little book of piety, he also offers himself as a teacher to his brothers and presents them with a simple, clear and brief method for teaching doctrine. He also refers them to the example of the venerable Abbot Glicerio Landriani and wishes that the simple, clear and extraordinarily effective method of the “restorer of Christian doctrine at the Urbe”[661], so admired and praised by Calasanz himself[662], may serve as an example worthy of imitation for all[663].

661 Monumenta Historica Scholarum Piarum III. «Subsidia hagiographica. 2. Il Ven. Glicerio Landriani, apostolo della Dottrina Cristiana in Roma (Roma 1938) p.11.

662 Statement of Calasanz in Landriani Process (ibid., p.9-10): «Haveva inoltre sì gran fervore nell’ insegnare in Roma e dovunque si trovava, la Dottrina Cristiana a fanciulli et a poveri et altre genti, che per l’ordinario le feste per andare presto a questo esercizio, il quale si suol fare nelle chiese il dopo pranzo, non si curava di pranzar male et in fretta, andando dove li era ordinato e particolarmente a S. Adriano in Campo Vaccino, e nella Dottrina che è in detta chiesa fu fatto Priore molti anni, e durò sintanto che visse, ordinando la detta Dottrina con tanta diversità di ordini, classi e maestri, che era meraviglia il concorso grande, che vi era cosi di fanciulli maschi come femine con la sua Priora e Maestre separate e distinte con tele, acciò non potessero esser viste, e facessero il suo esercitio con maggior quiete, e questo lo so per haverlo visto più volte, e in Roma andava spesse volte ad altre Dottrine Cristiane ad aiutare et ordinare quanto conveniva, dove li pareva o li era ordinato che fosse più opportuno e necessario il suo aiuto.»

663 L.1441 (Ep. IV p.250): «Attenderà ancora il P. Carlo a catechizar li scolari ... si usi pure diligenza di nuovo come pure si faceva in tempo del P. Abate di santa memoria.»

And we cannot doubt that the apostle of Christian teaching in Rome was a very valuable teacher for future Calasanzian educators during his lifetime and after his death. This is something we can deduce from the testimonies of the documents. Glicerio not only taught Christian doctrine to the little ones - and also to adults - but when he was “capo” or prior of Christian doctrine in Rome[664], he also shared the secret of his very effective method with the others - officials and teachers - by providing them with a large textbook intended for the use of teachers[665], which is why it was all the more important to teach it to our people as well[666]. Considering that Landriani tried to introduce in Rome the method of teaching used by St. Charles and his Society in Milan[667], it is no small satisfaction to note that the Piarist educator had not only his own Founder as teacher and guide in learning the method of Christian teaching, but also the great Milanese saint, the supreme promoter of Christian doctrine[668].

664 PICANYOL, Il Ven. Glicerio Landriani p.8.

665 Ibid. Regarding the method used by Landriani in the teaching of these officers and teachers, Father Picanyol writes as follows: «Quanto ai maestri, poneva il Landriani le precipue sue cure nella loro preparazione ed adeguata formazione. A chi entrava come ufficiale della Dottrina Cristiana consegnava anzitutto una Dottrina grande ed una piccola, come si legge in una testimonianza del tempo, con le quali parole chiaramente si vede, come scorgerebbero i pedagogisti moderni trattarsi del cosidetto libro del maestro e di quello dello scolaro. In apposite istruzioni insegnava loro un metodo facile d’interrogare, dando ancora particolareggiate spiegazioni attorno alle domande e riposte da farsi dagli scolari. Voleva che tutti i maestri avessero in iscritto da lui suggerito od almeno approvato volta per volta, quello che nella giornata si sarebbe dovuto insegnare alla scolaresca. Si è già rilevato di sopra, come prima d’incominciare il catechismo desse gli ordini opportuni a maestro e scolari, e parimente come, a lezione finita, volesse essere edotto dai singoli maestri radunati a convegno, intorno all’esito dell’insegnamento, e talora anche sulle difficoltà in esso incontrate, cui facevano seguito, occorrendo, le opportune sue delucidazioni.»

666 To what extent Landriani was expert in the Christian doctrine, is seen by the fact that after his death was found among his manuscripts a Dottrina Cristiana, cioè dichiarazioni sopra la Dottrina Cristiana, che soleva insegnare a fanciulli alle Dottrine nelle Chiese di Roma, in tre quinterelli (Reg. Cal. XIV p.90). Some passages of this doctrine have remained in the almost literal transcription of the Venerable P. Casani (PICANYOL, Landriani p.14-16). Cf. also C. VILÁ, Glicerio Landriani catequista: Eph. Cal. (1981) p.389-434.

667 PICANYOL, Landriani p.7, where the testimony of Father John Garcia is given: «volendo lui seguitare il modo che teneva S. Carlo quando si recitava la Dottrina.»

668 Concerning the Christian doctrine of Milan and the very wise, effective and pedagogical method used by St. Charles, see Costituzioni e Regole della Dottrina Cristiana fatte dal Cardinale di Santa Prassede, Archivescovo, in essecutione del concilio secondo provinciale per uso della provincia di Milano, en Act. Eccl. Med. vol.131 (Mediolani 1892) col.149-261, where detailed regulations can be found both on the Christian truths and on the manner of their communication.

In addition to Calasanz and Landriani, undoubtedly exceptional and highly competent teachers who were better able than anyone else to impart the best didactics, the Calasanzian teacher had the good fortune to find other extraordinarily illustrious teachers. One of them was the famous philologist and statistician Caspar Scioppio[669], who, as can be seen from his letter to the Grand Duchess of Tuscany, willingly made himself available “to suggest to us how to teach the Latin language and Christian doctrine with wonderful brevity and ease”[670].

669 On Scioppio - the German’s original name and surname was Kaspar Schoppe - see PICANYOL, Galileo 32-33; and also Allgemeine Deutsche Biografie vol. 33 (Leipzig 1891) pp.479-484. This illustrious personality from the time of Calasanz, a Protestant who converted to the Catholic faith in 1597 after reading the works of Baronio, later became a trusted man of the Roman Curia, “eques sacrique Lateranensis Palatii et Curiae Romanae Comes”, and later became one of the fiercest opponents of the Jesuits (cf. Jesuiten-Lexikon [Paderborn 1934] col.1634 s.v. Schioppius; the article by J. Mercier in the Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique [A Vacant, E. Mangenot, E. Aman] t.14 p.1571-1574; and MARIO D’ADDIO, Il pensiero politico di G. Scioppio [Milano, Giuffre, 1962]).

The list of his anti-Jesuit works was published by H. Kovallek in his article on Scioppio in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte vol.2 p.477-479.

Regarding his person and his activity as a polygrapher, cf. also CHARLER NISAR, Les gladiateurs de la Republique des Lettres au XVe, XVIe et XVIIe siecles (Paris 1860) t.2 p.1-206; also the article by CAMILLO M. GAMBA, Il poligrafo tedesco Gaspare Scioppio (1576-1649) e il suo programma di riforma degli studi (Bari 1950). (Estratto dagli Annali del Corso di Lingue e Letterature Straniere presso l’Università di Bari vol.I anno 1950.) After having written various philological, political and politico-religious works (cf. the article by H. Kovallek in the Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte [Gottingen 1871] vol.I I [1917] p.401-482, particularly p.469-481, where all of Scioppio’s works are cited), he also wrote not a few works of purely religious content. Among them he published, immediately after his conversion in 1599, De migratione sua ad catholicos libellus, and in 1600, Erga Anni iubilaei sive de lndulgentiis Commentarius y el Annotationes in Bullam lubilaei S. D. Clementis VIII. Moreover, in his pedagogical works, written to advocate various school reforms, he devoted a large place to the teaching of Christian doctrine. Thus, for example, in his Consultationes de Scholarum et Studiorum ratione, de Prudentiae et Eloquentiae ponendae modis (Patavii 1636), he wanted that in two classes, of the four that a future classically oriented school would have, Christian doctrine would also be taught by a priest teacher. (cf. o.c., p.93-94: «Consultatio tertia de scholarum classicarum informatione»: «Simul tamen biennio in Doctrina Christiana sic erudientur, ut catholicae fidei fundamenta firmissime teneant nulloque negotio eius quod credunt rationem reddere, et haereticis, sicubi usus venial, silentium possint imponere. Medium huius finis est cum Scholarum tum Magistrorum informatio.» Cf. p.98: «lnformatio Magistrorum»: «Sit insuper Cathechistes idemque sacerdos Paenitentiarius, sive a Confessionibus, cuius munus erit omnibus Sabbathis Eritemata de fidei catholicae fundamentis praecipere et interpretari in prima et secunda classe»).

In his work De Paedia humanarum ac divinarum litterarum he spoke a lot about the religious culture that was to be given to schoolchildren. Of the ten courses of the Paedia Scioppiana, the last three are dedicated to theological culture.

Cf. o.c., p.12-13: «VIII. Paedia theologiae; cuius usus erit, ut Theologiae Scholasticae origo, progressio et inclinatio, tum vera Haereticos refellendi ratio, et sapientissimis et exercitatissimis theologis parum adhunc perspecta cognoscatur. IX. Paedia theologiae didacticae: cuius usus erit ut quis clavem duplicem sibi parare possit ad aperiendum litteralem et mysticum sacrae Scripturae sensum, ipseque fiat sicut arbor secus decursus aquarum, cuius nunquam deficiant nec fructus in cibum nec folia ad animarum medicinam (Ps 1 et Ez 47). X. Paedia theologiae catorthomathicae: cuius usus erit in dirigenda et corrigenda et perficienda conscientia et vita: estque revera ars servandi animas. 1. Summorum Pontificum. 2. Regum et Principum. 3. Episcoporum et cardinalium. 4. Monachorum et clericorum regularium. 5. Zelotarum quorumcumque, sive eorum, qui spirituales et devoti inveniri postulant.»

670 Lettera del Signor Gasparo Scioppio consiglier dell’Imperatore Ferdinando e del Re di Boemia, suo figliuolo, la quale scrisse alla serenissima Archiduchessa, sorella dell’Imperatore, Granduchessa di Toscana, Maria Maddalena (Reg. Prov. XX: Domus Florentina) (cf. TALENTI, p.209).

N.B.- Another teacher of the Christian doctrine of the future Piarist educators was in all probability - as can be seen from a catalogue of the library of the House of Narni - the famous Portuguese priest D. Andrea Baiano (1566-1639), first a famous teacher of grammar and rhetoric at the various Roman institutes and later a teacher of our clerics in the same subjects. He died in San Pantaleo in 1639. (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.31-32; L.1787 [Ep. V p.47]: «Al P. Castiglia in Roma. Quanto al Signor Baiano ho caro che non vada fuori di Roma et così li nostri studenti potranno passar avanti li studi cominciati»). In fact, in the catalog of the library of Narni, composed in 1635 (Reg. Prov. 4211), the following title is found: Andreas Baianus: In Doctrinam Christianam. From where it can be deduced that Mr. Baiano also dealt with the problem of the teaching of Christian doctrine; moreover, in the bibliographical list of Fr. Jose Font (Parva Bibliotheca Calasanctiana 8 [Rome 1934] p.16-17 ) we see that Mr. Baiano also wrote other works of religious-pedagogical content, such as the Hortus simplicium puerorum, Martyrum et Confessorum, cum neniis, elogiis, et historiolis and the Theatrum Sanctorum per duodecim menses et per totidem scenas dispositum, et expositum (cf. also T. GARRIDO, Calasanctiades insignes latinitatis assertores: Andreas Baianus: Eph. Cal. III [1934] 25-31).

In the bibliographic list made by Fr. Tomas Garrido (Eph. Cal. III [1934] 25-26) there is also a Panegyris de S. Philippo Nerio, sine verbis, primum et novum Aucthoris artificum, Urbi Veteri dictum in eius Basilica and Elogia, Epigrammata et Emblemata Andreae Baiani, Lusitani, Sacerd. Theol., opus posthumum, Romae typis Fraincisci Caballi, 1641. This last work has two parts; the first contains Elogia et Epigrammata in Dominicas totius anni; the second, Elogia et Epigrammata et Emblemata in Ferias Quadragesimae eiusdemque Dominicas. A skilled versifier as he was, perhaps he composed a piece that contained the main precepts of the art; surely he had to speak on that subject to our clerics, of whom he was on several occasions illustrious teacher.

But apart from such illustrious teachers of Christian doctrine, the Calasanzian educator had a large number of excellent books of doctrine at his disposal. According to the testimony of the contemporary catalogs of the various Piarist libraries, he had at his disposal, among others, the Doctrine of St. Peter Canisius[671], the Brief Doctrine and Instruction in Christian Doctrine of Cardinal Bellarmino[672], the Roman Catechism[673], the Christian Doctrine of St. Charles[674], the Christian Doctrine of Carbone[675], and almost everywhere Il Giovane Christiano and Il Giovanetto Christiano by Father Cesare Franciotti[676].

671 Reg. Prov. 42^31: Narni (1645); Reg. Prov. XX: Fanano, 6.

672 Reg. Prov. XVIII 8: Catalogo di Campi (1633); Hist. Bib. 129,14: Catalogo di Coscenza (1633); Reg. Prov. 422: Catalogo di Narni (1635); Reg. Prov. 39: Catalogo di Moricone (1629). The full titles: Bellarmino: Dottrina Cristiana breve, perché si possa imparare a mente. 1597.-Bellarmino: Dichiarazione più copiosa della Dottrina Cristiana per uso di quelli che insegnano ai fanciulli e alle altre persone semplici.

673 Catalogo di Coscenza 633: Hist. Bib. 129, 14. Full title: Catechismus ex decreto concilii Tridentini ad parochos Pii V. Pont. Max. iussu editus. 1566.

674 Ibid.

675 Catalogo di Frascati (1637): Reg. Prov. 33^25. The full title of this work: Introductio ad catechismum sive doctrinam christianam; in qua catechismi natura, causae, utilitas, necessitas, et catechizandi ratio atque prima christianae fidei rudimenta traduntur. Auctore Ludovico Carbone a Costaciaro, accademico Parthenia, cum triplici indice. Venetiis. Cursio di Navo Troiani. 1596.

676 Fr. Franciotti (1557-1627) was a religious of the Order of the Mother of God, contemporary of Calasanz, famous preacher, friend of St. Philip Neri, Baronio and Bellarmino. Cf. ERRA, Memorie p.124,272,273. The full titles of the works cited are: II Giovane Christiano o vero Istitutione de Giovani alla Devotione, fatta in gratia e per uso de Giovani della Congregatione della Madonna della Neve di Lucca. Eretta nell ‘Oratorio di S. Maria in Corte Orlandini. Venetia MDCXI.- Il Giovanetto Christiano cioe Istitutione dei Giovanetti alla Devotione. Col modi di apparecchiargli alla confessione generale, et alla prima loro comunione. Nel fine vi sono i Notturni del Natale e della Resurrettione del Signore per comodità delle persone pie. In Venetia MDCXI. The catalogues citing the above-mentioned works: Catalogo di Coscenza, 1633 (Hist. Bib. 129,14): all the works of Fr. Franciotti; Catalogo di Narni (Reg. Prov. Rom.): all the works of Fr. Franciotti; Catalogo di Fanano (Reg. Prov. 20: Fan., 6): Il giovane cristiano; cf. also: Dom. Gen. 48; Libro di uscite (20-7-1633): «Al fratel Filippo un Giovanetto Cristiano del P. Franciotti.» Books sent to Norcia: Il Giovanetto del Franciotti (Reg. Cal. XI 11); to Savona: Il giovane christiano; a Campi: Il giovinetto Cristiano (Reg. Cal. XI 3: Libro delli professi a tergo). According to letter 1007, Ep.III p. 399, the holy Founder also proposed as a reading book for the class Il Giovanetto Cristiano by Fr. Franciotti.

These and other similar books[677] were not only an ornament to libraries, but were also very frequently consulted by individuals. This is evidenced by the correspondence of fathers and clerics who frequently borrowed various textbooks in their letters and consulted them with genuine and apostolic interest in order to keep up to date and to be able to teach effectively. In this way, they often - perhaps unconsciously - prove to be messengers of the faith, spirit, culture and zeal of Rome in distant lands and among heretics[678].

677 Like the book of Fr. FILIPPO ANGELINI, Avviamento chiaro, e facile al sacramento santo della confessione et a quello della communione, per bene, e santamente confessarsi e comunicarsi. Utilissimo a tutti di questi sacramenti devoti, et a quelli massime, che novellamente cominciano a confessarsi. -Dato in luce dal P. Filippo Angelini dell’Ordine dei Predicatori, Parrocchiano di S. Maria sopra la Minerva. Di nuovo ora per uso delli scolari delle Scuole Pie ristampato. -Et in questa seconda impressione dal medesimo Autore revisto, et accresciuto in fine con un modo breve et utile per imparare a fare l’Oratione Mentale. In Roma appresso Guglielmo Facciotti. 1627.

678 Letter of Fr. A. Leailth addressed to Calasanz, Nikolsburg 6-8-1631 (EEC p.619): «...ho inteso del fratello Giovanni che lui habbia la Dottrina del Bellarmino in tedesco, io ho estremo bisogno di quella... se lui venisse, la potrà portare, io la faro stampare qui perché habbiamo la stampa in casa.» -Letter of Fr. G. Verdun, Nikolsburg 1-1-34 (EEC p.1211): « ... gia molto tempo fa che io havevo scritto per conto di una grande Dottrina dello Bellarmino, di nuovo li ricordo di farmi la carità di mandarla... se fosse ancora qualche piccolino libretto di Dottrina o sia per catechizar li figliuoli, essendo adesso che io fo una raccolta di molte Dottrine per dichiarare il catechismo del P. Canisio, il quale si insegna nelle scole tre volte la settimana, come ancora nelle feste nello Oratorio.»-Letter of Fr. A. Leailth, Nikolsburg 28-7-1632 (EEC p.636): «...il libro Paradisus Puerorum mi servirebbe assai per la Dottrina Cristiana» (cf. Reg. Prov. 20: Fan., 6); Catalogue of Fanano: Paradisus Puerorum per Philippum Berlaymunt lesuita, Duati, per Boyardum (1618). Letter of Fr. A. Leailth, Nikolsburg 28-41633 (EEC p.645): «Nelle lodi che stamparono li Padri della Chiesa Nuova mi pare che nel fine siano alcune regole che si leggono agli figliuoli alcune volte nel fine della Dottrina Xristiana, così ho visto usare a Roma, mentre che io andavo a S. Lorenzo in Damaso per aiutar alla Dottrina Christiana, haverei molto caro che V. P. mi facesse fare una copia e me la mandasse di grand’ utile per gli figliuoli e per tale effetto io mi la servarei.» In order to achieve this, they were greatly assisted by the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide. (cf. Berro t.3 vol.3 p.244-245: «Il N. V. P. Generale e Fondatore fu chiamato dal E. Ginetti Vicario del Nostro Signore Urbano VIII dal quale a nome della Congregazione fu detto, che facesse buoni novitiati e studij, per sodisfare a detto Em.o Dietrichstein et ad altre parti in progresso della Sta. Fede cattolica Romana. Et offerse al N. V. Pre libri et ogni altro aiuto necessario a nome della detta Sacra Congregatione»).

And Calasanz is always with them, helps them and follows them. He stimulates their diligence, directs their studies, advises them not to devote themselves to the study and teaching of difficult theological questions, but to keep them on the sober, modest but effective path of practical things[679]. It is certainly no wonder that under such sovereign guidance, with such teachers and with such serious study, a number of illustrious Piarist catechists soon arose who, with their faith, with their teaching and pedagogical experience, with their didactic skill, imbued thousands upon thousands of poor children with the faith of the apostles[680].

679 L.2577 (Ep. VI p.161): «Pertanto la V. R. nella visita che farà nelle case ordinerà che nell’insegnare la legge del Signore li nostri non eccedano li termini et limiti della Dottrina Xristiana composta dal Cardinale Bellarmino et se trovarà che alcuno nel ciò fare andasse mescolando difficoltà teologiche o dicesse male di altre religioni, lo mortifichi a ragione della colpa oppure ne faccia me consapevole perché l’esseguisca io per essempio delli altri.»

680 Cf. CABALLERO, o.c., vol.2 c.9 p.142-159 «Catequistas escolapios.»

5. Classical studies

General systematization

In the popular schools of Calasanz, as stated in the Constitutions[681] and as we will see better in one of the following chapters, the teaching of the Latin language and literature had a prominent importance and function after the teaching of reading, writing and the abacus. For Calasanz and his first collaborators, knowledge of the Latin language had not only a cultural, spiritual and intellectual value, but also a social one. They were the indispensable prerequisite not only for conquering the intellectual world and becoming citizens of the literary republic, but also for practicing certain professions of lesser importance, which were widespread and generally practiced by the poor[682]. It is therefore quite natural that Calasanz was concerned about the good education of his future educators in this field. This concern was also motivated and justified by the emergence of some new and very promising methods in the teaching of Latin.

681 Constit. (Prooemium n.5): «Erit ergo Instituti nostri ... linguam latinam pueros docere.»

682 Reg. Cal. XIV 604., Fr. Castelli’s Apologia: «Nemmeno stimo soverchia a molti poveri la lingua latina tanto utile a tante cose, e tanto necessaria ad alcune arti pur necessarie al mondo, e solo da poveri esercitate, come Notari, Copisti, Sollecitatori, Speziali, Cerusici, Pedanti, e simili.» Cf. Also the article of Fr. T. GARRIDO Sollicitudo Calasanctii de latinitate in suo ordine colenda: Eph. Cal. II (1933) 114. The rest will be seen in next chapter.

Turning now to the details, we note that a certain knowledge of Latin was required of candidates for religious life as an indispensable prerequisite for admission itself[683]. Those who were admitted had to resume the corresponding studies they had previously begun in the second year of the novitiate[684].

683 L.352, Ep.II p.317: «Non ci conviene pigliar poco introdotti nella grammatica perchè poi non ce ne potremo valer se prima non li insegnamo noi molti anni.» L.20, Ep.II p. 71: «Ne mi risolvo di pigliar gioveni per chierici che non sappiano ben grammatica, che molti mi hanno ricercato di voler entrar tra noi ma non li ho possuto dar sodisfattione perchè non sanno quanto noi havemo bisogno che sappiano che al presente non ci conviene pigliar gioveni per sacerdoti che non l’habbiamo di insegnar la grammatica, ma habbiamo bisogno di huomini che passato un anno ce ne pottiamo valer.» Cf. also L.2177, Ep.V p.310: «...perchè sarebbe metter la Religione in scompiglio se uno che non sa grammatica si vestisse per chierico da ordinarsi sacerdote, essendovi moltissimi fratelli che hanno studiato et sanno alcuna cosa di grammatica e si contentano di esser fratelli operarii.»

684 Constit. p.1st, c.2 n.27: «Cum illis vero novitiis. qui primo probationis anno in variis mortificationibus, et signanter in studio orationis notabiliter profecerint, ne eorum, quae antea didicerant obliviscantur, circa studium poterit Provincialis dispensare.» Cf. P. Berro (o.c. c.12 fol.20): «Però nel bel principio del novitiato di Roma si dava nell’inverno la sera qualche hora di studio o dichiarando o componendo.» Cf. L.2420, Ep.VI p.57: «Il progresso dell’Istituto nostro in coteste parti [Lipnik] dipende dal profitto che faranno i novitii nel tempo del novitiato e se nel secondo anno potessero sentir alcuna dichiarazione delle regole et di qualche autor uscirebbero dal novitiato mezzo maestri.»

After the novitiate, the normal course of classical studies was regulated by the corresponding paragraphs of the Constitutions[685], which, even if they could not always be followed punctually due to the lack of a provincial house of studies[686], nevertheless indicated the general direction of the same. In accordance with this direction, the future educators - as can also be seen from other documents - first completed their grammatical and syntactical knowledge in each of the provisional houses of study. Then they studied the humanities and rhetoric, practiced prose and verse, and spoke as much Latin as possible throughout their classical studies.

685 Constit. p.2nd c.10 p.204-206:

204. «Proinde singulae domus nostrae duos ad minus alumnus ex nostris, ut discant, sustentabunt, qui supplere possint locum, cum quis vel morbo, vel alia justa causa impeditus fuerit, donec Congregatio Domum unam habeat in singulis Provinciis, quae omnibus illius provinciae domibus ministros idoneos suppeditare possit.»

205. «In qua ultra Rethoricam, et Casus Conscientiae, nisi pro nostris, in aliis scientiis non procedatur; et qui ex nostris litteris humanioribus vacaverint, suis temporibus de iis disputabunt, quae ad illa studia pertinent, coram aliquo qui eos dirigere possit.»

206. «Similiter in componenda soluta oratione, aut carmine, seu themate ibidem ex tempore ad explorandam ingenii promptitudinem eos exercebunt, et in aliis etiam exercitationibus, prout Superior expedire iudicaverit: hi omnes litterarum studiosi communiter latine loquantur.»

686 Cf. remarks of the Apostolic Visitation in 1625: N.11: «Non admittantur in futuro magistri ad docendos pueros Grammaticam et Humanitatem, qui saltem rethoricam non studuerint.» N.12. «Provideat Praepositus Generalis saltem infra duos menses proximos quod saltem ex his unus idoneus exstet ex PP. Magister, cuius particularis cura sit incumbere lectioni et repetitioni illorum qui ad onus edocendi pueros admittendi sunt sub eadem poena suspensionis» (Eph. Cal 5 [1959] 200-201).

In accordance with the intentions of Calasanz and the true requirements of the Order[687], classical studies had, or at least should have had, a principal place in each of the houses where provisional study were established over time. But they flourished in a special way in Rome, Florence, Naples, Nikolsburg, Strassnitz, and for a short time also in Frascati, Norcia and Narni.

687 L.1267, Ep.IV p.131: «Se tutte le case come dicono le nostre regole havessero dui studenti di humanità non stariamo adesso tanto essausti che non possiamo dar sodisfatione ad alcuno di quanti domandano il nostro Istituto, mi pare che sia stata una tentazione del nemico l’introdur cosi presto lo studio di scienze maggiori». L.1226, Ep.IV p.101: «Adesso si avedono il Pre Provinciale di Genova ed il Pre Provinciale di costì che l’haver innanzi tempo messo nello studio di scienze maggiori tanti studenti li fa star mendichi di soggetti per humanità et non hanno per le scuole et vorrebbero che io li providesse ma non posso acciò ognuno se ne allevi nella sua provincia, che qui non havendo studio, ne comodità non se può dar agiuto a tanti.» L.1513, Ep.IV p.301: «...Et poi quando havremo humanisti sufficienti metteremo alcuni a scienze maggiori» (1630). L.2218, Ep.V p.360: «...et havremo più bisogno di soggetti buoni per humanità che di artefici» (1634). L.1283, Ep.IV p.142: «Mi dispiace che non si attenda costì da nissuno allo studio della humanità che tanto ci importa. Io vederò di far attendere qui alcuna parte in casa et altra parte nel Collegio Nazareno che si comincerà il p.o giorno dell’anno nuovo con otto alunni.» L.4208, Ep.VIII p.242: «...et haverò caro che V. R. attenda a perfetionare nella retorica quel maggior numero che potrà de nostri studenti.»

Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5); Arch. Schol. Piar. IV (1939) 40: «Nessun chierico professo possa esser ammesso al sacerdotio se prima non haverà sufficiente lingua latina...»

The center of classical studies for our students was undoubtedly the mother house in San Pantaleo in Rome, under the competent and effective direction of Calasanz himself.

In this house, already in the first years of the new Order, a kind of college was established, which concentrated mainly on the study of the humanities and rhetoric and which later, with more or less luck, was able to maintain itself throughout Calasanz’ life[688].

688 Cf., first of all, the observations of the Apostolic Visitation of 1625, cited on n.686, to which should be added the reply of Father General (Eph. Cal. 5 [1959] 201 n.42): «Li maestri che insegneranno Humanità et Rhetorica tutti haveranno udita Humanità prima di insegnarla. Già si è provvisto di Padre che insegni a quelli che devono esser maestri.» See also the following letters: L. 606, Ep.III p.109: «Quanto poi a metter studio de nostri io ne ho una brama grandissima et sono risoluto se quei di Messina vengono, di metterli allo studio insieme con altri a proposito acciò che in dui anni habbiamo alcuni soggetti di comparir che adesso ne stiamo in strenuo bisogno, questo è negotio molto principale et importante per il nostro istituto et ne tratteremo a bocca quanto prima sarò arrivato costì...» (1627). L.613, Ep.III p.113: «Io spero metter uno studio presto et procurar di far alcuni intelligenti de nostri che possano far scuole maggiori» (1627). L.756, Ep.III p.208: «Quanto al mandare aiuto a coteste scuole, per adesso non è possibile se non scomponesse lo studio delli nostri chierici il quale camina molto bene et ne spero presto frutto grande. Mi dispiace che costì non hanno tanto tempo come io vorrei i chierici per studiare, che si potessero essemirsi dall’accompagnare come io faccio qui haverebbero un poco più tempo, qui quelli che fanno le scuole hanno ogni giorno almeno quattro hore per lo studio perché non li fo accompagnare et semo in casa 56 et alcune volte non v’è chi mandar fuori essendo tutti occupati nello studio che sono ventidue o vero in altri officii» (1628). L.1275, Ep.IV p.137: «Quanto al Fratel Carlo di S. Domenico dirà al Sign. Salvator che arrivato qui l’ho fatto attender allo studio et vi s’è infiammato tanto che pare voglia far miracoli mass.-e vedendo che il fratel Gio. Thomaso ha fatto qui una dichiarazione di un libro di Virgilio con tanta maestria che ha svegliato a molti a voler far altrettanto et quelli che riusciranno così potranno in qualsivoglia auditorio di gente grave salir in pubblico» (1629). Ibid.: «Io ho più volte cominciato qui lo studio di humanità et se non mi fussero stati dimandati con tanta istanza li soggetti adesso ne haverei di buoni per molte case ma mi è stato forza disfar le case di Roma per far suplimento alle case di fuori.» L.549, Ep.III p.45 (20-10-1626): «Quanto allo studio desidero che V. R. ordini che li chierici attendano tutti allo studio a quali potrà dar qualche aiuto il fratel Giov. Thomaso et quando V. R. starà per dichiararli alcuna lettione di qualche autor l’haverei caro et potranno la sera a hore 24 retirarsi tutti con dui lumi a oglio o vero candele di sego nella scuola seconda o dove parerà a V. R. potranno studiare et poi far l’oratione così stesso li fratelli operarij in un altro luogo con altri dui lumi et se potranno haver una tavola lunga dove possano esser quattro per parte sarebbe bene et imparino scrivere o abbaco, insomma raccomando questo a V. R. acciò l’ordini come meglio le parerà et si faccia profitto che poi coll’aiuto del Sig. metteremo studio formato che per noi è sommamente necessario...»

The Portuguese priest D. Andrea Baiano, a famous philologist who had previously taught at the Greek College, was professor of humanities and rhetoric at this internal college for several years. He was much loved, admired and followed by our clerics. He lived in our house from 1630 and died there in 1639 at the age of seventy-three[689]. But besides him, as a valuable Latinist and excellent teacher, Calasanz himself worked tirelessly, coaching the students and the Fathers the way to teach grammar with ease and fruitfulness[690], how to correct the compositions[691] and giving them rules so that they could point out the subjects of the version to the students with criteria and a certain prudence[692].

689 Regarding his room in San Pantaleo, cf. Reg. Cal. XIII 43: Processus factus ob furtum (1631), Martio mense. Regarding his death, which occurred in 1639, see Dom. Gen. 2. Regarding his life and works, see the following works: PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.31-32; P. T. GARRIDO, in Eph. Cal. III (1934) 25-31 (with copious bibliographical list); see also the bibliographical list of Fr. José Font in the Parva Bibliotheca vol.8 p.16-17 and vol.16 p. 12-13.

In addition to the works already cited in note 670, he also wrote a treatise with the title Philosophia Moralis (GARRIDO, art.cit., p.26; cf. also PASTOR, o.c. XII p.892). As for his activity as a philologist and teacher, two contemporary judgments deserve to be cited here. Fr. Carlo Mazzei, illustrious Piarist Latinist, wrote thus, to his friend Gio. Vittorio Rossi (lanus Nicius Erithraeus): «Cui optimo viro ... me nostramque Deo dicatam familiam magnopere commendes velim; imprimisque Andreae Baiani, senis optimi doctissimique, quem ego viventem plurimo semper honore prosecutus fui, nunc vero mortuum praedicare non desisto; erat enim cum doctrinae fama, tum vitae integritate, conspicuus; qui et ut nostris patribus eruditione sua foret utilitati et ut saluti suae melius utiliusque consuleret inter nos reliquam suae aetatem agere constituit; quam quidem quanta cum exemplo, quanta cum pietate quantaque cum religione transegerit, explicari facile non potest. Commendo igitur tibi hominem, sicut et meus in eum amor, eisque in me meosque merita postulant» (Eph. Cal. III [1934] 27). The answer of Giovanni Vittorio Rossi: «Ego Andream Baianum feci semper plurimi, virum eruditissimum et, quod rem continet, optimum atque sanctissimum existimavi, nec mediocri hominem amicitia ac benevolentia sum complexus. Nam mea cum illo amicitia nata est aliquando ante quam tu natus esses. Novi eum cum in Collegio Salviatio et in Collegio Graecorum iuventutem illam latinae eloquentiae praeceptis institueret, ac multos etiam annos in Academia Humoristarum simul exercitationibus iisdem usi sumus. Itaque in fratris eum loco diligebam» (Eph. Cal. III [1935] 28).

As for his teaching in the study of the Pious Schools of St. Pantaleo, cf. PICANYOL. Galileo Galilei p.31-32 and the following letter of Calasanz (L. 1787, Ep.V p.47): «Quanto al Signor Baiano ho caro che non vada fuori di Roma et così li nostri studenti potranno passar avanti li studi cominciati.» Also: Processus ob furtum. 1631 (Reg. Cal. XIIII 43 p.18): «Hieronymus Maria ab Assumptione clericus: Saranno diciotto mesi che sono in questa casa; et attendo allo studio del greco et dell’humanità sotto il Sign. Andrea Baiano»; p.26: «Frel Dionisius a S. Catharina: Saranno incirca tre mesi, sono trattenuto da Superiori per studiare, come ho fatto fino ad hora in Rettorica et greco sotto il Baiano.» «De sociis, et de aliis qui conveniunt sive se conferunt ad dictum Baianum respondit: “Di quelli che attendono allo studio siamo restati soli il fratel Giromino et io, la camera poi sua è frequentata quasi da tutta la casa, et particolarmente dalli maestri delle scuole, et maxime dal Pre Marcello Inglese, Pre Ambrosio della Concettione, frel Carlo di S. Domenico, il frel Francesco Antonio della Purificatione, frel Giovanni del Cairo et il Frel Salvatore Mattematico”.»

690 Berro (o.c., t.l 1.2 p.55): «...non passava giorno alcuno che o tutte o buona parte di quella [scuola] non visitava e vedendo come si portassero li maestri ed insegnando egli stesso in modo che in uno stesso tempo insegnava alli scolari et al Maestro, et alla sera poi voleva che noi giovani fussimo nella sua camera, dove ci dava il modo di esser facilmente intesi dalli scuolari e di esplicare la grammatica con molta facilità, con il quale si faceva gran profitto: et alli F.elli operarii dava regole di bene scrivere e di computare in tanto che sempre ci teneva in essercitio, cosa alcuna non mancandoci più che il tempo.»

691 Cf. a letter of Pierluca Battaglione, from Nápoles, written on 23-9-1641 (EHI p.189): «Ho visto quanto la P. V. mi scrive, e non manco già per gratia del Signore pratticare quel tanto che costì in Roma mi disse; solamente mi dispiace che non mi ricordo bene il modo che la P.V. mi disse che teneva nell’ emendar i latini, perché ho da quaranta cinque scolari e la mattina mi rompo la testa per emendarle a tutti la compositione...»

692 Dichiarazioni alle Coslituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5 fol.17): «Dell’essercizio delle scole: Avvertino li nostri Maestri di non dar lattini alli scolari che trattino di cose secolaresche, vane et favolose, che possino divertire lo spirito delli scolari, ma siano li lattini morali ad utilità delli detti scolari.»

When the Collegio Nazareno was opened in 1630, the students of San Pantaleo also went there, together with those of the novitiate, to familiarize themselves with classical studies under illustrious teachers[693]. Nor did they lack the necessary books for their studies, as Calasanz was always ready to procure them, whether from distant Venice[694] or from even more distant Nikolsburg in Bohemia[695]. But none of this was enough for the Saint, for whom “the study of the humanities was so important”[696]. Precisely for this reason, in accordance with the guidelines of the Constitutions, which prescribed debates and frequent exercises in prose and verse for the clerics[697], he created an academy for them in the study house of San Pantaleo, which, according to the custom of the century, bore the title “la Accademia degli Abietti”[698], so that, with the obligation to submit and read various compositions in public, it could serve as a remarkable platform for the first attempts of the young Piarist students[699]. The themes that were developed there were often proposed by Calasanz himself[700], and the students and the young Fathers of the neighboring houses also participated in the meetings[701].

693 L.1275, Ep.IV p.137: «Il primo giorno dell’anno penso che s’aprirà il collegio Nazareno con otto alunni solamente dove penso far studiar cinque o sei de nostri.» L.1283 (Ep. IV p.142): «Mi dispiace che non si attenda costì da nissuno allo studio della humanità che tanto ci importa. Io vederò di far attendere qui alcuna parte in casa et altra parte nel Collegio Nazareno che si comincierà il P.o giorno dell’anno con otto alunni.» Cf. also L.2647, Ep.VI p.202 (1636): «Ho risposto alle lettere di V. S. dandole cura particolare come con particolar affetto avevo ritenuto in Roma il suo figliuolo per esservi di presente uno studio tale, che spero vi farà profitto grande, perciocché vi è un maestro eccellentissimo e una emulazione tra i nostri studenti e gl’alunni del Collegio Nazareno tutti sotto l’istesso Maestro. Io ne ho cura particolare, e V. R. ne può star riposato, perché io desidero li nostri tutti con tal talento, che possino poi communicarlo ad altri.» Regarding the studies during the novitiate see L.2190, Ep.V p.322: «...Io studio che hoggi è nel noviziato va assai bene et spero che per tutta questa estate ne riusciranno otto o dieci sufficienti per qualsivoglia scuola maggiore.» Regarding the students going to the Colegio Nazareno: L.1374, Ep.IV p.204-205: «Il vostro fratello si porta molto bene con altri cinque che dal novitiato vanno al collegio Nazareno mattina e sera et tutti cominciano a componer versi con molta facilità.» Cf. also Berro o.c., t. I 1.3 fol.27): «Aperto il Collegio Nazareno il Calasanzio vi mandò il Signor Andrea Baiani che lesse ad alcuni dei nostri la logica oltre la retorica ed anche vi veniva un lettore di Sapienza di lingua greca per insegnare i nostri, si che sempre nostro V. Padre procuro tirare avanti negli studi i chierici.»

694 L.1662, Ep.IV p.400: «...per altra posta mi informarò di alcuni libri a proposito per li nostri humanisti et ne scriverò alcuna cosa, ne haveremo da sette a otto assai ben fondati sebene sono ancora gioveni, ma modesti e savij et haveranno caro se li compri alcuni libri a gusto loro...»

695 Cf. letter of Fr. A. Leailth to Calasanz, Nikolsburg 6-12-1643 (EEC p.705): «Ho ricevuto una lettera di V. P. delli 14 di novembre, farò quanto V. P. mi significa in quella; ho trovato ancora una lista d’alcuni libri nella lettera, farò diligenza se si trovano; sarà cosa difficile, tutti li passi sono serati, da nissuna parte vengono adesso libri, e quelli che sono, sono carissimi.»

696 L.1283, Ep.IV p.142.

697 Constit. p.2nd c.10 n.205-206.

698 Berro (o.c., t. l 1.3 p.26-27): «In S. Pantaleo vi fu del 1627 fondata una Accademia de’ nostri di belle lettere con titolo degli Abietti; e per impresa una mano che con scopa radunava un montone di inmondezza, et per motto: Facti sumus omnium peripsema usque adhuc; S. Paolo I Cor. c.3.» Cf. also L.760, Ep.III p.211: «...potrà dar voce che qui si è cominciata una accademia tra li nostri chierici et mi hanno pregato che vi introduca ancora il fratel Luca acciò possa perfetionarsi nelle lettere humane et altre scienze.»

699 Berro (o.c., ibid.): «Nella quale Accademia noi tutti ci esercitavamo in Verso et in Prosa con pubbliche dimostrazioni almeno una volta il mese e più spesso ancora con compositioni anche greche et alcuni studiavano anche l’Hebreo.» Regarding the activity of young academics see. L.807, Ep.III p.243: «Quanto al fratel Domenico vorrei che ogni settimana facesse uno o due epigrammi et scritti in buona mano il frel Giacomo li attaccasse alla porta della scuola o vero della Chiesa in lode di quel santo, che occorre nell’ offitio quella settimana come fanno qui li nostri accademici.»

700 L.1275, Ep.IV p.137: «Qui si fa ogni festa alla sera un alto dove tre o quattro de nostri in presenza di tutti di casa dicono molto bene circa le cose letterarie che io le do il soggetto per la festa seguente.»

701 L.1281, Ep.IV p.141: «V. R. dirà al fratel Gio. Thomaso che sia qui il dì delli Innocenti et porti preveduta la littione di Virgilio che doverà dichiarar al modo solito la domenica prossima col aiuto del Signore.»

In this way, stimulated by the zeal of the holy Founder and encouraged by the success of others, a holy thirst for knowledge, a noble spirit of imitation took hold of all the students[702]. Truly, one cannot imagine a better preparation for future teachers and educators.

702 L.1275 (Ep. IV p.137): «Quanto al fratel Carlo di S. Domenico dirà al Sig. Salvator che arrivato qui l’ho fatto attender allo studio et vi si è infiammato tanto che pare voglia far miracoli mass.-e vedendo che il fratel Gio. Thomaso ha fatto qui una dichiaratione di un libro di Virgilio con tanta maestria che ha svegliato a molti a voler far altrettanto et quelli che riusciranno così potranno in qualsivoglia auditorio di gente grave salir in pubblico.»

With this care from Calasanz, the house in Rome truly became the main center of classical studies. And a further order from the holy pedagogue stipulated that the students of the houses outside Rome should send him their compositions in prose or verse every month[703]. In this way, Calasanz was able to direct the progress of their studies from San Pantaleo, suggest the themes to be worked on and monitor the work done. Thus, unanimity of direction was also guaranteed[704].

703 L.1419, Ep.IV p.236: «Quanto al fratel Mathia quale mi ha scritto in latino le dirà che ogni mese tanto egli quanto gli altri studenti mi scrivano in prosa o in verso un mezzo foglio di carta.» Cf. also L.3044, Ep.VII p.43: «Quanto alle compositioni del P. Guiuseppe di S. Tomaso d’Aquino doveva V. R. mandarmene una copia, acciocché essendo tali come V. R. dice qui ce ne rallegrassimo.»

704 L.681, Ep.III p.157: «Ho ricevuto alcuni versi del fratel Luca al quale dirà che faccia alcun epigramma sopra quell’Antifona: Beatus Laurentius, dum in craticula superpositus ureretur ad ipsissimum tirannum dixit: assatum est iam etc. et se vi haverà la gratia che ha havutti nelli versi di S. Giusto e Pastore.» Cf. also L.686, Ep.III p.161: «Hebbi la elegia del frel Domenico et per l’occupationi non potei vederla tutta né rispondere, se egli si fa pratico nei versi et in saper dichiarar un Authore sarà di giovamento alla religione, procuri di praticar in questo quanto possi che l’haverò caro acciò che così e con la santa humiltà faccia poi profitto nelli scolari.» L.774 (Ep. III p.219): «Ho ricevuto le cartelle assai buone; procuri di aiutar il fratel Domenico acciò possa lavorar circa la scuola et li manderò il libro di Smetio. Et che faccia spesso delli versi et li attachi di buona mano alla porta della Chiesa a parte di dentro.» See also L.765, Ep.III p.214: «…et dirà al fratel Domenico che quanto prima li mandarò il thesauro poetico del Smetio et che desidero che spesse volte faccia delli epigramma in lode delli santl occorrenti et li faccia scrivere di buona mano del fratel Giacomo et li attacchi o alla porta della scuola o vero dell’oratorio o chiesa alla parte de! corritore o vero andito acciò vedano che è atto per dar sodisfatione alli scolari.»

The various centers of classical studies

However, it would be wrong to believe that the classical studies of the Pious Schools flourished only in Rome. We know that in addition to the Piarist houses in Rome, especially San Pantaleo, groups of students in Frascati, Moricone[705], Norcia[706], Cagliari and Narni[707] also devoted themselves to the study of the humanities and rhetoric at various times. We will leave out Florence and Naples for the moment, whose particular studies we will discuss later.

705 L.2466, Ep.VI p.88: «...perché desidero mentre V.R. vi sta [in Moricone] per Superior mettervi lo studio di humanità et rettorica con 10 overo 12 studenti et il maestro...»

706 Letter of Fr. Giacomo Cipolletta, Norcia 9-12-1629 (EHI p.702): «Tutti attendono allo studio la sera e di grammatica, di humanità, di casi di coscienza e d’abbaco e scrivere, ed io alla ricreatione voglio rivedere il tutto.» Regarding Norcia see also L.1302, Ep.IV p.154: «Mi è di gran consolatione l’intendere che si studia costi con gran diligenza et vorrei che il fratel Agostino si scrivesse quanto in prosa quanto in verso col fratel Camillo de Narni che mi dicono che doppo li miei avertimenti quelli chierici di Narni si sono dati tutti a studiare con diligenza.»

707 L.2115, Ep.V p.264.

In Frascati, the Venerable Caspar Dragonetti taught some of our students[708]. The house of Cagliari deserves special attention, where the young religious immediately devoted themselves to the study of philosophy and theology for reasons of prestige and neglected the humanities and rhetoric too much. The bitter reaction of some Fathers, who remained faithful to the orientation given by Calasanz and were aware of the true demands of the Order, clearly shows what public opinion was at the heart of the Corporation regarding the seriousness and commitment with which classical studies had to be cultivated[709].

708 L.27, Ep.II p.77: «Inoltre il P. Gasparo desidera far una buona fatica in insegnar in camera ogni sera a quei di casa. Io ne manderò alcuni di qua; bisognerà che costà tutti vi risolviate ad attendervi da dovero acciò che in poco tempo si faccia gran profitto.» As for the method of Father Dragonetti (1509-1628) -also admired by Pope Urban VIII- cf. T. Garrido in Eph.Cal. II (1933) 259-262. We bring here the reference of Fr. Caputi in the Latin version of Fr. T. Garrido (p.261-262): «Quadam die, sic ille, Urbanus PP. VIII, ad S. Petrum iter faciens, plateam S. Pantaleonis praeterivit viditque ad Ecclesiae ianuam senem venerandum sedentem. Quaesivit ergo a Cardinali Mellino, suo in Urbe Vicario, quis esset ille bonus senex, tanta puerorum corona circumdatus adeoque procera barba distinctus, ut Paulus alter, primus eremitarum auctor, videretur. Est, inquit, P. Gasparus Dragonetti, primam S. Pantaleonis scholam regens qui veterrimus quidem cum sit, ea tamen memoria lectiones explanat ut auditores in stuporem rapiantur. Curiositate motus, voluit Papa senem audire, Virgilii lectioncm explicantem, cum et ipse litterarum humaniorum peritissimus esset, indixitque seni velle se, ut ipse crastina die ad Montecavallum mane accederet, Virgilii causa declarandi. lturum se respondit senex ad audientiam. Quod si quidquam aliud Sanctitas Vestra a me requirat, palam, ait, ostendat. Nihil aliud, inquit Papa, opus est, fer tecum Virgilium tantum, nullam enim aliam molestiam afferre tibi volo. Cras ergo ad medium mane, baculo accepto, petiit bonus senex palatium Pontificium ubi longo temporis tractu sedendum illi fuit inter Praelatos, mutuo sermone de variis rebus colloquentes. Multa vero iam die elapsa, cum nullum audientiae signum ille cerneret, sic ait Camerae Magistro: Domine mi, serius est et ego diutius manere non possum; senex enim sum et hora prandii iam praeteriit. Papam autem certiorem fac me alias rediturum, si volet. Sed nolite, quaeso, multum morae mihi inducere atque ita terere tempus; mei enim scholares detrimentum capiunt. Et, vale dicto nulloque alio adiecto verbo domum inde repetiit. Cum autem id Papae relatum est, risit ille dicendo: -Pauper senex! Iure meritoque conqueritur-. Iussit ergo seni nuntiari se cras post prandium, simul ac ille ad se venisset, libenter auditurum. Interrogatus autem Dragonetti an vellet currum sibi alferri, respondit se paulatim peditem ire satisque esse, ut aliquem comitem haberet. Crastina ergo die Papam adiit statimque est ad eius praesentiam introductus. Ipsum, pede osculato, iussit Papa sedere. Traxit ille Virgilium ex chartaphoro, signoque crucis facto perinde ac si in schola versaretur. Estote, inquit, attenti (aderat enim non Pontifex solum, sed camerarii etiam secreti): percontatusque a Papa est quem librum vellet declaratum. Respondit hic quem ipse vellet. Aperit ergo casu librum; huncque explicare coepit voce adeo sonora atque huius tonum, prout opus erat, tanta gratia deflectens, ut Papa atque adstantes stuperent. Talibus inde commentariis lectionem exornavit ut ea videretur longum per tempus praeparata. Dixit deinde ex tempore in Pontificis laudem Epigramma, quod Papa transcriptum voluit. lnteriectis autem familiaribus verbis, quid vellet Papa interrogavit, unamque ipse precatus est benedictionem apostolicam. Tandem cum Papa, eidem valedicens committeret ut sui curam haberet neque aetatem longaevam tanto scholarum labore fatigaret, respondit: Dum spiritus sit, scholarum exercitium non deseram, sicut olim sum Beatissimae Virgini pollicitus quae quidem meas vires sustentat, ut adolescentibus pauperibus auxilio sim, eosque primo viam caelorum, secundo autem humanas litteras doceam.»

709 Letter of Fr. Antonio Boscarelli di San Michele to the Frs. Asisstents, Cagliari 29-7-1643 (EPC p.404): «...Aggiungasi a questo il poco profitto che hanno fatto nell’humanità e rettorica ... niuno di loro è arrivato a dare un epigramma o creia [cria]; cosa invero da piangere ... novitij molti non sanno le concordanze...» Cf. also letter of Fr. Gio. Batt. de Ferraris to Fr. Visitor P. Pietrasanta, 29-9-43 (EPC p.125): «[i chierici] sono talmente imbrogliati di logica, che niuno può fare una semplice scuola di grammatica.»

In addition to the existing studies in Italy, those in Germania and Poland were particularly active and flourishing. Above all, the studies at Nikolsburg - with the associated academy - founded under the protection of Cardinal Dietrichstein, a great friend of Calasanz and the Pious Schools[710], proved to be extremely effective[711].

710 Letter of Fr. Ambrogio Leailth to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 26-81632 (EEC p.638): «Il Sig. Card. ha grandissimo desiderio di dilatare la nostra Religione e di trovar soggetti atti e per questo si lasciò intendere che haverebbe caro che si mettesse la scuola di Humanità e Rettorica quest’anno, acciò potessimo haver soggetti.»

711 Letter of Fr. Glicerio Mazzara to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 29-6-1941 (EEC p.772): «Ma quel che più mi appaga, è il veder questi giovani studenti molto ben incamminati e di bonissime aspettazioni. Hoggi hanno fatto tutti dimostrazione tale d’orationi recitate in presenza nostra et in lode del P. Provinciale et arrivo di noi forastieri, di Poemi, d’Epigrammi, e di Ode, che V. P. a sentirle haverebbe brillato d’allegrezza.»

According to the “familia domus” of 1639, in that year there were six clerics studying humanities and rhetoric. (Reg. Prov. 51^15).

But he was also not far away the Study in Strassnitz[712], where our students made no small progress under the equally competent and zealous direction of Father John Francis Bafici. Calasanz sent them the necessary books from Rome[713].

712 Fr. Bafici’s letter to Fr. General, Strassnitz 17-12-1636 (EEC p.63): «Gli studenti eccetto uno gli altri tutti mi danno grandissima speranza di dovere in questo anno essere dei primi Rettorici e Poeti che habbia la religione.»

Cf. also letter of Fr. Bafici to P. General, Strassnitz 6-12-1636 (EEC p.59-60): «Sia lodato il Signore che infirma mundi eligit, ut fortia quaeque confundat, et mi da insieme animo tale, che ardisco promettere a S. P. grandissimo profitto di questi nostri giovani. Ho stimato bene (non commandando Ella altrimente) al principio dell’anno esplicarle la Rettorica, cominciando dalla terza parte, la quale contiene in se i tropi e le figure, acciò nel medesimo tempo possino comporre i proginnasmi con qualche fioretto Rettorico e spero di proseguirla in modo tale, che in quest’anno sia tutta da noi scritta e dichiarata; ma quello che più importa, con incessante studio et ardore praticata, non solo quanto a tropi, schemi o figure, ma quanto agli argomenti, e sostanza dell’arte, con comporre varie orationi a suoi tempi, non tralasciando tra tanto di essercitarci nelle Epistole, Proginnasmi e versi di più sorti conf.-e l’ordine di S. P ... Habbiamo eletto a voti secreti, conforme l’ordine suo, il fratel Francesco Prefetto dello Studio. Tutti poi si mostrano infervorati e desiderosi di approfittarvi et usano diligenza per effettuarlo, si nello spirito, come nelle lettere ... Per essercitio loro hanno composto in gratiarum actionem un epistolio ciascuno a parte, ma per non li occupare tanto in riscrivere ne invio solamente uno a S. P. perché spero quanto prima inviarle moltissimi assai migliori.»

713 Letter of Fr. Bafici to Fr. General. Strassnitz 17-12-1636 (EEC p.64): «Habbiamo ricevuti i libri secondo il catalogo inviato, e di essi, e degli altri altre volte inviateci se ne manda costa l’elenco in questo incluso. Il Tesoro non è quello che si desidera, tuttavia non manca di esserci grato. Prego di nuovo S. P. con la prima occasione inviarci quello della lingua latina, che è a noi necessarissimo et è costi in due tomi diviso. Il Commento o annotazioni sopra Cic. sopra le Orationi, è uno sol tomo grande come un Mesale... e vi. sono alcune Orationi commentate da Erasmo e Melantone Heretici, et io costì l’ho tenuto appresso di me più di due mesi e lo lasciai nella libraria di casa.» ...

Cf. a previous letter (EEC p.60-61) where thet are asking for «un Tesoro della lingua latina, ma non Calepino, le Orazioni selette di Cicerone, alcuni comentarii su esse, particolarmente quelli di Freigio, uno o due Valeri Massimi piccoli, le tragedie di Seneca, uno o due piccoli Martiali»: from such a list we can deduce which were the studies of the Strassnitz clerics.

In Podolin, in the province of Poland, classical studies also flourished extraordinarily well despite the preponderance of mathematical sciences[714].

714 Letter of Fr. O. Conti, Nikolsburg 24-5-1643 (EEC p.292): «Gli mando alcune compositioni fatte ivi [Podolin] dalli nostri studiosi per loro esercitio quali mi hanno mandato ultimamente. Sono le loro primizie, l’invio a S. P. acciò veda il loro profitto»: cf. GULYÁS, p.30.

All that we have seen so far in documentary form of the classical studies cultivated in the various, albeit provisional, Studies of the Pious Schools is sufficient to give a clear idea of the progress of the regular studies and of the seriousness and awareness with which the various problems were approached. If not elsewhere, it is precisely in the field of classical studies that we clearly see the “spiritus principalis” of the holy Pedagogue, who presides everywhere with his wisdom, his competence, his didactic and pedagogical experience, and his apostolic zeal.

In search of the best method

The picture would not be complete, but only sketched, if we did not speak of the various attempts made by Calasanz and his immediate collaborators to find an easier, simpler and clearer method for teaching Latin, a method that required less learning time and was therefore more useful for the poor. In fact, Calasanz did not content himself with the regular study of his students in this field, but wanted them, in accordance with his old wish[715] already expressed in the Constitutions[716], to consult the best grammar writers and to seek personal contact with the most competent authorities in this field in order to dedicate themselves to the search for the best possible method so that they too could facilitate access to culture for the poor[717].

715 L.4021, Ep.VIII p.145: «...e per il desiderio che io ho havuto sempre fin da principio di trovare un modo breve e facile cuanto fusse possibile per insegnare la lingua latina, ordinai a V. R. insegnare questo modo a tre o quattro de’nostri Padri per util della nostra Religione.»

It is noteworthy that, in this way of working, Calasanz belongs to the noble legion of those illustrious pedagogues who at the end of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century spent most of their energies in the improvement of the teaching of Latin. Among them deserve special mention the German Wolfgang Ratke (Ratichius; 1571-1635), who, in a memorial presented in 1612 to the Parliament of Frankfurt, explained how the Hebrew, Greek and Latin languages could be taught, with ease and in a relatively short time, both to young people and adults (“Wie die hebraiische, griechische, lateinische und andere Sprachen in gar kurzer Zeit, sowohl bein Allen und Jungen leichtlich zu lernen und fortzupflanzen sind”) (PAULSEN, o. c., I, p.472; LAMANNA, Storia della Filosofia n.36-37; ZIEGLER, o.c., p.146 (cf. his motto: “Ratio vicit, vetustas cessit”), and Amos Comenius, the great Moravian pedagogue (1592-1670), who with his Didactica magna (Latin ed. 1638) and with his school books, particularly the Ianua linguarum reserata (1631), the Vestibulum (1633) and the Atrium (1651), was one of the most illustrious representatives of this new orientation (see ZIEGLER, o.c., p.154-164; LAMANNA, Storia della Filosofia n.36-36; ZIEGLER, o.c., I, p.471), p.154-164; LAMANNA, o.c., II p.37-47. It was his motto: “Compendiose, iucunde, solide”.

Moreover, about the concerns felt in Italy towards the end of the 16th century about the replacement of the ancient method in the teaching of Latin - a method based on the traditional grammars, by then already classical, and on a strenuous memorizing effort, with the expense, in addition, of six, seven or eight years of teaching, replacing it with a clearer, easier, less time-consuming and at the same time more effective method, we have clear examples in Cardinal Silvio Antoniano’s Tre libri dell’educatione christiana dei figliuoli (Verona 1583). In fact, Cardinal Antoniano writes thus on the subject: «Alcuni hanno havuto il pensiero ... che i fanciulli imparassero la lingua latina con l’istesso modo che la materna s’impara et come s’imparano le altre lingue straniere, che hoggi vivono, cioè con l’osservatione e con l’imitatione… altri sono andati discorrendo, che per liberar i fanciulli da gravissime molestie della grammatica ... fosse espediente che imparassero prima le voci latine et il significato di esse leggendo loro alcuno buono scrittore e volgarizzandole et facendo di più che i fanciulli mandassero a memoria le istesse sentenze latine e di poi venir insegnando loro le regole grammaticali, del nome, del verbo et delle altre parti della oratione sopra l’istesso autore, applicando in sù l’fatto le regole generali a’i particolari esempij, delle cose già in qualche modo note per prattica, per ciò che dicono loro, quella ramemoratione e riconoscimento, viene a generarse nel fanciullo un certo diletto, per il quale più facilmente apprende le regole et più fermamente le ritiene ...

Conviene però che il savio e prudente maestro, cerchi quanto può dispiacere et render facile la via malagevole procurando di saper il modo che i più intendenti tengono, abbassandosi con patienza alla capacità puerile e non volendo inettamente far del troppo dotto con i fanciulli. Et dall’altro canto così il Padre come il Maestro devono usar industria, acciò il fanciullo non penosamente ma volentieri vada a scuola.»

Cf. also chapter 38 of the same Antoniano, «De lo studio del parlar et scriver latino» (p.149-150): «Sono alcuni maestri che esercitano assai i putti nella poesia et nel verso et poco nella prosa. Io per me non nego esser giovevole il leggere alcun poeta, massime Virgilio, et pochi altri di quel secolo; rende la poesia et il poetare, l’intelletto più svegliato et vivace, s’impara il numero, et la qualità delle sillabe, che molto giova a pronuntiar rettamente et cose tali; ma questo studio de’ versi ha da esser s’io non mi inganno non come il cibo principale, ma come un condimento del cibo perché all’ultimo, applicando poi queste cose all’uso della vita humana a nostri tempi, per non dir sempre, poco altro si cava dalla poesia, che il diletto, per il che colui [alcuno] diceva che i poeti mediocri non si possono patire, la dove nelle cose veramente utili et necessarie si ammette facilmente la mediocrità. Ha un altro incomodo la poesia, che se alcuno si inmerge troppo, è come un vischio che ritiene, et disvia molte volte da i studij più gravi, et troppo i giovani se ne invaghiscono, et si danno a scrivere amori et cose vanissime; per tanto si ha da attendere principalmente allo stile con l’imitatione di Cicerone et de gli altri pochi più lodati, anzi un valent’huomo soleva dire, che non si doveano i putti introdurre subito nel verso ma nella prosa ... Adunque attenda il maestro ad instruire il fanciullo nella intelligenza della lingua, che molto servono poi alle scienze et lo eserciti nella lettione di Cicerone, facciagliene imparare a mente quanto più si può, et nel dare il dettato, o suggetto che vogliano dire, a i putti, per spiegarlo in latino, lo prendano dal medesimo Cicerone ... »

A very important initiative regarding the new method to be used in the teaching of the Latin language, which later spread throughout the Italian peninsula, originated in Spain. The promoter and founder of the new orientation was the famous Spanish grammarian Francisco Sánchez (“el Brocense”, Sanzio, Santius; 1523-1601; cf. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-americana [Enc Espasa] t 53 p.1220-1221 ), who in his Minerva seu de causis linguae latinae commentarius (Salamanca 1587) laid the foundations of a “rational” grammar, based on the principles of Aristotelian logic, thus meriting the name and title of “padre della lingua latina”, “il dottore di tutte le lettere” and the “Cartesio dei Grammatici” (cf. GAMBA, art.cit., p.19).

His orientation was followed in Italy, and promoted mainly by the German polygrapher Gaspar Scioppio. Of him and his relations with Calasanz we will speak soon.

716 Constit. (p.2nd c.11 n.216): «El quoniam tum in tradenda Grammatica, quam in alia quavis scientia, ad discipulorum utilitatem plurimum confert, si aliquo facili, utili, et quoad fieri potest brevii modo Magistri omnes utuntur, operae pretium erit, ut ex peritissimis, expertisque in hac materia viris, qui optimus fuerit, seligatur.»

717 L.3768, Ep.VII p.454-455: «Il P. Gio. Francesco ha cominciato ad insegnare la grammatica nuova a quattro di nostri acciocché riuscendo facile et utile serva nella nostra Religione per aiuto di Poveretti, i quali non possono trattenersi molti anni nello studio della lingua latina.»

And it was precisely to carry out such a search and to keep his students up to date on the relevant issues that Calasanz sent three of his clerics to Milan in 1629[718] to the famous philologist Gaspar Scioppio so that they could be initiated into the new method of Brocense that he advocated[719].

718 Already before 1629, Calasanz was particularly interested in the grammar of a certain Father Cyprian (not a Piarist); a grammar that he wanted to “riformare et accomodare” for the use of the Pious Schools. (L.573, Ep.III p.77; 9-1-1627): «Quanto al P. Cipriano, io le dissi che riformasse et accomodasse una gramatica che compose nel tempo che stava in casa nostra. Se l’havera finita quando io ritorno la provaremo et se riuscirà come dice lo sodisfaremo bene.»

This grammar is already mentioned in a letter of 1619, in which the holy Founder wants Mr. Baiano and D. Cipriano to agree on it. (L.36, Ep.II p.85): «...et ricordi parimente al S. Don Cipriano che quando io ritorni, che sarà al principio della seconda settimana di quaresima, habbia accomodato con Sig. Baiano il negotio della grammatica.»

719 As far as Scioppio’s life and activity are concerned, we have already said something about him (n. 669). Now it remains to say something about him as a grammarian-philologist and pedagogue as well. We know that he began his activity as a philologist, and that also, as time went on, after his conversion he often returned to his favorite philology, notwithstanding his many tasks as a statesman and publicist. During a political mission to Spain in 1613, he had the opportunity to become acquainted with the famous grammar of Francisco Sánchez, which, as we have said above, was eminently rational and based on the logical principles of language. (cf. Grammatica Philosophica [Mediolani 1628] p.148: «postea tamen quam in Hispania in Francisci Sanctii Brocensis... Minervam, sive librorum librum de linguae latinae causis incidi, in eoque aliquot errorum milia Grammaticos impingi acriterque exagitari comperi, non ego iam me continere potui, quin per otium subinde Grammaticorum libros evolverem, ut quo iure quaque iniuria a Sanctio vapulassent explorato indicare possem. Sic factum est, ut veteres omnes quotquot ante mille hos annos aliquid in ea arte litteris consignatum reliquerunt, tum recentiorum complures, ut quisque in Hispania, Gallia, Germania, et Italia praeter ceteros in ea praestitisse visi sunt, cognitos haberem»). Converted by the idea of Brocense, Scioppio, returned in 1617 to Milan, with his grammatical works (particularly with his philosophical grammar, whose full title is: Pascasii Grossipi grammatica philosophica non modo tironibus linguae latinae ad artem illam uno trimestri perfecte addicendam sed et latine doctissimis ad reddendam eorum rationem, quae legunt et scribunt imprimis necessaria. Accesit praefatio de veteris ac novae grammaticae latinae origine, dignitate et usu. (Mediolani 1628) and with his pedagogical works, particularly with the Consultationes de Scholarum et Studiorum ratione deque prudentiae et elegantiae parandae modis. (Patavi 1636) and with the De Paedia Humanarum ac Divinarum litterarum. Cum indicibus librorum ad singula Paediae genera pertinentium. 1636, he became the main disseminator of Brocense’s ideas. In Milan, where he lived until 1630, he was a teacher in demand by many, and his name is among the “praeceptores optimi” of the city. (Argelati, Bibliotheca Script. Med. seu Acta et elogia virorum omnigena eruditione illustrium t.1 col.293A and t.2 col.9241, and t.2, pars altera, col.1991B; cf. also Visconti, Le Scuole Palatine di Milano [Milano 1927] p.60).

Other grammatical works by him: Rudimenta Grammaticae Philosophicae ad usum tironum. Mediolani 1629. Pascasii Grosippi Mercurius Bilinguis hoc est nova facilisque ratio Latinae vel Italicae linguae intra vertentem annum addiscendae. In eorum usum qui alterutram earum linguarum intelligent. Accesit eiusdem grammatica philosophica pro linguae latinae Magistris et Tironibus ut scilicel tirones magistri, magistri autem tirones finant. Mediolani 1628. Mariangelo a Fano: Auctuarium ad Grammaticam philosophicam eiusque rudimenta. Mediolani 1629. -Mercurius quadrilinguis i.e. linguarum ac nominatim Latinae, Germanicae, Graecae, Hebreae nova et compendiosa discendi ratio. Basilea 1637.- Regarding the bibliography of his grammatical works, cf. the article by Kovallek in the Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte vol. 2 p. 71-72.

In 1636, after a brief interval of political activity, Scioppio withdrew completely from political life and lived in an almost hermit-like manner, exiled from the world in his solitude in Padua until his death in 1649. His opinion about the new method to be adopted was masterfully set out in the “Consultatio quarta” of his Consultationes, where Scioppio gave seven reasons in favor of the introduction of the new grammar. In order to evaluate the polygraph’s thinking, we reproduce here the main passages of these Consultationes: «Consultatio quarta: De causis Grammaticae philosophicae in Scholas inducendae sive septem rationes quae conscientiae Episcoporum religionem sive scrupulum iniicere debent, ne veterem Grammaticam diutius in scholis tolerare sed novam in eas introducere velint» (o.c., p.111-119): «I. Vetus Grammatica plena est fraudibus et mendaciis. Turpe vero est permitti, ut pueris tantus mendaciorum numerus a Magistris, praecipueque clericis instilletur. -II. Veteris Grammaticae mendacia ingentibus et supervacuis laboribus iuventutem onerant et ingenia excarnificant. -IV. Eadem grammaticae veteris mendacia innumerabilium hominum marsupia exenterant, non sine maximo rei familiaris detrimento complures annos in grammatico pulvere consumunt. -Animadnrsio. Vix quisquam eorum, qui ad scholas publicas erudiendi gratia mittuntur, ante exactum septimum annum id consequitur ut quamcunque Ciceronis Epistolam Marte suo interpretari et omnium quae legit rationes reddere queat. At enim uno solo biennio id eis contingere potest, qui nova Grammatica utentur. -V. Eadem mendacia plurimorum ingenia ab omni litterarum et scientiarum studio deterrent, qui propter ingentem numerum regularum, exceptionum, appendicum et observationum prius oderunt studia quam noverint. -VI. Eadem mendacia Magistris quoque Crucem figunt, et a gravioribus atque utilioribus studiis eos retardant. -VII. Eadem mendacia causa sunt, cur Deus Ecclesia ac Respublica multo plurimorum opera defraudetur, quam illi minime poenitendam navare possent, nisi alios Grammaticae magistri tot annis in scholis contererent, alii vel temporis longinquitate vel discendi difficultate territi studia desererent aut attingere dubitarent.»

According to this exposition of Scioppio presented to the bishops, the old system must be discarded because: 1) it teaches wrong rules; 2) it lulls the youth and mortifies the wit; 3) it subtracts precious time from oral exercises; 4) it demands greater expenditure of years and means in learning the language; 5) it rather makes one hate than know Latin; 6) it delays the normal development of studies even to the teachers, and therefore dissuades many young people from following that path, thus robbing precious energies from the Church and the State. On the contrary, the new method, without any of these defects, with its “praticità”, with its “facilità”, “rapidità” and “economicità”, responds completely to the new demands. Cf. Comparatio Cloacinae (Crates of Mallus, the first Roman grammarian, fallen in a sewer) and Sanctianae Grammaticae, in the appendix to the philosophical grammar titled De veteris ac novae grammaticae latinae dignitate et usu p. 166.

CLOACINA EST: Turpis, quia mendax, cum de sexcentis eius rcgulis vix decima pars sit vera.

Molesta, quia impedita et difficilis ob tot regulas, appendices, observationes, exceptiones.

Damnosa, quia affert magnam iacturam rei familiaris, temporis, existimationis

SANCTIANA EST: Honesta quia verax cum omnes regulas ratione et incorrupta consuetudine stabilitas habet.

Jucunda, cum sit expedita et perfacilis ob regulas paucissmas, nullas prorsus in Syntaxi Exceptiones.

Utilis, quia habet compendium temporis, quippe quae tribus mensibus disci queat. Existimationis; quia regulis eius instructus de latinitate melius iudicare potest, quam qui omnem in litteris eatatem exegerit.

Magistri nunc est etiam atque etiam considerare utra grammatica discipulis praecipienda viri boni officium custodire maioremque Dei et hominum gratiam inire possit». The same values of the new grammar are also expressed in “Praefatio” of Mercurius bilinguis (o.c., s.p.) and in “Paedia Grammaticae seu mystagogus Latinitatis, cuius usus erit, ut qui nullum omnino verbum latinum intellegit, uno anno quamcunque Ciceronis Epistolam Marte suo interpretari, omniumque rationes certius et expeditius reddere queat, quam alius vel triginta annis in linguae latinae studio et exercitio versatus. Altero vero anno latine scribendo exercendus veniet, ut non modo sine ullo barbarismo et Solecismo, sed multa etiam eleganter scribere queat.» In fact, such a grammar, in the course of a year, and not a term, as the title of the Grammatica philosophica promises, makes the students able to understand the letters of Cicero, and in the second year, to write in Latin correctly, and all this without tiring the boys and their teachers and without stealing time and money from the parents.

The news that Calasanz sent three Piarist students to the Milanese residence of Scioppio, we know, first of all, from the polygraph himself. He, in fact, wrote thus in his Philotheca Scioppiana: «...sive Gaspari Scioppii Comitis a Claravalle Narratio annis distincta de benefactoribus, amicis et familaribus suis, quos in omni vita habuit, quidque apud illos, per illos, ac propter illos in Dei gloriam et utilitatem publicam inter 50 annos molitus et emolitus fuerit» (die 13 iulii 1645, 5 dec.). We can find in Biblioteca Laur., Cod. Laur. Sciopp. 243, with the title G. S. Commmtarium de rebus ad se pertinentihus vol.18: «Mense aprili venerant ad me tres clerici Scholarum Piarum, qui vulgo Iesuitae reformati audiunt, quippe qui p ... ullati nudisque pedibus ambulent, et ludos apertos habeant, ad pueros primis litterulis imbuendos, et adhuc quidem meliori fide quam Iesuitae Religiosam paupertatem colant. Venerunt autem ut ea interpretantem me audirent, quae ipsi in grammaticis meis non satis percepissent. Eis ego octo illis diebus, quos Mediolani fuerunt, quotidie apud me venientibus hospitalitatem quam poteram praestiti, nec ullum aliud officii genus a me deesse passus sum, fecique omnia, ut praecepta mea satis intelligerent, eademque praecipere aliis possent, quo nomine Ordinis eorum Patriarcha misso mihi diplomate me omnium bonorum operum, quae sui Ordinis hominis fecissent, aut facturi essent, participem esse iussit, ut nempe veniente Christo cum lucernae meae oleum caritatis defecerit, de Ordinis illius culeis quantum ad reficiendum humore defectam lucernam opus sit haurire queam: cum periculi nihil sit [si fas est credere] ne forte illis et mihi non sufficiat (Mt 25, 10)» (Pic., Gal. p.33).

In this regard, Fr. Giovanni Domenico Romani of Our Lady of the Angels, in his letter addressed to Fr. General on 3-11-1629 (EHI p.1802): “...si come il medesimo Sig. Scioppio mi disse quando per otto giorni fui apresso di sé ad intender viva voce il modo di insegnar detta grammatica ... “

Apart from Fr. Romani, it is difficult to specify who were the other two assistants at Scioppio’s “rapid” school; Fr. Picanyol deduces from other documents that the second was, in all probability, Fr. Gio Battista Constantini of Santa Tecla. As for the third, he says nothing (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.33).

The students spent eight days in Milan exchanging ideas with the great philologist who, for his part, after having initiated them as well as he could into his method, did not take long to recognize the great merits of the new Order and called his fathers and brothers “reformed Jesuits”. And with a noble gesture, Calasanz made him a sharer in all the merits of his Order.

After this first meeting, the relationship between Scioppio and the Fathers was very close, as can be seen from other documents. In a letter to Mary Magdalene, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, in which he recommends the Pious Schools that “must bear great fruit for the public”, Scioppio once again places himself at the service of the Piarist Fathers, declaring that he would never stop “helping them with his advice and suggesting how they can teach the Latin language and Christian doctrine with marvelous brevity and ease”[720].

720 Reg. Prov. 2o: Dom. Flor. The Latin version of the letter is found in Eph. Cal. X (1941) 135-136; the date of the letter is 20-3-1630, Milan.

In another letter of the same date, probably addressed to Father Francesco Castelli, Scioppio gives him special advice on the new grammar and the method to be used, with which the students will “gain much time”, as “they will master the language well in ten months”[721].

721 Parva Bibliotheca n. 10 (1934) p.30: «Rdo. Pe. Sig. mio osservatissimo. Ecco la lettera per l’Arciduchessa che spero sarà di qualche stima. Quanto al prezzo de’ Rudementi ho già scritto altre volte, che si vendessero come a V. P. piace, che io poi contenterò i Bidelli del mio. Non sarebbe male che V. P. facesse stampar li Paradigmi et le sentenze sole, per fargli comporre da quelli che cominciano a venire alle scuole, che come intenderanno la lingua latina potranno poi comprar li Rudimenti, ne deve loro rincrescer la spesa, poiché non hanno da comprar altri libri per imparar la lingua, et guadagneranno tanto tempo. Et di questo avevo io già scritto al P. Giovanni da Friburgo, che ne facesse stampar 500 esemplari. Pero avvertisco V. P. che sarà ben fatto di far al principio imparar li figliuoli le sentenze con declinar et conjugar i nomi e verbi, senza dettar loro i simplici, compositi e derivati. Perché così in quattro mesi potranno tener a mente le sentenze et sapranno declinare et conjugare. Il che fatto torneranno a imparar le sentenze et insieme scriveranno li semplici compositi e derivati. Et così in dieci mesi sapranno bene la lingua e potranno poi imparar le Regole della Sintaxi, et poi quelli versi de’ Nomi, e di Preteriti e Supini. Un Maestro qui lo pratica così con i suoi discepoli e dice che li riesce benissimo...» (Milano 20-3-1630).

According to Fr. Bartlik, Scioppio, in a printed work entitled Schola Christi, gave an extremely favorable judgment of the Pious Schools (Eph. Cal. X (1941] 136-137): «Opus ille typis mandavit sub titulo Schola Christi: Legitur ibi encomium Scholarum Piarum in haec verba:

Clericos regulares nec victu nec amictu ab aliis qui religiosi non sunt, facile quisque internoverit, exceptis illis qui pauperes Matris Dei dicuntur, Scholarum Piarum Magistri, quos Clericos Apostolicos merito appelles, quorum Ordo quasi 14 abhinc annis Romae institutus, cum ibi tum Neapoli, Genuae, Florentiae, aliisque in Italia Civitatibus ludos aperuit, in quibus nullo discrimine divitum pauperumque filii non modo pietatis christianae (etsi id praecipue) sed etiam prima litterarum elementa, id est legere ac scribere, tum aritmethicam, grammaticam, poeticam et rethoricam edocentur et ex scholis bis quotidie longo ordine binorum et binorum domum quisque suam a magistris deducuntur, omnique studio morum corruptelae antevertitur ... Huius Ordinis Clerici, praeter Oboedientiae castitatis et paupertatis quarto voto scholastici ministerii officium, in omnem aetatem Deo promittunt, ita ut nefas sit, seu palam seu occulte, sacerdotii honorem ambire, quem tamen ab ordinis moderatore delatum accipere necesse habent. Interea Deum, qui misericordiam, se non sacrificium velle testatur, incredibili labore in docendis pueris demereri satagunt. Hactenus ille».

The fruit of this treatment can be seen in the ever-increasing number of students and “Scioppian” Fathers who, throughout the various houses of the Order - from Florence to Rome, from Rome to Nikolsburg - were eager to learn and spread the new method, which, with its simplicity and brevity, seemed to greatly favor the interests of the poor. The promoter of the new orientation was Calasanz himself, who was the first to know the new system and had the first copies of the new grammar in his room[722].

722 Letter of Fr. Giulio Pietrangeli of St. Mary Magdalene, Moricone 9-11-29 (EHI p.1685): «...et se gli pare bene che introduchiamo il Scioppio potrà far la carità di commettere a qualchuno la cura di trovare un libraro costà che habbi corrispondenza in Milano et facci venire per adesso 50 di detti libri cioè Rudimenti per scolari, et un paio de grossi per maestri et subito venuti se manderanno li denari, et in tanto se S. P. vuole farci la carità di imprestarci uno di quelli che ha in camera per darne qui cognitione, ci sara molto caro...» Calasanz wrote from Rome (L.1731, Ep.V p.11): «...et se le cose riusciranno bene, manderò un altro ad insegnare la grammatica del Scioppio che in brevissimo tempo insegnerà la lingua latina et ne ho fatto far l’esperienza già in Roma, ho ordinato che si legga in Nicolsburgh et dove potrò, la farò praticare».

From Genoa, Fr. Hilarione Preterari, on 1-12-1629, wrote to Calasanz (EHI p.1714): «La Grammatica nuova del Scioppio va innanzi et habbiamo qui già cento scolari che la studiano con fervore et se avessimo sito, haveressimo scolari assai; che per non haver scole si mandano indietro».

From Nikolsburg, Bishop Gramay, rector of the seminary and protector of the Pious Schools, wrote to Calasanz as follows (EEC p.495; Nikolsburg 23-7-1631): «Oblitus fui superiori hebdomada rogare ut in cogitationem seriam admittat compendium addiscendi linguam spatio unius anni quod cum aliis operibus grammaticis Mediolani publicavit Scioppius sub nomine Paschasii Gorossipi, et Pres aliqui vestri asserunt Romae ab aliquibus dictam methodum practicatam et dictum librum perlectum. Quod si ita est et iudicatis in Scholis Vestris usurpari, imprimi curabimus tempestive, et foret haud dubie ingens operae pretium et Compendium Reipublicae utilissimum et toti mundo gratissimum. Sed in omni re nova opus est iudicio virorum intelligentium quod a Rma P. V. per primam occasionem inde exspectabo.» In another letter he told (EEC p.502); «Sententias Grossipi extra controversiam optimas, nostris typis evulgatas, proxima studiorum renovatione Iuventuti proponent Magistri cum Paradigmatis et compendiosa illa syntaxi, cetera tempus adiiciet.»

From the appendix of another document of Mons. Gramay (Monita quaedam virorum magnorum circa propagationem Scholarum Piarum: EEC p.515-516: Nikolsburg 1633) it can be deduced that Consultationes duae Gasparri Scioppi de ratione et compendio Studiorum were also printed in Nikolsburg, in the typography of the seminary.

To which we must also add a letter of Scioppio published by Prof. Camillo Gamba (art: cit., p.49): “P.S. Mitto simul epistulas Carpani Salmatiae, et P. Provincialis Scholarum Piarum (most probably by P. Castelli) de Grammaticae nostrae utilitatibus”.

From Florence, Fr. Giov. Domenico Romani wrote on 3-11-29 (EHI P:1802): «...siccome il medesimo Signor Scioppio mi disse quando per otto giorni fui appreso di sé, ad intender viva voce il modo di insegnar detta Grammatica quale spero col Signore comunicarla con tutto ciò subbito havuto il Placet di S. A., che di giorno in giorno lo stiamo aspettando.»

Cf. also PICANYOL, La Scuola dei Nobili p.15.

See also a letter of Fr. Castelli addressed to Fr. General from Genoa, but about a Florentine question, dated 10-11-1629. (EHI p.588): «V. P. potrà ancora avvisarmi il suo parere circa l’introduzione totale o partiale della Grammatica dello Scioppio, li cui Rudimenti gia stampati a Milano, e mandati da lui a Fiorenza ed a Genova riescono tanto cari cioè alti di prezzo parte per la solita natural ingordigia di quello stampatore e parte per haverci stampato insieme altre cose non necessarie oltre alle spesse delle gabelle e vetture che non haviamo voluto che li nostri scolari li comprino, finchè lo Scioppio o faccia calare il prezzo o ci lascia farli stampare a noi, come credo farà, se bene non ce lo può impedire per non haver il privilegio del Granduca»; and in another letter (EHI p.584; Genova 10-11-29): «Ho sentito gusto particolare dell’andata del P. Giov. Battista e di Francesco a Fiorenza che così potrà darsi miglior principio a quella Grammatica che si giudicherà meglio mediante detto Padre et il P. Giov. Dom. informatissimo di quella dello Scioppio».

See also another by the same on 8-12-29 (EHI p.596): «...ci sarà forse necessario il P. Giov. Dom.co ancorché non s’introducesse la grammatica dello Scioppio, come mi parebbe ben di introdurre, potendosi ciò far senza pericolo di Gesuiti, come già gli ho scritto, tuttavia V. P. alla risposta di questa potrà risolverlo.»

N.B.- On the close relationship between Scioppio and Campanella, see below.

It is true that the new grammar and the new method were not without their shortcomings. As it was based on the logical principles of the language, it was not always accessible to pupils[723], while Calasanz, on the other hand - as we have already seen - would have sought “the shortest and simplest way” to teach Latin. For this reason, after the first attempts with the new grammar, some fathers, with the help, support and encouragement of Calasanz himself, immediately endeavored to reduce it to a certain simplicity so that it would be more useful for use in the Pious Schools. Father Pedro Casani in particular worked in this direction and wanted to revise Scioppio’s grammar, for which he turned to the source itself, i.e. Sánchez’ grammar. And Calasanz did everything possible so that such an initiative could flourish[724].

723 For the value of Scioppio’s grammar, see K. BURIAN, Geschichte der Klass. Philologie in Deutschland (1883) p.283-287.

724 L.2162, Ep.V p.298-299: «La Grammatica Sanctiana stava costì, la faccia trovar in ogni modo che il P. Pietro pensa ridur quella del Scioppio a qualche facilità» (1633).

L.2167, Ep.V p.303: «Havemo ricevuta la grammatica Sanctiana et il P. Pietro fa una singolar fatica circa la grammatica dello Scioppio et vorrebbe un libro intitolato Minerva Sanctiana et si mandi in diverse parti per trovarla» (1633).

N.B.-The initiative to abandon Scioppio’s grammar could, apart from didactic considerations, also be motivated by the increasingly clear enmity between this polygraphist and the Jesuits.For we know that Scioppio began publishing his anti-Jesuit works in 1632 with the Actio Perduellionis in Iesuitas, S. Romani imperii hostes or Flagellum lesuiticum (cf. KOVALLEK, Forschungen 477; also Allgemeine Deutsche Biografie p.483), with which he became one of the Society’s most bitter opponents (Jesuitenlexikon col.1634). And many of these works were also officially condemned by the Church in various decrees (18-7-1634, 23-8-1634, 20-5-1645, etc.) (cf. the article by J. Mercier in Dict. Theol. Cath. t.14 col.1573). After all this, Calasanz must have felt compelled to abandon Scioppio. Perhaps this is why the decision was taken later (in the General Chapter of 1637) to prescribe the grammar and method of Fr. Manuel Álvarez: «Che generalmente in tutte le nostre scuole si usi la grammatica dell’Emmanuele, ne si ammette altro autore o modo di insegnare anche a persone particulari senza licenza del P. Generale» (Reg. Gen. IV; 30-10-1637).

On the grammar of Fr. Manuel Alvarez, S.I., (1526-1582), see SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus t. l c.223-248. The first edition of his De Grammaticae lnstitutione libri tres dates from 1572, followed by several complete or partial editions. The distribution of the three books is as follows: I. De etymologia. II. De syntaxi. III. De prosodia.

For the rest, the sources do not inform us of the fate of such an interesting enterprise. It is likely that some unforeseen obstacle did not allow it to be completed, or it was precisely the new initiative of the extremely intelligent and skillful Father John Francis Apa that overshadowed all other attempts[725]. Indeed, there is no doubt that in the eager search for a new grammar and a better method, Father Apa’s work and activity took precedence. He finally succeeded in doing what Father Casani had already conceived, and he used the more mature fruits of the grammars of Sánchez and Scioppio, but above all his experience and linguistic intuition, to finally compose “the grammar” that Calasanz wanted so much, codifying and proposing the new method[726].

725 Like the attempt of Father Castelli, who in 1636, in Florence, wanted the grammar of a certain Prior Vittori to be introduced. See letter of Father Castelli to Father General, (EHI p.6I0-611; Firenze 21-6-1636): «...potria mandare P. Giuseppe per tentare la pratica del nuovo e breve modo d’insegnar la grammatica del Sig. Prior Vittori con il suo indirizzo finora riuscito mirabile ad un Prete da lui indirizzato et hora lo seguita in Bologna in un Collegio con gran’ applauso de questi Signori tutti tra quali v’ne sono di casa Medici, Strozzi, Rocellai, e altri primi desiderano questa prova e parmi un gran guadagno per il nostro Istituto, se riesce come pretendono, e che quasi siamo obbligati in coscienza ad applicarci per beneficio de’ nostri poveri scolari.»

726 Fr. Giovan. Francesco di Gesù, known in the world as Charles Apa, was born in 1612 and received the Piarist habit in Naples in 1627. Two years later he took his solemn vows in Rome. He completed his studies in Rome and Narni, where he remained from 1631 to 1635. In this year he went to Florence, where he taught grammar with great success. In this city, he founded the so-called School of the Nobles in 1638 and was its rector from 1643 to 1646. He remained in Florence, with a very brief interruption at the end of 1641, until 1646, when he moved to Naples. While still in Florence, he began his literary activity and collected the fruits of his didactic experience in two books. In 1635 he wrote De ratione dicendi libri sex (which has been preserved in manuscript) and in 1643 he printed I Principij della lingua latina in Rome. In Naples, even if he had to suffer a lot because of the persecutions caused by the opponents of Calasanz, he continued with his priestly, educational and literary activities. Stricken by the plague, he died in Posillipo in 1656 (regarding the life of Fr. Apa, cf. PICANYOL, Scuola dei Nobili p.12-24 and Fr. T. GARRIDO, P. Ioannes Apa 1612-1656: Eph. Cal. IV [1935] 13-14). The list of his printed and manuscript works with the respective information is provided by Father Picanyol (pp. 24-26). We will content ourselves here with the titles and the indispensable bibliographical indications:

1. I Principij della lingua latina praticati in Firenze nell’Accademia degli Sviluppati. Roma preso Domenico Marciani. MDCXXXXIII.

2. Teatro della latinità, nel quale praticamente si tratta con ogni facilita della Natura, e Costruttione dell’otto parti dell’Oratione latina, composto dal P. Gio. Francesco di Gesù, Sacerdote de Padri Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie. Napoli, per il Gaffaro, 1655. Con licenza de Superiori.

3. Centuria di esempi notabili di alcuni Fanciulli e Giovani, divisa in dieci distinzioni secondo l’ordine de dieci Precetti della Divina Legge, raccolti da vari e gravi autori, dal P. Giov. Francesco di Gesù, Sacerdote de’ Chierici Regolari Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie. Napoli, per il Gaffaro, 1656.

5. I Sagri trofei de’ Fanciulli. Roma 1660, per Francesco Cavalli.

6. Two Latin letters addressed to Fr. Carlos Mazzei, published in Selectae Latinitatis epistolarium, edited in 1937.

Add to the preceding list the news of the Elenco Bibliografico of Fr. JOSE FONT: Parv. Bibl. Cal. 3 p. 15; 18 p. 11; 12 p. 13; 10 p. 13.

Apa’s new method is clearly and masterfully presented in his two grammars: one, I principij della lingua latina, written in Latin and intended especially for the use of teachers; the other, Teatro della latinità, in Italian and intended especially for the use of students. The newness of the method consists, above all, in its brevity and simplicity (cf. the dedication of Reggenti dell’Accademia degli Sviluppati, made to Calasanz [PICANYOL, La scuola dei nobili p.20]: «...notabile agevolezza con segnalata brevità gustosamente ottenute.» See also introduction to Teatro della Latinità [o.c., s.p.]: «Quante nuove cognizioni poi e quante cose non insegnate ancora da alcun grammatico e con quanta facilità sieno dette, le lascio volontieri al disappassionato giudizio del lettore.» See also the author’s introduction addressed «to the discreet teacher, in I principij [s.p.]: «...per dirizzare i principianti della lingua latina con la maggior facilità possibile), adapted to the capacity of the disciples and to the usefulness of the poor. Cf. introduction of I principij: «Questa grammatica e stata fatta, perché i Maestri abbiano tutta la materia ben ordinata, e possano secondo il loro giudizio adattarsi alla capacità de Principianti o Introdotti; resecando sempre certa squisitezza di dottrina, e certa singolarità di erudizione, come mere vanità, quando si trata de Principianti, che sono per lo più di poca età, e se sono più innanzzi con gli anni, hanno anche maggior voglia di spedirsi, e maggiormente quando si gode felicità di Maestri più zelanti del bene degli scolari, che vaghi di far pomposa mostra del loro sapere».

To the author’s effort to adapt to the ability of the children should also be attributed that provision of his which prescribes that, in assigning written works to the beginner, «sarebbe utile, secondo l’uso desse il Maestro il dettato agiustato da lui conforme al particolar bisogno loro» (intr. of I Principii, «To discreet teacher» s.p.). Another value of the new grammar and method is the practicality of its use; according to Fr. Apa, it is not necessary to put long and abstract treatises before each part of morphology or syntax.: «è assai aprir l’intellecto cosa per cosa, e da principio grossamente, massime quando mancano gli anni, come a giovanetti, o fugge il tempo como a Poveretti» (ibid.). Always in this practical spirit, Fr. Apa also wanted each part of morphology and syntax to be immediately accompanied by the respective exercises, so that the practice would make the theory better understood and the theory would guide the practice, and thus the students, instead of “sbigottire”, would be “inanimati dall’esercizio”. It is convenient to do all this because “certa puntualità e ragione meglio si mostra e si riconosce quando già se ne fa la practica” (ibid.). This tendency of the author towards the practical aspect made him intuit a very important principle in the teaching of languages; that is, that it is necessary to follow in its didactics, without so much philosophizing, the path indicated by nature itself in the learning of the mother tongue. (cf. «To discreet teacher»: «L’imparar le lingue consiste nell’apprendere bene con i Vocaboli la loro propria significazione, et il modo di bene e regolarmente usarli, non nel filosofare sopra della natura e differenze loro, che tocca ad altri. Dovrebbe pregiarsi il Grammatico come di suo particolare onore, d’imitare l’operazione del Grande Iddio, la cui benignità fa condurre le sue più amate creature a parlare, e parlar bene, prima che sappiano, che cosa sia parlare, come si faccia a parlare, e che cose sieno le parole ò suoni anche, di chi elle si formino; e questo solo dovrebbe quietare ogni diverso senso, che con tante vanità fa prevaricare molti maestri, i quali non si ricordano che non v’è maggior ragione di differenza, che la loro troppa accuratezza, tra l’imparare le lingue morte, e le viventi, e se pur conviene delle parti dell’orazione saper l’uso e la Natura, e l’uno e l’altra debbe pure insegnarsi dal Grammatico, debbe si bene nella speculazione la Natura precedere all’uso, ma questo nella pratica debbe a quella anteporsi, acciò nel volersi mostrare i maestri più dotti, non si rendano men dotti gli scolari, cui troppo teneri o troppo duri cervelli facilmente si confondono, e confusi presto si sbigottiscono»).

A very important innovation in his method is that he wrote this grammar -- “all’uso dei fanciulli Italiani” -- in Italian, so that it is easier to understand and at the same time certain references can be made to various peculiarities of the Italian language. This was an important innovation at a time when all current grammars were written in Latin and had a scientific and international character with their abstract treatises, without taking into account the special relationships that Latin could have with the national language. Such grammars were difficult and harmful to the national language itself, while being too far removed from practical reality. (cf. Teatro della latinità pref. s.p.: «Mi accinsi dunque alla fatica e il mio primo pensiero fu di scrivere questi precetti nella nostra Italiana favella: già che come ne dimostrano i Filosofi, dalla preesistente cognitione si sormonta alla scienza; e i fanciulli dalla lingua da loro intesa agevolmente possono venire alla cognitione della lingua che non intendono, senza che alune proprietà e idiotismi del parlare latino giammai si possono da’ Giovinetti bene apprendere, se non gli vien mostrato il simile nella loro lingua materna. Non però sono da biasimarsi coloro, che hanno scritto in latino i medessimi precetti latini: posciache volendo essi dar le regole, che servissero universalmente a qualsivoglia natione, hanno voluto scrivere nella favella latina, che da per tutto e intesa, rimettendo poi alla prudenza de Maestri esplicarle a suoi discepoli nella loro propria lingua. Ma a me è bastato comporre questo Teatro per i Fanciulli italiani, e per le già addotte ragioni, e a fin che, quando non hanno la viva voce del Maestro, non abbiano da affaticarsi doppiamente, prima nell’intender le parole, e poi nel capire il precetto; che se poi qu’ che Italiani non sono, vorranno di queste regole servirsi, non sarà troppo dificile, massime ai nostri Maestri il tradurle nella lingua, che a ciascuno piacerà, inserendovi le proprietà della lingua materna corrispondenti agli idiotismi latini»).

Moreover, in all of Father Apa’s works, his meticulous attention to everything concerning the vulgar language, its peculiarities and its laws is remarkable. Perhaps it is no exaggeration to say that, among the many grammarians of his time, he penetrated more than anyone else into the spirit, nature and essence of the language, recognizing phenomena and laws that only later centuries could adequately see and appreciate. Moreover, perhaps no one recognized better than he how important good dictionaries are for the effective teaching of Latin. He advocated the idea of creating a small dictionary for schoolchildren, tailored to their specific needs. The large dictionaries in use at the time were a source of confusion for pupils..,«onde -says Fr. Apa- sarebbe molto meglio fatto per i Principianti formare per l’una e per l’altra lingua uno stretto stretto, avvertendo non solo di apportare le significationi, ma anche ne’Verbi il riscontro dalla medesima costruzione, e di distinguere i Propri da’Traslati che cosi sarebbe levata agli studenti l’occasione di molti errori, che non solo nel principio, ma nel progresso anche poi de’loro studi gli fanno spropositare nell’una e nell’altra lingua».

Another innovation in his grammar is what we would call the global, synthetic method. He did not want students to get lost in the dark jungle of countless rules, but wanted them to see the whole as quickly as possible, even if it was reduced to the necessary minimum. Once the student has internalized this, over the years, with the necessary gradation from the least to the most difficult, he will be able to add new knowledge to what he has already internalized. In this way, his knowledge will not be mechanical, a useless and enervating effort of memory, but organic and alive, where the different parts he has already learned spontaneously demand their complete integration. At the service of this method is the entire structure of his grammar, which does not disdain the help of the printing press, using large type alternating with smaller ones (cf. preface to the Teatro della Latinità s. p.: «Sono poi divisi questi precetti in tre parti: nella prima solamente si esplicano quelle cose, che possono servire per i fanciulli; i quali si cominciano a introdurre la prima volta nella grammatica, e queste sono stampate con carattere maggiore; nella seconda si mettono quei verbi, e quelle osservationi, che hanno un po’più del difficile, e possono insegnarsi ai Giovinetti, ai quali si vanno ripetendo le regole già passate, che da me si chiamano della seconda classe: finalmente nella terza si dichiarano varie costruzioni de’ versi, e l’osservationi più alte, che si possono esplicare a gli scolari che già sono pratici delle regole passate, quali da me sono chiamati della prima classe»).

To conclude our analysis, we can add that the entire grammar is simple and clear and meets all the requirements of a modern textbook. It should be noted that Father Apa, although modern in spirit and orientation, did not follow the method of some grammarians of his time who, like Scioppio and Comenius, used examples written by themselves for the exercises, but considered that only selected passages from classical authors can have exemplary and teaching value. Cf. preface to the Teatro della latinità s.p. “Non ho voluto similmente si nelle regole e precetti come nelle osservationi asserir cosa alcuna senza l’autorità degli scrittori della lingua latina: che per il dar precetti in Grammatica senza provargli con l’Autoritá di coloro che scrissero quando fioriva la lingua, o non aveva perduta ancora la sua vaghezza è un voler dar nel Pitagorico: ipse dixit”. He thinks not only of the matter to be explained, but also of the way to explain it well, according to well-considered didactic criteria, while other grammarians of his time are far from even thinking of such criteria. All in all, we can say that this is the first textbook (apart from the Catechism of Calasanz) written by a Piarist and for the use of students of the Pious Schools. This first method advocated by him admirably represents the new pedagogical orientation introduced by the Pious Schools, due to its brevity and clarity, its simplicity, ease and practicality, its didactic character par excellence, its sober and at the same time modern spirit.

The judgment of contemporaries on the grammar and method is well known from the dedication of “I Principii” by “I Reggenti dell’Accademia degli Sviluppati” to Calasanz, which we quote here in full: «Reverendissimo Padre Giuseppe, Fondatore dell’Instituto delle Scuole Pie, e Generale de’ Poveri della Madre di Dio. Nell’lnstituzione di quei Nobili giovanetti, i quali noi già desiderammo, e ottenemmo da V. P. Reverendissima, che qui in Firenze fossero ammaestrati da’Padri della sua Religione, è stata così felice l’esperienza, più anni continuata, di questo modo di insegnare li Principii della Lingua Latina, che per confermare pubblicamente la notabile agevolezza con segnalata brevità gustosamente ottenutane, non solo abbiamo da questa Nostra Accademia per sempre esclusa ogni altra sorte d’introduzione, ma vogliamo per divulgare di questa maggiormente la nostra attestazione (se così piace a Lei) farci Autori noi della pubblicazione di essa; acciocché chiunque possa aver felicità di Maestri che la sappiano maneggiare, possa anche goderne il beneficio che è riuscito ritrarne a noi; i quali abbiamo ammirato, come speditamente sotto questa disciplina tenuta del P. Gio. Francesco de Giesù, e dagli altri Padri di suo aiuto, molte della prima Nobilità di questa Patria abbiano imparato la lingua senza quel tedio, et fatica, che debilitando, e straccando i loro teneri ingegni gli avrebbe infastiditi degli studi; e con danno della sanità avrebbe tolto del tempo loro migliore tanti anni male consumati, che bene spesi potessero arricchirgli di più altre belle notizie, per farli più anticipatamente comparire tra pari loro, corredati da ornamenti assai più nobili dell’infinite noiose grammaticali osservazioni.

Per questo, come di cosa originata, e accreditata nell’opera santa del suo Istituto, ce ne facciamo con Lei medesima questo onore, che hora possiamo maggiore; nulla curando l’ostinazione, nè l’opposizione di chi troppo amando le vie vecchie si mostri ingrato a chi accorciando il cammino, per nuovi sentieri si affana di presto condurre l’età tanto meritevole di compassione, quanta bisognosa di aiuto al l’acquisto del sapere, e al possesso di onore.

Dio prosperi V. P. Reverendissima, e feliciti le fatiche di tutti i suoi, concedendo tanto buono, e veloce il progresso a questi buoni Principii, quanto noi ne abbiamo consegnato buono, e presto il fine. E con tal desiderio le facciamo affettuosa riverenza. Di Firenze il dì dell’Epifania del Nostro Signore Giesù Christo del 1643.

Di V. P. Reverendissima Veri e Dev.mi Servi, I Reggenti dell’Accademia degli Sviluppati».

Regarding the judgment of posterity, it is instructive to read Fr. Caputi’s report on the Teatro della latinità (o.c., p.1a fol.12v): «La grammatica poi la stampò il P. Giovanni povero in Napoli l’anno 1655 che fu abbracciata da tutta l’Europa. Et io trovandomi in Roma, mi fu chiesto da molte parti che le provvedessi come feci più volte, poi l’anno 1671, la cercava un Cavaliere per la facilità grande [che] haveva inteso che vi era nell’insegnarla ai suoi figliuoli, ne trovò una per disgrazia ad un libraro, la volle ad ogni modo, e la fece pagar un zecchino, e da questo motivo il P. Carlo Giovanni di Giesù provinciale delle Scuole Pie nel regno di Napoli volendo porre in esecuzione un Decreto del Capitolo Provinciale dell’anno 1670 che nelle nostre scuole della Provincia s’insegnasse la grammatica del P. Giovanni Francesco di Giesù: la fece ristampare di nuovo l’anno 1672 e dedicarla al Sig. Nicolò Giudice, Principe di Calamina e Cossiero Maggiore di Sua Maestà». Regarding the decree of the Provincial Chapter, which was in 1658 and not in 1670, see Eph. Cal; VIII [1939] 142: «Die 15 octobris habita est Congregatio, in qua dictum est Theatrum Linguae Latinae [originale corrumptum habetur] a P. loanne Francisco a Iesu Sacerdote nostrae congregationis eruditissimo ... librum facilem perfectumque grammaticae eruditionis magno ... compositum esse. Ideo ne in oblivionem abeat, et studiosa iuventus tanta utilitate privetur, praecipitur omnibus et singulis Scholarum Piarum in Provincia Neapolitana Magistris, ut perpetuis futuris temporibus eo ad puerorum eruditionem utantur, quod ut in reliquarum Provinciarum Scholis Piis peragendum arbitrio Revmi. P. Generalis eiusque adm. RR. Assistentium prudentiae ... submittimus [E. Reg. Prov., in Tabulario Generali]. A similar praise is done by Fr. Caputi about I principii (t. l p.1a fol.11): «Questo compose una Grammatica in Fiorenza e praticata per molti anni della quale fece gran profitto nelli scolari e chiese licenza al P. Fundatore per darla alla stampe, il quale vi rispose che una in Roma al Capitolo Generale porti seco».

In this erudite work, so important for the history of Latin teaching in Italy, he was encouraged and generously and prudently supported in every way by Calasanz himself, who, as we have already seen, was very competent in this matter. Various letters from him bear witness to this paternal and pedagogical interest[727].

727 In the year 1638 he writes like this (L.2949, Ep.VI p.407): «Se verrà il P. Giov. Francesco haverò caro che venga per intendere il modo della grammatica che egli insegna» (2-11-1638). In 1641, before the General Chapter (L.3572, Ep.VII p.345): «Haverò caro che V.R. si trovi in Roma al tempo del Cap. Provinciale [cf. PICANYOL, La Scuola dei Nobili p.17, which states that the word Provinciale was written in error instead of Generale.] et porti seco la grammatica scritta bene acciò qui si pigli resolutione circa il modo della stampa si che in ogni modo la grammatica venga a Roma» (22-3-1641).

In July 1642 (L.4021, Ep.VIII p.145): «Ho visto quanto la V. R. mi scrive circa la grammatica che dice essersi finita d’accomodare et che ha mandata una parte al P. Mario, la quale egli dice non haver ricevuto. Io ho molto caro che sia approvata da huomini molto intelligenti et che a suo tempo sia stampata a utilità commune, e dopo haverla vista si darà il consenso di stamparla come ho communicato con li PP. Assistenti. Il titolo non pare che si deva dare a nessuno della nostra Religione, perché, se bene fusse cosa eccellente come essere Religione tanto disprezzata la nostra non mancaranno emuli per scriverle contro per avvilire di più la nostra Religione, non mancarà di cavarla in luce sotto qualche nome e titolo conveniente.»

In August of the same year (L.4028, Ep.VIII p.148): «Ho visto quanto V. R. mi scrive circa la grammatica dicendo che delle tre parti della grammatica due sono per li maestri et l’altra per li scolari et essendo così mi parrebbe necessario che si stampassero a parte cioè quello che appartiene alli scolari fusse a parte et quello che appartiene alli maestri da parte parimente. Il P. Pietro Assistente ne ha vista una parte et scriverà il suo sentimento et procurarò che sia vista quanto prima acciò si possa far resolutione necessaria ad utilità commune di Poveri» (29-8-1642).

From every line of the great Master speaks a holy restlessness, an eagerness to finally find the new, short and simple grammar that can serve “to help the poor little ones who cannot spend many years studying the Latin language”[728] and which “in a short time will raise the students to a greater intelligence than the other grammars”[729].

728 L.3769 Ep.VII p.454-455.

729 L.3058 Ep.VII p.54.

Thus, as soon as he saw the first comforting assurances that the desired grammar had finally been found, he did not hesitate to order his fathers and clerics to devote themselves eagerly to the new studies in order to fulfill the great hope that all the poor had placed in the Religion of the Poor of the Mother of God[730]. In Florence and Naples in particular, he insisted that such studies be opened under the competent direction of Father Apa[731], who went to Naples for a short time in the fall of 1641 for this purpose.

730 L.4021, Ep.VIII p.148: «Et per il desiderio grande che io ho havuto fin da principio di trovare un modo breve e facile quanto fosse possibile per insegnar la lingua latina, ordinai a V. R. insegnasse questo modo a tre o quattro de nostri Padri per util della nostra Religione» (19-7-1642).

731 To Florence, L.2927, Ep.VI p.390. (28-8-1638): «Quanto a P. Giov. Francesco [Apa] essendo l’impresa pubblica, la quale può riportare come si spera honore ad esso, e reputatione alla religione io sono di parere che egli perseveri per tre anni in detto essercitio nel quale tempo si vederà il frutto perfetto nelli squolari, et insieme potranno alcuni de’nostri imparare quel modo di insegnare non solo nella scuola, ma ancora in camera, dove vi potranno andare quattro o cinque chierici e sacerdoti per imparare quel modo.» See also L.3058, Ep.VII p.54: «Haverei caro che in cotesta casa [Florence] dove sono sacerdoti e chierici assai si trovassero alcuni atti per la grammatica nuova, se pero è tale che in poco tempo conduca li squolari a maggiore intelligenza che l’altre grammatiche; potranno fare l’esperienza di quelli che pareranno più a proposito.»

In reference to Naples, L.3759, Ep.VII p.449 (1-11-1641): «Al P. Provinciale di Napoli: Quanto al P. Giov. Francesco io l’ho mandato costì per questo fine che egli insegni quella grammatica che ha insegnato a Firenze a tre o quattro de Nostri, i quali saranno il P. Evangelista, il P. Francesco di tutti li Santi, P. Carlo di S. Ignazio, che siano o chierici o sacerdoti che possino la mattina o sera finite le scuole imparare con humiltà la detta grammatica et se non potranno essere quattro siano tre et non due perciò che voglio veder in ogni modo quanto prima se questa grammatica è a proposito il che detto Pre. Gio. Francesco ha insegnato in Firenze e per questo rispetto l’ho levato di Firenze e fatto venire costì.»

See also L.3769, Ep.VII p. 454-455 (16-11-1641): «Ho lettere dal P. Provinciale di Napoli che il P. Giovanni Francesco ha cominciato ad insegnare la grammatica nuova a quattro di Nostri acciocché riuscendo facile et utile serva nella nostra Religione per aiuto di Poveretti, i quali non possono trattenersi molti anni nello studio della lingua latina et tra pochi mesi haverò nuova come riuscì questo essercitio.»

Cf. also the following letter, addressed to Calasanz by Fr. Bernardino Chiocchetti, Naples 5-11-1641 (EHI p.682): «Il P. Giov. Francesco oggi darà principio ad insegnar in questa casa, dello Spirito Santo la sua Grammatica a quattro de’nostri che saranno il P. Giov. Luca Ministro, il P. Pier Luca, il P. Giuseppe di Giesù, il P. Francesco di tutti li Santi et il frel Giuseppe della Concettione che me ne ha richiesto, e tutti questi sono di famiglia in questa casa.»

In Naples, however, the usual difficulties of the new Pious Schools were encountered: The designated teachers had the necessary good will to study, but not the necessary time; for the clerics also had to teach. In this sense, the letters that Father Apa wrote to Father General[732] show how eagerly - despite everything else - those interested devoted themselves to studying the new grammar. The letter from one of the Fathers who became students shows this admirably[733].

732 Fr. Apa’s letter to Fr. General, Nápoles 2-11-41 (EHI p.93): «Le scriverò ancora circa lo studio, il quale sarebbe facile a riuscir qua, ogni volta che V. P. si compiacesse di mandarvi soggetti, i quali non avessero da far scuola perché potrebbero imparare da me, così come so, non solo la grammatica, umanità e rettorica, ma ancora qualche cosa di lingua greca e di filosofia e Dio non mi vuol far degno di questo nella Religione; la grammatica qui piace universalmente ai nostri e a quei di fuori e credo che farà qualche cosa in questa Provincia con l’aiuto di Dio, purché V. P. ne voglia pigliare la protezione,» See also another one on 27-11-1641 (EHI p.98): «Circa il fare un soggeto buono per la grammatica nuova, qua si fa quanto può, ma poco possono i studenti, i quali a pena hanno tempo di poter dire l’ufficio, non che attendere a questa grammatica et altro studio, che vorrebbero per un mezzo anno almeno un’huomo tutto; se qui fossero persone, non mancherebbe occasione di farne non uno, ma molti, del che ognuno di questa casa può esser chiaro testimonio. Niente di meno si farà ogni sforzo acciò V. R. sia servita et da tanta penuria di soggetti e di tempo si caverà qualche cosa, se piacerà a Dio benedetto.» Cf. also another on 30-11-1641 (EHI p.99): «Circa i nostri che imparano la nuova grammatica, fanno quanto possono, e si approfittano assai, ma la scuola, che essi fanno, l’occupa assai, si che non possono attendervi di proposito: nulla di meno quanto prima si vedrà chiaramente il loro profitto, perché appena sono due settimane che si è cominciato.»

733 Letter of Fr. Pier Luca Battaglione to Fr. General, 23-11-1641 (EHI p.190): «Di già ho scritto la metà della grammatica del P. Giov. Francesco e procuro ancora insegnarla non mancando pero dalla lettione quotidiana dell’Emmanuele.»

In connection with the search for a new grammar and a new method, which was pursued with so much interest in the Pious Schools, we can also mention, in addition to the grammar introduced with so much success and benefit by Father Apa, another initiative of the same order, which came from Father Joseph Valuta, a famous Latinist from the time of Calasanz[734].

734 Cf. CAPUTI, o.c., t.l fol.12: «Giuseppe Valuta di S. Tomaso d’Aquino: Tomaso Valuta che veramente nell’arti liberali è un tesoro di scienza e principe della poesia, il quale faceva così presto li versi retrogradi che faceva stupire per la prestezza e la velocità dell’ingegno, ha stampato ed ancora stampa molte opere spirituali con meravigliosa maniera nell’inversioni e piacevole maniera che sa rappresentar al vivo quel che si dice.»

This Father, during his stay in Cagliari, encouraged by his students and the public, decided to write a grammar that would be “less verbose” and “easy, for the greater benefit and erudition of the students”. He was also supported by the Generalate, and his grammar was revised and corrected by Calasanz himself[735]. However, we do not know where this initiative ended in those turbulent times of the Order, which was deprived of its Head and Founder. It is enough for us to take note of it now, as a new sign and a valuable and eloquent document of the intellectual and pedagogical vitality of the Order, which was one hundred percent dedicated to the holy cause of the poor.

735 Letter of Fr. Pier Francesco Salazar Maldonado of the Mother of God, from Cagliari, addressed to Frs. Assistants, 29-7-1643 (EPC p.2270): «...Havendo voluto la citta di Cagliari che detto Padre [Il P. Giuseppe Valuta] componesse una grammatica meno prolissa di quella che qui si usa, lui have obedito e l’have composta et sta hora per farci stampare in Roma et approvata e lodata dal P. Francesco dell’Annuntiata con qualche riforma del nostro P. Generale, per lo che giudico anco sarebbe servitio di Dio.»

Cf. Also a letter written in Spanish on l8 January 1643 (EHI p.466-467), in which the councillors of Cagliari ask permission to print the grammar of G. Valuta, «una breve y fácil gramática por el mayor beneficio y lucimiento de los hijos». See also L.4089, Ep.VIII p.185-186.

The immediate object of study, the favorite authors

We do not have a catalog of the library of San Pantaleo, the central seat of classical studies, dating back to the time of Calasanz. Such a catalog could show us with even greater precision what was the most decisive objective of Latin studies, which were the preferred classical authors, which manuals of rhetoric and poetics, dictionaries and commentaries were preferred by our students. In the absence of the catalog of San Pantaleo, the contemporary catalogs of the other surviving libraries can provide us with suitable information[736].

736 For this purpose: the catalog of the library of Fanano, from 1625 (Reg. Prov. XX: Fanano^6); the catalog of Narni, 1635 (Reg. Prov. XLII 21), and the catalog of Frascati, 1637 (Reg. Prov. XXXIII 25).

As far as the study of grammar is concerned, we have already seen the general orientation: the grammars of Father Alvarez[737], Scioppio[738], Sánchez[739], Father Apa[740], constituted the most concrete target of our students’ work. Later, in the eagerness to find the new grammar and the best method, the grammars of Donato[741], Prisciano[742], Despauterio[743], Nebrija[744] and Scaligero[745] were studied or at least consulted with attention and diligence.

737 Cf. n.724.

738 Cf. n.719 ss.

739 Cf. n.715 and 719.

740 Cf. n.725 ss.

741 Elio Donato was a famous grammarian of the 4th century. His Ars grammatica had two editions: Ars maior and Ars minor. It was the grammar of choice throughout the Middle Ages.

742 Priscianus was a grammarian of VI century; he wrote Institutiones grammaticae.

743 Despauterius (Johannes Spenter, de Spauter o de Spouter; died in 1520) was a famous Belgian grammarian; he wrote Rudimenta seu Introductionum in Grammaticam opusculum (Anvers, Adrien van den Berghen, 1515) and the Syntaxis (1509); the first edition is lost; the second edition is from Strasbourg, 1515. Cf. Bibliographie Nationale publiée par l ‘Académie Royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux Arts de Belgique (Bruxelles 1921-1924) col.305-312.

744 Elio Antonio de Nebrija (Aelius Antonius Nebrissensis, Lebrija or Martínez de Jarava; 1444-1532) was a famous Spanish grammarian, professor at the Universities of Seville, Salamanca and Alcalá. He wrote the Institutiones Grammaticae, first printed in 1481. Cf. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-americana t. 37 p.1477.

745 Giulio Cesare Scaligero, physician, naturalist and critic (born in 1484), with his book De causis linguae latinae libri tredecim (Liane 1540) made the first attempt at a scientific Latin grammar. Cf. Enciclopedia ltaliana vol.30 p.1000. Cf. Narni’s catalog (Reg. Prov. 4221). Grammars: Remni Palemonis tom.2. Grammatica Despauteriana. Comment. Emmanuelis Alvari. Scaliger: De Causis linguae latinae. Grammatica Emmanuelis Alvari. Grammatica Nebrissensis. Grammatica Priscianensis. Christophori Sassi Grammatica. Pascasii Grossipi Grammatica. Donati Grammatica. Aldi Manutii Orthographia, etc.

More or less the same grammars also appear in Frascati’s catalog.

See also Reg. Cal. XIII 43: Processus ob furtum, 1631. Martio mense, p.44: «P. Thomas a S. Domenico: Comprai ancora un libro di grammatica in lingua spagnuola et francese con licenza del P. Generale, al quale mi pare anco che facessi vedere detto libro.»

As for the study of classical authors, we can generally say that those who were to be expounded in the schools were the most cultivated, i.e. Cicero, Virgil, Horace, Valerius Maximus, Livy, Sallust, Q. Curtius, Seneca, Martial[746], Ovid[747].

746 Regarding Seneca and Martial see the letter of Fr. Gian Francesco Bafici addressed to Fr. General from Strassnitz on December 6, 1636, in which he asks for the house of studies in that city «…un Calepino, le Orationi di Cicerone, Valerio Massimo, le tragedie di Seneca e gli epigrammi di Marziale» (EEC p.60-61).

747 This list of authors practically coincides with that of the Ratio Studiorum pro religiosis nostris, approved in 1718. Cf. Constitutiones ... accedunt Regulae Communes (Roma 1826) p.291-292 c.14 «De libris auctorum in singulis classibus explicandis»:

«In classe Rhetoricae

Praecepta de Arte Rhetorica alicuius Auctoris, qui de ea brevi, et facili methodo scripserit, explicabuntur. Item aliqua Oratio M. Tullii Ciceronis ut pro lege Manilia, pro Archia Poeta, etc.

Item eiusdem vel Laelius de Amicita, vel Cato Maior, vel De Officiis.

Item Historicus aliquis ut Sallustius, vel Livius, vel Qu. Curtius, aut alius quispiam, qui latinurn stylum puriorem habeat.

Item aliquis liber Odarum Horatii, Virgilii, et aliqua ex Tragoediis Lucii Annaei Senecae.

In classe Humanitatis

Explicetur Cicero de Officiis, vel de Amicitia.

Item Aliquis Historicus, ut Quintus Curtius, aut Sallustius.

Item Prosodia, et libellus de Arte Poetica Horatii, aut eiusdem liber aliquis Odarum.

Martialis epigrammatum expurgatus.

Virgilii Aeneidos liber quispiam.

Explicentur Figurae et Tropi, necnon Progymnasmata tradantur.

Item aliquod exercitium Linguae Graecae.

In suprema classe Grammatices

Syntaxis Grammaticae cum Appendicibus.

Item epistolae familiares M. Tullii Ciceronis, vel Laelius de Amicitia, et Exempla Valerii Maximi.

Item Virgilii Eglogae, vel Georgica, aut P. Ovidii de Ponto.

Item aliqua facilia praeccpta de conscribendis Epistolis tradantur.

In media classe Grammatices

Tradantur praecepta de Generibus Nominum.

De Verborum praeteritis et Supinis.

De prima Syntaxi absque Appendicibus.

Item Epistolae selectae M. T. Ciceronis, et P. Ovidii de Tristibus. Ludovicus Vives.

In infima classe Grammatices

(Non traduntur auctores.)

But Gellius and Apuleius, the poets Catullus, Tibullus and Propertius, the satirists Petronius Arbiter and Juvenal, the epic Statius, the historians such as Caesar, Tacitus and Suetonius, the comedy writers Plautus and Terence, the rhetorician Quintilian and the Christian poets Prudentius and Fulgentius were also well known and eagerly studied. The most important authors also had their commentaries[748].

748 For all these authors see the catalogs of Narni, Frascati and Fanano, and for the commentaries see particularly that of Narni (Reg. Prov. 4221).

As for the study of rhetoric and poetics, according to the catalogs, a remarkable number of different manuals were available to our students[749], and the same applies to the dictionaries[750].

749 Particularly rich in works of rhetoric is the catalog of Narni (Reg. Prov. 4221), not inferior to that of Frascati (Reg. Prov. 33,25), which also cites many treatises on poetics.

750 Particularly rich in dictionaries is Narni’s catalog (Reg. Prov. 4221), where, among others, there are the dictionaries of Calepino (Ambrogio Calepino [1440-1510], Augustinian; the first edition of his Latin dictionary dates from 1502) and those of the Etienne brothers (ROBERTO STEPHANUS, Thesaurus linguae latinae [1531-1543] and ENRICO STEPHANUS, Thesaurus linguae graecae (1572]). To what extent the saintly Founder was interested in this matter can be deduced from the fact that among his personal notes (Reg. Cal. XII 113) the following indication was found: Thesaurus Linguae Latinae sive Forum Romanum, Argentorati, apud Lazarum Zetznerum Bibliopolam». (A previous edition of this Thesaurus was Thesaurus linguae latinae sive forum Romanum omnium Latini sermonis authorum tum verba tum loquendi modos pulcherrime explicans, Basileae, Frobemius, 1576.)

If we want to summarize what we have said so far about the study of Latin by the Calasanzian educator, in the light of the documents cited, we could claim that he was serious and methodical both in terms of the regular study of grammar, rhetoric and poetics and in terms of the search for the best, most modern, clearest, simplest and most useful method for teaching Latin. Perhaps the - often painful - circumstances of the moment did not always allow the full realization of the plans of the Founder and the wishes of the subjects; but it is nevertheless impossible not to notice and observe everywhere, among superiors and subjects, a sincere and apostolic pedagogical zeal, “qui nescit tarda molimina”, which studies, searches and experiments. And in the midst of this zeal, he is - almost unconsciously - an effective promoter of the didactics of Latin teaching, for it is impossible not to see everywhere his vital energy, his undeniable competence, his brilliant intuition and his orderly charity. The great Pedagogue is a friend of the sciences, yes, but even more a friend of letters. President of the Academy of clerics, teacher of teachers, corrector of the grammars and promoter of those of Father Apa, procurer of the books necessary for the study, he is truly the spiritus motor of all these activities for the study of the Latin language and for the search for the best method for its teaching.

Famous Latinists among the first collaborators of St. Joseph Calasanz

And we cannot conclude this section without at least mentioning the happy fruit of these studies: the not inconsiderable number of illustrious Latinists who made the Pious Schools of Calasanz shine with no small splendor. The main aim of the classical studies pursued by our students was certainly not to train brilliant humanists and Latinists in the bosom of the Order, but rather to acquire valuable teachers with a remarkable practical sense and a serious knowledge of Latin. If, moreover, in the persistent effort to achieve this goal, some Latinists were formed who surpassed the general hope, this fact allows us to appreciate with even greater clarity the seriousness and value of the studies carried out. Among these illustrious Latinists, in addition to those already mentioned - Calasanz[751], G. Dragonetti, G. F. Apa, G. Valuta - a prominent place deserves Fr. Carlo Mazzei (1620-1695)[752]. He with his very elegant Latin letters was in contact with the most famous humanists of his time, such as Giovanni Vittorio Rossi (Janus Nicius Erythraeus), Pietro di Valle, Fabio Chigi (Alexander VII), Bartolomeo Tortoletti, Giovanni Bautista Grazioli, Bartoldo Nihusi, Cardinal Francesco Barberini, etc.[753], to whim the Order of the Pious Schools owes its restoration on January 23, 1656 in large part because his friendship with Alexander VII[754].

751 On the extraordinary Calasanz’ knowledge of Latin, see T. GARRIDO, Sollicitudo Calasanctii de latinitate in suo Ordine colenda: Eph. Cal. II (1933) 114-115 and Quid de Calasanctio ipso dicendum humaniorum litterarum cultore: Eph. Cal. 11 (1933) 115-116.

752 Regarding his life and work see T. GARRIDO, Calasanctiades insignes latinitatis Assertores. P. Carolus Mazzei a S. Antonio Patavino (1620-1695): Eph. Cal. IV (1935) 112-119 y 195-201; he also provides us with the bibliography of his works (p.114-115), which we reproduce here:

1. Constantia commendata in S. S. M. M. Justo et Pastore germanis fratribus per primanos et secundanos in Scholis Piis. Romae 1647.

2. Caroli a S. Antonio Patavino, Anconitani, ex Cler. Reg. Paup. Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum De Arte Epigrammatica rite conficiendi libellus. Coloniae, Ubiorum, 1650 (2a ed. Florentinae 1673).

3. Liber Anagrammatum multis Epigrammatibus Ornatus, inter quae Anagrammata, aliquot Inscriptiones sive Elogia novae Inventionis, Eminentissimo Principi Flavio Cardinali Chisio, S. R. E. Bibliothecario Apostolico dicatus. Authore Carolo a S. Antonio Patavino, Anconitano, Religionis Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum, cui adiectus est eiusdem Authoris Libellus Aenigmaton cum Scholiis ad Marcellum Fratrem. Romae 1674.

4. Musae Anconitanae sive Epigrammaton libri IV. I. Sacrorum. II. Moralium. III. Heroicorum. IV. Iucundorum Variorumque; quibus plurima Anagrammata inserta sunt Variaque Aenigmata cum Notis. Authore Carolo a S. Antonio Patavino, Anconitano, Religionis Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum. Romae 1674.

5. Antiquorum Scriptorum Latinitas selecta, plurimis observationibus documentisque patefacta, cura et opera Caroli a S. Antonio Patavino, Anconitano, Religionis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum, Excellentissimo Principi, Augusto Chisio dedicata. Opus Omnibus Latinitatis acquirendae cupidis maxime profuturum. Romae 1678.

We can add also: Selectae Latinitatis Epistolarium, P. Caroli Mazzei a S. Antonio Patavino. Roma 1936-1937 (Archivum Scholarum Piarum I [1936] 25-104; II [1937] 32-74; edited by Fr. L. Picanyol).

Other works referred to him: L. PICANY0L, De Selectae Latinitatis Epistolario P. Caroli Mazzei a S. Antonio Patavino: Eph. Cal. V ( 1936) 50-55; L. PICANY0L, Carlo Mazzei ed Alessandro VII: Rassegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica XV (1950) 4-14.

753 Cf. PICANY0L, in Eph. Cal. V (1936) 54-55.

754 Cf. PICANY0L, in Rassegna di Storia, etc., XV (1950) p.4-14. We are pleased to reproduce here the letter of Father Mazzei with which he took the first steps to have Alexander VII restore the Order (ibid., pp. 5-7).

This letter is a small apology for the Pious Schools, a proof of Fr. Mazzei’s good Latin taste and of his effective friendship with Pope Chigi.:

«Fabio Chisio, Summo Pontifici creato, id est, Alexandro VII, Pont. Opt. Max.

Quoniam ea est, Alexander VII, Pont. Max., meae naturae conditio, ut cum coram habendi sermonem sese mihi offerat occasio, quodam quasi pudore suffusus loquar quam pauca, ac silere potius quam loqui videar, ut non semel cognoscere potuisti; cumque intelligam Religiosam Nostram Familiam, qua nihil Mihi est carius, cum ipsius Institutum Tibi a me, quem semper dilexisti, diligentissime commendari debere ut in pristinum statum tua benignitate revocetur, consentaneum iudicavi, has ad te litteras scribere, quibus et pudori meo, et huic commendationi consuleretur. Nosti optime, quot haec, quantisque fluctibus, quandiuque fuerit exagitata. Ruisset iam profecto furentibus austris, undisque bacchantibus, in profundum, nisi praepotens Deus luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras compressiset. Divinam siquidem dexteram, nobis opem tulisse cognoscimus, quamvis enim duodecim annorum decursu, ob ereptam potestatem, religioso ut prius habitu indutus sit nemo, novemque elapsi sint anni, quibus ob amplam e Religione exeundi facultatem cuique concessam, complures discesserint, tantoque annorum spatio de vita migraverint plurimi, tamen unaquaeque domus stat, ac perseverat. Nimirum divinum opus est istud, caeleste institutum, in quod nostri Patres incumbunt; quod hoc singulari, mirandoque Dei protegentis auxilio apertissime declaratur. Opus plane divinum, cuius Institutorem, Senem optimum, eximiae doctrinae pietatisque fama conspicuum, Iosephum a Matre Dei, Hispanum valde nobilem, principibus viris, in primisque Paulo V, Pont. Opt. Max. satis carum, Deus rebus admirabilibus illustravit, atque hic, Romae, praecipue, ubi sex ab hinc annis est mortuus, non exigua sanctitatis opinione omnibus excitata. Quo Instituto, una cum litteris, Adolescentes ad Pietatem informantur, tamquam sapientiae initium timorem Dei docentur, eorumque animis virtutum amor ingeritur, odiumque vitiorum per assiduam piorum exemplorum enunciationem inseritur eisque pulcherrima, regia et rectissima demonstratur via, per quam ad caeleste Regnum perveniant. Quocirca iure merito licet mihi de nostris Patribus pronunciare, et in lucem edere quod olim latere perspexi in his vocibus,

Clerici Regulares Pauperes Matris Dei

Scholarum Piarum

anagramma purum

Ipsi Sors Cara Pueris, Regale

Pulcherrimum iter ad Caelum.

In id enim potissimum operam conferunt, huc hastam collineant, huc maxime dirigunt labores suos. Quas Christiana Respublica utilitates ex hac optima Adolescentium institutione non speret? non spectet? magna quidem messis speranda est; uberrimi fructus exspectandi ex tali satione; seu, ut melius loquar, quos illa fructus non percepit? Etenim enati fuerunt non pauci: innumeri enim Iuvenes, hisce fluxis, labentibus bonis contemptis, se se intra Religiosa claustra, divinae servituti dicarunt; multi qui electo stato coniugali, optime familiam instituerunt, memoresque propriae educationis, cum essent pueri, suos nobis filios laetissime tradiderunt, ut ipsi quoque bene instituerentur, Christianisque moribus effulgerent, quod etiam quotidie fieri videmus. Quare quis non sibi penitus persuadeat, si hoc Institutum magis, magisque propagetur, in posterum universos homines meliores futuros? Neque enim tum dici poterit, quod in haec tempora non minus vere, quam eleganter annis superioribus cecinisti:

Fabula praefertur vero, mundique figura

Labilis, aethereae astrorum praeponitur arci,

nec Saecula venturi damnabunt nostra Nepotes.

Quin potius posteritas omnis addicet, iisdem vestigiis in via virtutis insistere, quae a maioribus suis impressa cognoverit. Praevidit sane hoc maximum emolumentum immortalitatis nominis Pontifex Clemens Octavus, qui opus tum inceptum Fundatori plurimum commendavit, voluitque ut duo illa nitidissima lumina purpurati Senatus, Sylvius Antonianus, et Caesar Baronius, Scholas Pias sua praesentia collustrarent; qui, verbis exprimi minime potest, quanta delectatione, quantoque gaudio fuerint perfusi. Noverunt hoc praeclarum Institutum Summi, aeternae gloriae Pastores, Paulus V, et Gregorius XV; ob idque magno amore Familiam nostram complexi fuerunt; nam ut caetera beneficia missa faciam, eam ille Congregationem, hic Religionem constituit. Noverunt clarissimae Italiae Civitates, quae nostros patres omni humanitate fovent, ac sustentant. Qui in exteras quoque nationes penetrarunt, a quibus non facile dici potest, quanto amore diligantur quibus mirum dictu est, quantum et litteras docentes, et Dei Verbum praedicantes, attulerint utilitatis. Id incredibile paene videri posset, nisi gravissimorum virorum literae Romam missae, testarentur; caeteris enim omissi, quarum Scriptores nominare quidem possem, non tamen ostendere, extat apud nos Epistola summae virtutis summaeque Auctoritatis senis, cuius aspectu nunc Roma fruitur, Ernesti Adalberti Cardinalis ab Harrach, missa Bubiemo, anno 1651, qua continetur, piis nostrorum Patrum sermonibus, Deum multa haereticorum millia ad veram fidem convertisse. Quid, nisi adversa tempora incidissent, nullus ut ita dicam locus reperiretur, ubi institutum nostrum non floreret. Quamobrem his litteris, hoc tam utile opus, familiamque nostram universam in vinea Domini tam frugiferam tibi vehementer commendo, atque eo cordis affectu, quo ipsius Parens optimus, si nunc viveret, commendaret. Fac, quaeso, sanctissime Pater, ut ea tandiu miserrimis turbulentissimisque rebus affiicta, tranquillissima pace per te fruatur, per te, inquam, qui Dei Ecclesiam felicissime gubernans, mundo optatissimam allaturus es pacem. Ecce id tanquam praesens, hae tuae clarissimae voces:

Alexander Pontifex Septimus

ostendunt nam haec,

earum litteris, laus tibi contexitur.

Anagramma purum:

Felix Praeest, Est In Mundo Pax.

Protege illam, Pater humanissime: Ecce ab hostibus pluribus, per tot annos misere devexata, ad piam tui patrocinii arcem confugit: nam quid aliud est, Alexander Papa VII, cuius memoriam omnium annorum series honorifice excipiet, quam arx pia, immo valde pia? Eaedem ipsae litterae, ex quibus constant haec tria verba, ore cunctorum perpetuo personatura, hanc laudationem perficiunt. En Arx Pia, Valde Pia (anagramma purum). Neque enim apertius fas est mihi, idest clara tuarum rerum bene gestarum commemoratione, te in praesentia laudare, nam et prohibet modestia tua, et eas velle epistola celebrare quae ne plurimis quidem libris praedicari satis possent, inconsulti hominis esset, planeque dementis. Aliud certe tempus, locus alius tuis laudibus debetur, quae non solum a me, quem tibi multis iam collatis beneficiis, arctissime devinxisti, verum etiam a cunctis nostris patribus enunciabuntur: nobis enim penitus persuademus, humanissima tua dextra sublevante nos quamprimum, in pristino statu collocatum iri. Quod ut efficias te iterum, atque iterum rogo, benignissime Pastor. Equidem in spem certam venio, me beneficium hoc quo nullum mihi gratius contingere potest, consecuturum: nosco summam animi tui pietatem: singularis amor tuus in pauperes, quos in primis cura nostra complectitur, mihi non ignotus: nostrum Institutum quantum probes ex tuis a me litteris, olim satis intellexi: Denique te optime in nos animatum esse, non semel cognovi. Certe, si id feceris et universae christiane reipublicae, cui opus nostrum tantum prodest, plurimum consules, et a Deo qui est bonorum operum merces magna nimis, pro tam illustri facto, amplissima praemia consequeris. Qui te in multos annos, Ecclesiae suae salvum et incolumen conservet.

Sanctitatis Tuae servus humillimus Carolus a S. Antonio Patavino, Scholarum Piarum Sacerdos.»

In addition to Mazzei, Father Francesco Baldi (died after 1672), who excelled as a grammarian, Latin writer and poet, should also be mentioned[755]. His contemporary was another important Piarist Latinist who deserves to be mentioned: Camillo Scassellati (1610-1678), for a long time rector of Collegio Nazareno (1646-1678) and third General of the Pious Schools (1659-1665). He was known as a teacher as well as an orator and poet. He left behind several printed works[756].

755 Cf. T. GARRIDO, in Eph. Cal. IV (1935) 59-66 His works:

I. Neothyron sive Nova Porta in linguam latinam, demonstrante Francisco ab Anuntatione ex Pauperibus Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum. Romae 1649

2. Oratio latina habita In Oratorio S. Pantaleonis in laudem Comitis Francisci De Magnis. Roma 1647, typis Hieronymi Barberii sub titulo: Pius Plausus Exmo. et Ilmo. D. Francisco de Magnis, Serenissimi Regis Poloniae et Suetiae apud Summum Pontificem et ceteros Europae Reges et Principes Oratori Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum.

3. Innocentia Triumphans in SS. MM. Justo ac Pastore germanis fratribus. Romae 1648.

4. Synonimorum Apparatus. Venetiis 1654.

With his Neothyron, he too, like Father Apa, wanted to put in the hands of school children a short, clear and easy grammar. See, for example, the prologue to his grammar (Neothyron 54: Eph. Cal. IV [1935] 61): «Quid per haec praecepta brevesque latinae linguae observationes velim, duplicem affero causam, et ut brevitas elucescat, et ut veritas pateat, quantum ex ingenii mei tenuitate illam demonstrare licebit in eorundem praeceptorum traditione. Non hic autem in animum induxi meum, quempiam corrigere vel taxare (quanto vel ipse longius et gravius aberrare possum) qui grammaticam tractavit, sed quod ipse per multos annos expertus in eiusdem explicatione, et quod facilius ad linguam ipsam percipiendam et citius assequendam adiudicavi, ex eadem experientia, modo breviter vobis tradentum institui, iisdem rebus relictis, quae ad rem facere minime videbantur. Brevitatem enim sequi operae pretium duximus, obscuritatem autem, quoad fieri potest, devitare».

756 Cf. T. GARRIDO, in Eph. Cal. III (1934) 258-265. His works:

1. Methodus emendatae orationis sive Grammaticae Institutiones. Romae 1665.

2. Methodus artificiosae Orationis sive Rhetoricae Institutiones. Romae 1664.

3. Methodus Progymmastica sive artificiosae Orationis prolusivae Institutiones. Genuae 1671, editio secunda.

4. Poeticae Institutiones Genuae 1675.

5. Florum Fasciculus, sive Variae Orationes. Romae 1667.

6. Lusus Canori seu Varia Poemata. Romae 1672.

The study of the Greek language

The classical studies of the Piarist students show that, in addition to the intensive study of Latin, there was no lack of quite serious study of the Greek language. It is understandable that, in accordance with the lesser importance given to Greek in the popular schools of Calasanz, the study of Greek was also more reduced. However, we know that, at the express wish of Calasanz[757], a certain number of advanced students also devoted themselves to Greek, especially in Rome, Florence and Naples. In Rome, at San Pantaleo, their teacher was the priest Professor Andrea Baiano[758]. But they were also introduced to the study of Homer’s language at the Collegio Nazareno by a famous professor from La Sapienza[759].

757 The information of Fr. Everardo Micheli (Storia della Pedagogia Italiana dal tempo dei Romani a tutto il secolo XVIII [Torino 1876] p.153), according to which Calasanz, at the age of ninety, was giving Greek lessons, is unfounded, since this information comes from a confusion of letters. (cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.34).

758 Processus ob furtum (1631): Rev. Cal. XIll 43. Martio mense, p.18: «Hyeronimus Maria ab Assumptione clericus: «Saranno diciotto mesi che sono in questa casa; et attendo allo studio del greco e dell’humanità sotto il S. Andrea Baiano.»

P.26: «Fr. Dionisius a S. Catarina: Saranno incirca tre mesi, sono trattenuto da Superiori per studiare come ho fatto fino ad hora in Rettorica et Greco sotto il Baiano.»

759 Berro (o.c., t. l 1.3 p.27): «Aperto il Collegio Nazareno il N. V. Fondatore vi mando il Sign. Andrea Baiani che lesse ad alcuni de Nostri la logica oltre la Rettorica et anche veniva un lettore di Sapienza di lingua greca per insegnare a nostri.»

We also know from the news of Caputi that Calasanz spent large sums on salaries for the Greek teachers of our students (CAPUTI, o.c. t.l p.2a p.49 and p.1a p.12; cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.34). -The same Caputi also speaks of the great competence in Greek of Fr. Girolamo of St. Agnes and of Fr. Giuseppe Valuta of St. Thomas Aquinas (ibid.) - Besides these, Fr. Giovanni Benedicti of St. Mary Magdalene, generally called by all, Fr. Giovanni “il Greco” (cf. letter of Fr. Ambrogio Leailth to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 6-12-1643 [EEC p.706 Fr. Giovanni Greco saluta V.P.”). We also know that he had a good command of Hebrew (letter of Fr. Giovanni Benedicti to Fr. J. Orselli, Krakow 3-10-1646 [EPC p.278]: “I Signor Pinocci volse que io l’mostrassi un poco di hebreo”). Cf. also the letter of Fr. Giacinto Orselli to Father General, Nikolsburg 4-10-1641 (EEC p.921): «Il Fr. Giovanni di S. Maria Maddalena ... ha preso a difendere un Rabbino hebreo maltrattato da suoi ... intendeva e possedeva la lingua hebrea. Si dovrà fare una disputa in difesa dell’oppresso hebreo in presenza del S. Principe.» Moreover, on the basis of the information quoted several times by Fr. Berro, we know that in Rome, at the “Accademia degli Abietti”, some students were also dedicated to Hebrew, perhaps inspired by the example of the Collegio Romano, which was called “Collegium Trium Linguarum”. (RINALDI, o.c., p.31 y 113).

The quality and not insignificant intensity of these studies is also suggested by a report of Father Berro, according to whom many Greek compositions were presented in the “Academy of the Abietti”[760]. In Naples, Father Apa wanted to teach Greek to students as early as 1641 - when he was sent there to teach some clerics the new method of Latin grammar - but he was unable to do so because of the shortness of time and the students’ teaching activities[761]. But what he could not do, Father Jerome Simone of St. Agnes[762]did on the express orders of Father General. In Florence, Father Apa taught Greek to our students after the usual school activities had been finalized[763].

760 Berro (t.l l.3 fol.26-27): «Nella quale Accademia noi tutti ci essercitavamo in Verso et in Prosa, con pubbliche dimostrazioni almeno una volta il mese e più spesso ancora, con composizioni anche greche.»

761 Fr. Apa’s letter to Fr. General, Naples 2-11-1641 (EHI p.93): «Le scriverò ancora circa lo studio, il quale sarebbe facile a riuscire qua, ogni volta che V. P. si compiacesse di mandarvi soggetti, i quali non avessero da far scuola, perché potrebbero impare da me, cosi come so, non solo la grammatica, umanità e rettorica, ma ancora qualche cosa di lingua greca.»

762 Letter of Fr. Giovanni Luca di Rosa to Fr. Pietrasanta and Frs. Assistants, Naples 6-6-1643 (EPC p.1307): «Gia il P. Girolamo ha dato principio alla logica. Et da me non haverebbe havuto altra occupazione, quando il Nostro P. Generale con una sua anco in raccomandatione del detto Padre non havesse commandato, che per un poco di. tempo il giorno l’havessi occupato in dare lettione di greco ad alcuni nostri giovani principianti in detta lingua, ma pero di grande espettatione.»

763 Letter of Fr. Apa to Fr. General, Florence 30-6-1645 (EHI p.109): «...ora son costretto io solo a fare il Ministro, il Maestro di quattro classi e più un altra lezione di lingua greca, doppo la scuola.»

The not inconsiderable number of valuable Hellenists that the new order possessed is thus a natural fruit of such studies[764], and to this we also owe the fact that in a relatively small town like Campi two of our students had a perfect command of the Greek language[765]. Moreover, the relatively large number of Greek books and authors in our libraries already gives us an idea of what the Hellenistic culture of the first Piarist educators might have looked like[766].

764 Fr. Giov. Francesco Apa, Fr. Giuseppe Valuta, Fr. Girolamo Simone, Fr. Giovanni Benedicti, etc.

765 Relazione sulla casa di Campi, 1635 (Reg. Prov. 179): «Ar. Girolamo di S. Agnese: tiene al presente la prima di grammatica et ha studiato la lingua greca et sa far versi. Fr. Evangelista di S. Elia tiene la seconda di grammatica, scrivere et intende la lingua greca e sa far versi.»

766 Libri mandati a Narni nel 1630 (Reg. Prov. 4215): «Le favole di Esopo; le Opere minori de Plutarco; le Orazioni di Isocrate.» Narni’s catalog also includes the sentences of Hippocrates, the speeches of Demosthenes, the works of Polybius and Diogenes Laertius; the same catalog also mentions a Greco-Latin dictionary, as well as the Greek syntax of Giovanni Varennius. (cf. VARENNIUS IOHANNES, Syntaxis linguae graecae Joanne Varennio auctore. Praeterea annotatiunculae paucae ad praecepta Syntaxis Varennianae per Ioachinum Camerarium, Basileae 1539). In the library of Campi (Reg. Prov. 178), in 1633 the following Greek books are found: the Iliad and the Odyssey, by Homer; the orations and epistles of Isocrates, the comedies of Aristophanes, the histories of Polybius, the dialogues of Lucian of Samosata, a Lexicon graecolatinum recentissimum, the grammar of Constantine Lascaris (1434-1501). The first edition of this grammar was the Epitome about the eight parts of the sentence (the first book printed in Greek, Milan 1476) and the Rudiments of the Greek language, by Giacomo Gretser (Gretscher) (author of these Rudiments was a German Jesuit, 1562-1625); the first edition of the same (Rudimenta linguae grecae ex primo libro Institutionum Jacobi Gretseri Soc. Jesu Ingolstadii) dates back to the year 1593. The most widely used scholarly editions are the Rudimenta linguae Graecae ex primo libro Institutionum Jacobi Gretseri Societatis lesu. Pro media et pro infima Schola Grammaticae, Romae, ex typographia Aloysii Zannetti, 1605 (1624-1629) y los Rudimenta linguae graecae ... in usum studiosorum secundae classis grammatices eiusdem Societatis Antwerpiae, apud Martinum Nutium, 1631. Cf. SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus t.3 col.1746-1747.

We do not know exactly how much time was devoted to classical studies or how they were systematically and methodically organized. Most probably, in the absence of a stable and fixed house of study, everything varied according to the person and the external circumstances and possibilities. Only in the Colegio Nazareno, and during some periods in the study house of San Pantaleo can we assume a regular course of study. The final systematization of the question did not take place until the General Chapter of 1718, when the Ratio Studiorum pro religiosis nostris was ratified. According to this Ratio, the prescribed period for studies was two years[767]. The division of this two-year period was as follows:

767 Cf. Constit. et Regulae (Roma 1826) p,127: «Biennio probationis feliciter expleto, per alterum biennium Studentes Nostri in Humanioribus litteris nostro Instituto necessariis solide instruantur.»

“Primo Rhetorici et Poetici bienni quadrimestri, summaria repetitio grammaticae cum Prosodia Carminum Generibus, et Figuris ad eam spectantibus; et methodus aliqua Epistolaris tradatur.

Secundo quadrimestri Elocutionis Rhetoricae Praecepta; nec non Poeseos, sequentibus quadrimestribus continuandae, cum praxi continua proponatttur.

Tertio quadrimestri agatur de Progymnasmatis, et Rhetoricae Prooemialibus.

Quarto quadtimestti de Inventione, cum reliquis Rhetoricae partibus.

Quinto quadrimestri de triplici dicendi genere.

Sexto quadrimestri, cuius nomine varia per annum vacationum tempora complectimur, partim in ferias scholasticas, partim in spititualia exercitia, et partim in Examina quadrimestria consumpto, si quid superest, iugis legum Rhetoricarum et Poeticarum, cum eruditis observationibus, praxis instituatur; quae quidem debet esse diurna super occurrentibus utrisque Facultatis Praeceptis”[768].

768 Constit. et Regulae (ed. 1826) p.129.

6. The study of philosophy and theology

Its difficulty

Having reviewed what we might call the profane studies of the future Piarist educator, as they took place at the time of Calasanz himself, we must still examine the sacred studies of theology and philosophy. If the priesthood plays such an important role in the overall silhouette of the Calasanzian educator, as we have already seen, the sacred studies essential to the attainment of such a high goal could not be neglected in his formation either. Without a serious philosophical and theological formation, the priesthood of the Calasanzian educator would be a priesthood, but without a truly priestly spirit and mentality that could integrate and perfect his formation and pedagogical mentality in the spirit of the holy Founder. Again, Calasanz was the first to recognize the importance of this need and to insist on the seriousness of spiritual studies at the right time[769].

769 See, first at all, Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.320): «Et priusquam mittantur ad Ordinarios locorum pro licentia [confesionum] obtinenda, diligentissime a Patribus Nostris deputatis examinentur, et similiter faciant cum quis ad Ordines suscipiendos de supradictorum licentia, erit mittendus, qui non solum professus, sed scientia et virtutibus ornatus esse debet.»

Cf. also L.3491, Ep.VII p.297 (1640): «Mi dispiace che lo studio della teologia si sia intermesso et haverei voluto che si fussi continuato acciò vi fussi poi chi lo potesse proseguire.» Cf. también carta del P. Pier Luca Battaglione, from Cagliari to Fr. General, 23-l l-1647 (EHI p.212): «Ho ricevuto la gratissima di V.P. Rev.ma, la ringrazio del buon avviso che mi da circa il mio studio della sacra teologia, la quale per se stesso mi insegna ad esser umile... che poi la Teologia sia utile per quelli che impiegano il loro talento in procurare la salvazione de’ Prossimi, mi insegna molto bene V. P. Rev.ma quel tanto che l’Apostolo scrisse al suo discepolo Timoteo: Omnis Scriptura divinitus inspirata, utilis est ad docendum, ad arguendum, ad corrigendum, ad erudiendum ad iustitiam...»

Calasanz insisted with even greater energy on the need for sacred studies in the Province of Germany, where his religious, as apostles and guardians of the Roman faith, were often invited to occupy the chairs of theology (cf. the letter of Bishop Gramay addressed to Father General, Nikolsbur 28-1-1631 [EEC p.489 Ad extremum si non est contrarium Instituto Vestro et haberi potest aliquis Patrum qui casus conscientiae et Summaria Controvesiarum legeret hic ... longe foret gratissimum”), and they always had to fight against heretics, which would not have been possible without a serious philosophical and theological formation (cf. the letter of Fr. Alessandro Novari addressed to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 16-10-1644 [EEC p.859]: «...quanto alli studi de’ nostri che V. P. desiderarebbe che facessimo insegnare alli nostri la logica, filosofia e teologia. Utinam che in ciò potessimo esseguire la sua volontà che sarebbe a noi di grande consolazione»).

Cf. also L.3038, Ep.VII p.38: «Et non potendo il P. Pietro attendere ad introdur li nostri in scienze maggiori tanto necessarie in coteste parti si potrebbe pigliar un secolar che introducesse quattro o sei de nostri con ogni brevità e facilità possibile.»

However, although Calasanz’ orientation and program were clear, the practical implementation in the nascent Order must have encountered many difficulties. First of all, the time needed for such studies was a problem.

Certainly, in the early years one could not even speak of the possibility of such studies. There were few, if not very few, who were already prepared for the teaching profession, and students had to be enrolled in the teaching profession as soon as they had learned the essentials for school. For this reason, Calasanz wanted to systematize the situation in the early years so that the study of theology should be completed together with the young educators’ first school duties[770] after their literary studies, under the guidance of a competent teacher. Later, as soon as it was possible, and also because in some places it was necessary to instruct external pupils in logic and matters of conscience[771], Calasanz advocated a more regular study of philosophy and theology with much more energy and much greater effectiveness.

770 L.1513, Ep.IV p.301: «Quanto al andar il fratel Giuseppe di S. Nicola alla theologia non si deve scandalizzar alcuno de nostri perché egli prima di intrar tra di noi haveva già fatto il corso della filosofia et hora in pochi anni potrà egli essere atto ad aiutar li nostri nelle scienze che non havemo altro che il Pre Prov.le et poi quando haveremo humanisti sufficienti mandaremo alcuni a scienze maggiori et questo fratello è tanto humile che finita la theologia tornarà ad insegnar lettere humane, se altri per adesso pretende studiar logica o filosofia io lo mortificarò come si deve». Cf. also L.1710, Ep.IV p.431: «...et se il detto Marc’Antonio havesse volontà d’imparar (teologia), ha del tempo assai doppo la scuola et il maestro della prima li potrà insegnar che cosi hanno imparato altri et sono arrivati al sacerdotio.»

771 For example, in Naples; cf. letter of Fr. Giuseppe di Napoli to Fr. General, 24-4-48 (EHI p.882): «...il P. Giov. Francesco nella sua [scuola] legge Humanità, e Rettorica e dopo anco ad alcuni particolari, logica»; Fr. Apa also taught Logic in Florence (L.3395, Ep.VII p.246; 21-4-1640): «Quanto al leggere la logica mi pare dificile dovendo lassare la scuola solita, vorrei bene a nuovi studi se V.R. starà a Firenze la dichiarasse etiam alli nostri che ne saranno capaci.» Philosophy to outsiders was taught also in Cagliari (cf. letter of Fr. Pietro Salazar Maldonado to Fr. General, Cagliari 2211-1647 [EHI p.1910]: Fr. Pietro de S. Pelegrino is the Philosophy teacher, «il quale la legge anco a 10 ó 12 secolari, dice lui per non perderli»).

It is noteworthy that, according to a letter of September 25, 1630 (L.1497, Ep.IV p.290), Calasanz did not want his followers to teach logic to outsiders.: «...intendo che il P. Giacomo legge logica il che è contro il nostro Istituto, contro la mia volontà, che non ho voluto mai che li nostri la leggessero a secolari, e mi fu domandato un anno da un Procur.e di N. legger logica, et io li risposi che non era istituto n.ro legger logica, che mandassero i loro figliuoli ad altri religiosi, e cosi non si parlò; et hora li comanderà da parte mia in virtù di sta. Obbedienza che non la legga più, di Roma 25 sett. 1630.» Regarding the Cases of Conscience, cf. L.361, Ep.II p.324.

As early as 1630, D. Andrew Baiano taught the young religious in the Collegio Nazareno in logic[772]; in 1631 the famous Campanella in Frascati taught them philosophy[773], and in 1639 Father Casani taught four students in philosophy and theology in Strasnitz[774].

772 Berro (o.c., t. l l.3 p.27): «Aperto il Collegio Nazareno il N.V. Fond. vi mandò il Sig. Andrea Baiani che lesse ad alcuni de nostri la logica oltre la Rettorica.»

773 L.1699, Ep.IV p.425: «Mi avvisi ancora come attendono allo studio cotesti nostri studenti venuti da Roma et procuri ancora che si dia ogni sodisfatione al Pre Thomaso.» Cf. what Calasanz writes on the subject in his reply to the Memoriale delli Inconvenienti (Ep.V p.23): «Fu anche concluso [in 1630/1631] che si facesse studio per li giovani della Religione et si è posto in essegutione perciò che vi sono sette gioveni che attendono ad imparar l’humanità senza impiegarli in altro, et quattro che attendono alla logica, et altri quattro alla filosofia, tutti con maestri dentro la religione.»

774 Cf. Reg. Prov. 51^15.

in 1644, Calasanz insisted that courses in philosophy and theology should also be offered in Nikolsburg[775]. Later, in 1645, he wanted a philosophy course to be set up in Cagliari[776], and in 1647 he allowed students from Lytomisl to take part in the major studies[777].

775 Letter of Fr. Alessandro Novari to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 16-10-1644 (EEC p.859): «In quanto alli studi delli nostri è che V. P. desiderarebbe che facessimo insegnare alli nostri la logica, la filosofia e theologia. Utinam che in ciò potessimo esseguire la sua volontà che sarebbe a noi di grandissima consolazione. Piaccesse a Dio che havessi soggetti sofficienti al presente per le nostre scuole...»

776 Letter of clerics to Frs. Assistants, Cagliari 23-9-1643 (EPC p.993): «...noi infrascritti maestri e studenti di logica havendo il P. General scritto i mesi passati al nostro P. Ministro che ci facesse attendere alla filosofia, elesse egli il P. Giuseppe di S. Tommaso, che ci incominciò a leggere...»

777 L.4437, Ep.VIII p.36: «...e potranno li nostri studenti in coteste parti attendere a studi maggiori» (2-2-1647).

The defense and maintenance of the special Piarist vocation was another practical difficulty that should not be underestimated. This is above all the attainment of a stable balance between the highest dignity and the highest cultural level, which was achieved with the sacred studies and the humility required by the special Calasanzian ministry. The holy Founder and one of his closest friends and advisors, Father John of Jesus Mary, a Discalced Carmelite, were rightly concerned about this problem. Daily experience showed them that priests, endowed with a high philosophical and theological culture, found it difficult to dedicate themselves to the humble scholastic task among poor and ragged children. In most cases, they felt more drawn to the teaching of philosophy or theology or to the more prominent priestly ministry of confession or preaching. All this, of course, to the detriment and harm of authentic Calasanzian ministry[778].

778 Cf. P. B. BARTLIK, Annales Ordinis Nostri; Annus Christi 1614. Pauli Quinti decimus. Scholarum Piarum decimus octavus. Proiectum Patris Ioannis a lesu Maria (Eph. Cal. III [1934] 256):

«3. Si Congregatio de Philosophia, et theologia publice docenda cogitet, duo gravia damna successura videntur. Nam et cultura puerorum languescet, ob tantae molis magnitudinem, et operarii non suppetent, qui publice tot scientias profiteantur, cum vix religiones antiquae et numerosae id efficere valeant; praeterquam quod ad altiores scientiass iam satis ecclesias a Deo provisum sit per Accademias et generalia Religionum aliarum Gymnasia quae omnibus patent.

4. Eadem fere damna existent, si Congregatio contionandi et sacramenta ministrandi opus profiteatur. Nam ad haec ipsa opera oportebit Religiosos, more aliarum Religionum per 6 aut 7 annos in Philosopiae et Theologiae curriculo versari, quod cum pueritiae cultura aegre cohaeret. Iamque Dei Providentia his Operibus religiones multae destinatae sunt.

5. Sive de altioribus studiis sive de praedicandi et sacramenta administrandi opere Congregatio cogitet, Iuniores Religiosi ad ea quae altiora sunt, ut e similium occasionum experientia constat, aspirabunt, et uno aut altero excepto, non ferent se ad pueros latinis litteris erudiendos scholis alligari, repellique a studiis gravioribus, quibus ad conciones et sacras confessiones audiendas idonei fierent, nam et in huiusmodi rebus Daemon Religiosos vexare solet».

Therefore, the tendency to reduce such studies to the necessary minimum seemed more than justified[779]. Calasanz, on the other hand - and also his Carmelite advisor - not only did not want the particular pedagogical vocation of the Piarist priest to be neglected in any way, but he wanted it to be the central point of the same priesthood. Based on the well-known saying “pluribus intentus minor est ad singula sensus”, they wanted all the energies of the Calasanzian educator to be concentrated on the urgent work of educating children[780]. This point of view also explains their great aversion to a more intensive rhythm in sacred studies. It is true, of course, that the concerns of Calasanz and his advisor were just and understandable, but such and similar precautions of a practical and more disciplinary nature could only briefly halt the natural course of events, which required a serious philosophical and theological formation of the Calasanzian educator, since his priesthood was not a simple ornament or hieratic addition, but was to serve him as the basis and foundation of his entire educational function. There were also external circumstances that favored this solution. The sparse philosophical and theological culture of some of the Fathers had provoked justified criticism from observers outside the Order in some towns. After some time, there was a prudent reaction and a healthy response to this criticism, which was certainly not unfounded. The desire for such studies grew ever stronger among those concerned[781].

779 Cf. Calasanz’ memorandum «All’Illmi. et Revmi. Sign., ai Prelati della Riforma Apostolica» (PICANYOL, Ep. II p.344-345): «Li capi principali i quali col tempo possono causare relassatione sono li seguenti. 5th, Il voler li religiosi attender ad insegnar altre scienze maggiori et voler diventare lettori o confessori o predicatori come fanno altri religiosi»

780 BARTLIK, o.c. (Eph. Cal. III [1934] 256): 1. «Opus Scholarum Piarum laboriossimum est; operariosque multos, ad pueros pietate et humanioribus litteris imbuendos, requirit; nec facile credendum est in una Congregatione fore tot operarios, nisi Congregatlo ipsa ad suos Religiosos, huic operi aptandos, abiectis aliis curis, aspiret. Quocirca si unum hoc opus sustineat, rem procul dubio magnam et laude dignam efficiet.»

781 Discorso sulle Scuole Pie; P. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^3): «…Onde più raccorsi la necessità che v’è de studij delle scienze maggiori così per non errare nel governo regolare, e in detti ministeri, come anco per sollevar la bassezza del credito in che ci tengono le sole scuole puerili col concetto di professar anco noi saper quel che sanno gli altri religiosi acciò la gente per fidarsi poco della nostra ignoranza non ci fugga, ne abborrisca tanto questo habito come fanno anco gli stessi religiosi: e pure è vero, che a pena ci guardano e rendono un magro saluto per istrada. Oltre che mancando lo spirito il qual in molti non dura, se pur qui fra tante distrazioni s’acquista, se non suppliscono le lettere, che tengono ben occupato l’animo, e ingenerano spiriti nobili e sdegnosi di laidi pensieri, e massime lettere sagre, che son proprie de Religiosi, et aiutano anco lo spirito; che si può sperar di fabrica sì mal fondata, se non ruine, o di piante si rozze, se non frutti selvatichi, o schifi? Ne bisogna temere che i studij maggiori impedischino gli essercizii de studi minori; perché alla varietà de spiriti e talenti che suole Iddio compartire per le membra di un corpo religioso, conviene varietà d’essercizi et impieghi; ne tutti hanno testa, o talento o spirito di far scuola di ragazzi e massime per tutta la vita.» Cf. also letter of Fr. Pier Luca Battaglione from Cagliari to Fr. General, Cagliari 23-11-1647 (EHI p.212): « ... un secondo motivo che mi ha mosso a mantenere qui lo studio di teologia per li sacerdoti che già hanno finito il corso della filosofia è stata l’emulazione coi Gesuiti, che non ci lasciano vivere chiamandoci ignoranti, perché in questo paese nulla si stima il saper fare un epigrama e comporre un orazione, vogliono scienze, ed hora ancora li poveri Padri delle Scuole Pie possono comparire in circolo come gli altri.»

And we know very well that Calasanz spontaneously complies with such wishes. As soon as the orientation of the new order - educator par excellence - became concrete, as soon as effective means against certain deviations were found and as soon as the first difficulties caused by the lack of subjects to study were overcome, it was not long before Calasanz encouraged an increasingly passionate devotion to sacred studies of his own accord.

The third and not insignificant difficulty in the matter of sacred studies was a certain resistance on the part of the same authorities and ecclesiastical circles. Already the prelates of the Apostolic Visitation of 1625 suggested to Calasanz that, in order to guarantee his religious a good pedagogical training, he should limit their philosophical and theological studies to a certain extent[782].

782 Cf. Decree 13 of the Apostolic Visitation in the year 1625 (Eph. Cal. 5 [1959] 201): «Curet P. Praepositus Generalis ut Sanctum coeptum Institutum conservetur et ideo Patres incumbant toto animo eorum proprio instituto docendi pueros egenos, quod est valde Pium atque ex voto debitum, ideoque magis bonum et necessarium (quam) quod altioribus studiis ab eorum institutis alienis vacare.

L.380, Ep.II p.337-344; cf. also Pro Memoria del Calasanzio ai Prelati della Visita, in which it appeared as the fifth reason that, in the course of time, could have ruined the Order «Il voler li religiosi attendere ad insegnar altre scienze maggiori et voler diventare lettori o confessori o predicatori come fanno altre religioni.» Cf. also L.349, Ep.II p.315: «...monsignor Seneca mi disse che l’istituto nostro non può esser meglio di quello che è et che è necessario che si osservi in esso gran povertà et si vesta grossamente et che si attenda a fanciulli piccoli et in nissuna maniera alle prediche et confessioni como fanno le altre religioni...»

N.B.-He tells the same in L.3112, Ep.VII, p.83.

In 1638, the same cardinals accused Calasanz in a letter that “too many priests devote themselves to the service of the church and the confessions, while very few devote themselves to schools”[783]. In the meantime, other ecclesiastical circles, especially some religious, - impressed and worried by the rapid growth of the new Order[784] - insisted, albeit not always politely, that the Fathers of the Pious Schools should limit themselves to elementary education only, in accordance with the Constitutions that had just been adopted at the time, and consequently refrain from studying any major science, including philosophy and theology[785].

783 L.2879, Ep.VI p.356: «Io sono stato ripreso da alcuni Sig. Cardinali di che havemo troppi sacerdoti li quali attendono al servitio della Chiesa et confessioni e pochissimi d’essi alle scuole e li pare benissimo che nelle case non vi sia più che un confessore.»

N.B.- It is true that there is no explicit statement here against sacred studies, but if the Piarists were forbidden to reach the positions that required greater philosophical and theological preparation, they were also effectively deprived of any attraction and desire for such studies.

784 In fact, the Congregation became a religious order on November 18, 1621 and opened the Collegio Nazareno in January 1630. (cf. GIOV. CALÒ, Campanella e gli Scolopi a proposito dell’Apologia dell Scuole Pie; R. Accademia dei Lincei [1935}, serie 6a Rendiconti. Classe de Scienze morali, storiche e filosofiche, II p.414-415).

It is true that they should by no means be accused of evil intentions; it may be that they were guided by a genuine zeal for the interests of the poor; we also know that Calasanz was plagued by such concerns.

785 Strictly speaking, the respective paragraphs of the Constitutions do not speak of such limitations or prohibitions in the field of teaching.

No. 5 of the Proemium: “Erit ergo Instituti nostri a primis elementis modum recte legendi, computa faciendi, linguam latinam, pietatem praecipue, et doctrinam christianam Pueros docere; et haec qua fieri poterit facilitate, executioni demandare”, certainly prescribes the particular field of action of the Pious Schools, that is, free elementary education, but it does not prohibit the teaching of higher sciences. The same tells Clement XII in his Bulls Nobis quihus (1-5-1731) and Pontificalis officii (30-6-1733) (cf. Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.106-127). Finally, n.205 c.10 of p.2nd of the Constitutions: “In qua ultra Rethoricam, et Casus Conscientiae, nisi pro nostris, in aliis scientiis non procedatur”, expressly permits the study of the major sciences “pro nostris”; it only forbids that in the same house of studies such sciences be taught to outsiders, but elsewhere this could be done. At least this is how the paragraph was interpreted in the General Chapter of 1718. (Constit. col.1826 p.134): «Declaraverunt patres capitulares, nemine discrepante, quinimo omnibus approbantibus, posse religiosos nostros, ubique in nostris Collegiis, seu Domibus legere Philosophiam, Theologiam, et reliquas omnes scientias non solum pro nostris Religiosis, sed etiam pro saecularibus et exteris, ut jam a multis annis legere, et docere consueverunt in multis Religionis Nostrae Collegiis et Domibus. Nostrae enim Constitutiones in ea tantum Domo seu Collegio, in quo Studium Provinciale Nostrorum instituitur ultra Rhetoricam, et Casus Conscientiae, nisi pro Nostris procedi prohibent, ut habetur in hoc cap. num. 2 et 3. ltaque huiusmodi exceptio firmat legem in contrarium, videlicet non prohiberi in aliis Domibus et Collegiis studio Provinciali nostrorum non destinatis publicam ulteriorum scientiarum professionem et lecturam» (Cap. Gen. 1718, p.27-28).

In defense of their thesis, they argued that the Piarists, having devoted themselves to the teaching of the major sciences, would have abandoned their original institute[786]; they should be contented themselves with reading the sacred canons and some moral treatises[787] and should not even have devoted themselves to these studies, since, once in possession of the sacred sciences, they would hardly have known how to renounce their teaching[788]. Moreover, the study of the major sciences - especially the sacred sciences - could have led to serious internal unrest within the Order, which would have awakened an unhealthy spirit of jealousy and envy in many[789]. And the situation would be even worse if they also wanted to devote themselves to preaching and confession[790].

786 CAMPANELLA, Liber apologeticus c.2: «Ad religiosos» n.2 (p.234): «Praeterea qui inceperunt a grammatica, et rhetorica ascendent deinde ad logicam, deinde etiam ad maiores scientias, ita quod deserant primum institutum in beneficium pauperum, et parvulorum, volentes scientias maiores tractare, quod etiam evenit Iesuitis; qua propter saltem cogi debent in sua remanere grammatica, et non superius progredi, scientia namque inflat, charitas autem aedificat, Apostolo teste; unde videntur ex aedificatione pauperum ad inflationem maiorum transire.»

787 Ibid., n.7 p.235.

788 Ibid n.3 p.234: «Praeterea non modo cogendi essent remanere in propinandam grammatica, sed etiam ne ascenderent ad alias scientias quamvis eas docturi non essent tum quia, ut videtur, est contra professionem ipsorum, tum quia cum alias scientias adepti fuerint abstinere non poterunt quin illas doceant, praesertim cum discípulos habeant, iuxta illud Iob 32, 18: Plenus sum sermonibus et coarctat me spiritus uteri mei. En venter meus quasi mustum absque spiraculo quod lagunculas novas disrumpit. Loquar et respirabo».

789 Ibid., c.2: «Ad religiosos» n.5 p.234: «Praeterea vel omnes, vel aliqui ad scientias elevantur. Si omnes accident, quae dicta sunt absurda, si aliqui, accidet aemulatio, et dissidium inter eos, dum minores invident maioribus, et maiores studebunt imperare minoribus.»

790 Ibid., n.6 p.234: «Praeterea alii etiam submurmurant, quod audire confessiones, et conciones habere ad populos, et congregationes instituere Scholarum Piarum Magistri volent, et tunc, eo magis impedietur beneficium erga pauperes, et augebitur superfluitas functionum, quas alii regulares, et doctiores incessanter capessunt, vel dabitur illis occasio otiandi, sicut accidit Monachis post Fratrum exortum.»

But the inconsistency of such difficulties and the inadequacy of such and similar arguments was masterfully demonstrated by the great Dominican philosopher Tomas Campanella in his Liber Apologeticus contra impugnantes Institutum Scholarum Piarum, which was undoubtedly written at the suggestion of Calasanz[791]. In this study, after refuting the difficulties put forward by his opponents[792], Campanella argued forcefully for the necessity of sacred studies for the Calasanzian educator[793]. The grammatical sciences cannot be taught with certainty - he wrote - without the infallible help of the spiritual sciences. The example of Erasmus, Lorenzo Valla and Melanchthon shows what the end of philology is if it is not accompanied by sacred theology. Educators of the people cannot expose themselves to such or similar dangers, for they must offer them the pure and unadulterated source of knowledge, “aquam puram sapientiae salutaris”. And they cannot do this without the help of sacred studies[794].

791 There is a great similarity of ideas between Calasanz’ Memorandum to Cardinal Tonti and Campanella’s Liber apologeticus (cf. GIOV. CALÒ, art. cit., Campanella e gli Scolopi p.415).

792 CAMPANELLA o.c., c.2: «Refelluntur singula argumenta a religiosis adducta» p.236-238.

793 Ibid., «Argumentum generale contra religiosos» p.235-236.

794 Ibid. (p.236): «Praeterea qui scientias inferiores propinant, nisi maiores degustaverint, nec sat lucidas nec sat perfectas propinare poterunt, nisi superiori sapientia perlustrati; imo aliquando non correcti primam sapientiam, quae est theologia, propinare possunt errores, quemadmodum Erasmus Rhoterodamus, Laurentius Valla, Philippus Melanchton, et alii quam plurimi linguarum peritia, et in grammaticalibus erutissimi, qui tamen diviniorem scientiam grammaticaliter tractando, haereses atque errores disseminaverunt; quocirca Origenes respuit scientiam saecularem grammaticorum, calicem Babylonis in sacris litteris dictam, in quo abominationes bibendas populo filii loquaces sapientiae simulatores sophistae tradiderunt. Proptereaque, haeretici plus temporis insumunt in grammaticando, rhetoricando, quam in philosophando, neque enim rudis populus secretarum veritatum scrutator unquam fuit, sed corticis exteriorisque vestis, cuius gratia reges aura et purpura vestiebantur, ut essent plebi admirabiles propriosque defectus ita tegerent: quapropter lucida verborum vestis aureaque fallit, mundandum est ergo quod interius est in paropside, dicit Dominus, et aquam puram sapientiae salutaris, ipsumque fontem aquae vivae, non autem cisternarum dissipatarum, exhibebimus populo Dei.

Itaque existimo Praeceptores Scholarum Piarum etsi elegantes elocutiones grammaticales et rhetoricas, et poeticas colligunt neque enim sermonem ornatum prohibemus, cum Chrysostomus, Ambrosius, Hieronymus etiam in hac parte invigilaverint, magis tamen in scientiis superioribus, haud tamen absque theologia recte proficere putavimus; nec patiendum scientiarum esse ieiunos, sine quibus nec sapientia prima, quae propria est religiosorum, absque difficultate, et errore tractari poterit, neque enim temere ancillas vocat ad arcem. Murmur ergo aliorum religiosorum compescendum, sicut et olim, quando fratres insimulabantur eiusdem criminis, per S. Thomam compressum est. Imo potius negligenda est elegantia sermonis, quam Studium ac peritia scientiarum, sicut Paulus Apostolus ad Senecam respondet in epistola secunda Corint. c.3: Etsi (inquit) imperitus sermone, non tamen scientia».

See also para. 2 under title «Refelluntur singula argumenta a religiosis adducta» (p.237): «Ad secundum responsum est in corpore articuli, quod puri grammatici existentes nequaquam populi Christiani doctores idonei esse possunt, nisi et alias scientias habeant, praesertim habeant theologiam, ut melius, facilius, et sine errore, quibus pure grammatici, ut Erasmus, Valla et Melanchton et, ceteri quam plures scientiarum ieiuni scatere solent, doctrinas primas propinare queant. At si aliquando etiam ad docendam logicam ascendant, et alias scientias non propterea ullum sequitur inconveniens, imo maiora et ampliora adiumenta rei publicae praestabunt, praesertim in locis ubi iesuitae, et alii Ordinis religiosorum has non docent scientias, nec dubitandum est, quod aliquando pauperum curam neglecturi sint: Nam hoc habent ex Instituto ac regula propriae religionis, ut patet ex Constitutionibus eorum. Est igitur illis essentiale, non accidentale, quemadmodum erat Iesuitis, Pauperum cura. Ideoque hanc curam non deserent, sed augebunt maioribus emolumentis in pauperum beneficio adiunctis, nec scientiae inflabunt Scholas Pias, dum Charitas expanditur, imo per charitatem talem curam exercent ipsorum leges, ita ut et scientia, et charitas augeantur per altiores disciplinas et ampliores exercitent functiones.»

To back up his assertion, Campanella quotes a decree by Leo X at the Lateran Council, which forbids anyone to devote more than five years to the study of the letters without also devoting himself to sacred studies[795].

795 Ibid. (p.237): «Ad tertium igitur respondetur non esse contra institutum ipsorum ascendere ad alias scientias, ut patet ex ipsorum constitutionibus a Summo Pontifice confirmatis (para. 2o c.10), imo contrarium esset contra ius naturale, et divinum, ut in altero articulo probatum est. Item contra Conciliorum et Pontificum canones, quandoquidem in concilio Lateranensi sub Leone X, sess.8 saecularibus, vel regularibus in sacris Ordinibus constitutis ultra quinquennium humaniorum literarum studia sine aliquo studio theologiae, aut iuris pontificii strictissime, et sub poena indignationis Omnipotentis Dei, inhibet Summus Pontifex his Verbis: tam salutari Constitutioni nemine refragante ordinamus, et statuimus, ne quisquam de caetero in sacris ordinibus constitutus saecularis vel regularis, aut alius ad i!los a iure arctatus in studiis generalibus, vel alibi publice audiendo philosophiae, aut poesis. studiis ultra quinquennium post grammaticam, et dialecticam sine aliquo studio theologiae, aut iuris pontificii incumbat; verum dicto exacto quinquennio, si illis studiis insudare voluerit, liber sit, dum tamen simul aut seorsum aut theologiae aut sacris canonibus operam navaverit, ut in his sanctis et utilibus professionibus sacerdotes Domini inveniant, unde infectas philosophiae et poesis radices purgare et sanare valeant.»

All in all, then, we can say that here too, as with the previous difficulty, a positive solution was found that was suitable for facilitating the path of sacred studies[796]. At Calasanz’ ardent request, various centers for sacred studies, even important ones, were gradually created in the Order, despite the difficulties mentioned above. In Rome, for example, the clerics of San Pantaleo attended the courses of D. Andrea Baiano[797] at the Collegio Nazareno from 1630 onwards.

796 However, it would be a mistake to believe that the difficulties and objections of these circles suddenly ceased due to the influence of the Liber apologeticus. Attentive observers of Piarist affairs could not fail to recognise the activity of “di certi emuli coperti” and other “nemici aperti” as one of the causes of Pope Innocent’s suppression, who «avrebbero voluto come suol dirsi, per gelosia di mestiere, ossia per evitare una pericolosa concorrenza, tener ristreta l’azione degli scolopi nell ambito della scuola primaria o elementare» (PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.20).

797 Berro (o.c. t.l 1.1 c.12 fol.20): «aperto il Collegio Nazareno il N.V.P. Fundatore vi mandò il Sig. Andrea Baiano che lesse ad alcuni de Nostri la logica.»

Campanella in the Study of Frascati

An important event is the study of philosophy that some of our clerics[798] undertook in Frascati under the guidance of the famous Dominican philosopher Father Thomas Campanella[799].

798 No more than ten; cf. CAPUTI, t.2 p.2a fol.34 p.135 y PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.44.

799 Cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.40-49; Id., Ep.IV p.422; V p.112; R. AMERIO, Di un punto meno noto del periodo romano del Campanella: Rivista di Filosofia neoscolastica (Luglio 1932) p.336 ff.; G. CALÒ, Campanella e gli Scolopi a proposito dell’Apologia delle Scuole Pie: R. Accademia dei Lincei, serie Ga Classe di scienze morali, etc., II p.403-427; PASQUALE VANNUCCI, Il Campanella e il Calasanzio: Cultura 12 (1933) p.923-932; G. AUSENDA, L’umile presenza delle Scuole Pie nella vicenda umana di Tommaso Campanella; Ricerche. Bolletino degli scolopi italiani 6 (1982) p.147-169.

The study lasted only one month, not four, as Amerio claims in the above-mentioned article. The existence of such a study center is mentioned in several of Calasanz’ letters, in which the saintly pedagogue exhorts his students to “give every satisfaction to Fr. Thomasso Campanella». L.1694, Ep.IV p.422: «...averta a cotesti nostri gioveni che non facciano cosa per la quale meritino alcuna mortificatione perché lo sentirei non poco per rispetto del P. Thomaso Campanella al quale da parte mia saluterà (11-8-1631). L.1697, Ep.IV p.424: «A cotesti nostri studenti raccomando la modestia et che intendo che lasciano troppo la briglia et non pensano che il P. Campanella et li suoi vedono le loro inmodestie et sebene le dissimulano le notano bene et sarebbe molto meglio che li dassero essempio di religiosi mortificati et non di…», L.1699, Ep.IV p.425): «Mi avisi ancora come attendono allo studio cotesti nostri studenti venuti da Roma et procuri ancora che si dia ogni soddisfazione al P. Thomaso Campanella» (17-8-1631).

As for the names of the student clerics at Frascati under Campanella’s direction, we cannot give the concrete names of the persons; Fr. Picanyol has managed to pinpoint three: Fr. Giov. Batt. Carletti of St. Bernard, Father Angelo Morelli and Father Carlo Conti. The last two are also known as Piarists affectionate to Galileo. (PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. 44.100-106 y 115-116).

Given the short duration of this study, however, we must be careful not to exaggerate its effects. But it is impossible to deny that Campanella’s teaching left an indelible impression on his listeners. From a letter written by Father Ambrose Leaith from Nikolsburg[800] to Father General on January 25, 1633, for example, we know that Father C. Conti was so impressed by the Master’s teaching that he often spoke about philosophy in his grammar school, quoting Campanella[801]. The Philosophia rationalis of the famous Dominican[802] also appears in the catalog of the library of the novitiate of Genoa, which was compiled in 1646[803].

800 Cf. EEC p.639-641.

801 Ibid., p.640: «In quanto poi alle scuole vanno bene per gratia del Signore fuor la scuola del fratello Carlo Romano, il quale ad ogni altra cosa applica che alla scuola. Nella scuola tratta di filosofia, dove molte volte cita Campanella e questi non sono ancora fondati nella grammatica, latino non compone nessuno per dar agli scolari, in summa è una scuola pro forma.» From another letter of Fr. Giovanni Verdun, written also from Nikolsburg on 1-1-1634 (EEC p: 1211) to Fr. General, can be seen «che il frllo. Carlo haverebbe bisogno di alcuni libri per li suoi studi particolari, nella libreria del Cardinale manco sono libri di moderni autori, esso spesse volte fa menzione delli libri del P. Campanella, se si trovasse modo di mandarli».

802 Cf. n.814.

803 Reg. Prov. 8; Genova, 8.

But even more than the effects and consequences of Campanella’s teaching in Frascati[804], we are interested in the fact that Calasanz had invited the philosopher Campanella, who had been released a few years earlier (27.7.1628) from the palace of the Holy Office where he was held prisoner, to perform such a service[805]. The main reason for the great sympathy of the pedagogue of the century for the philosopher of the century[806] was certainly the commonality of the fundamental ideas that both had regarding education and, in particular, the importance of educating poor children. Campanella had already set out his basic ideas on education in 1602 in his Città del Sole[807], which won the sympathy of our pedagogue because of the preference for the poorest but most intelligent and industrious children. Campanella attributed a moralizing force to knowledge, emphasized the importance of learning trades and stressed the sound principles of moral education (in relation to lying, leisure and gambling). Other ideas of the philosopher of Stilo, set out in various works, were also similar to those of Calasanz. If Calasanz wanted to eradicate ignorance in order to redeem the people, Campanella also pursued such a program: “I was born to eradicate three extreme evils: tyranny, sophistry, hypocrisy ... ... which are rooted in and foment blind self-love, the worthy son of ignorance. So, I have come to put a stop to ignorance”[808]. Even if Calasanz was always inspired by a deep love for the people and a fine social sense, Campanella was in no way inferior to him, as can be deduced from the following verses:

804 Cf. p.282-288.

805 The reasons for this fact can be a very useful aid in our attempt to reconstruct the guidelines that guided Calasanz in his endeavor to give his students a unique intellectual and spiritual orientation, and at the same time show us the kindness of heart and depth of thought with which the Saint created and elaborated his pedagogical work down to the smallest detail.

806 Cf. LAMANNA, o.c., I p.628-636. 644. 647-648; with ample bibliography. That such sympathy existed is evident from almost every sentence of Calasanz’s letters; we must also know that Campanella was a welcome guest of the Piarist community of Frascati not only in the autumn of 1631 but also in the autumn of 1632, in difficult times, and in 1632 Calasanz himself travelled to Frascati to meet the great philosopher in person. Cf. L.1878, Ep.V p.112 (28-9-1632): «Et credo che vi verrà il P. Campanella come l’anno passato, ma non sarà cosi degli studenti, et io come mi sbrigo di certi negotii del Collegio, vi verrò anco coll’aiuto del Signore.» L.1889, Ep.V p.119: «Salutate da parte mia il P. Thomaso che di presenza risponderò alla sua lettera.»

807 The complete title is: Citta del Sole di Fra Thomaso Campanella cioè Dialogo di Republica nel quale si disegna l’idea di riforma della Republica Cristiana, conforme alla promessa da Dio fatta alle Sante Caterina et Brigida.

808 T. CAMPANELLA, Poesie (nuova edizione a cura di Mario Vinciguerra) p.18.

“He who rises to the love of the common Father

respects every man as a brother

and rejoices in his goods with God.

You, good Francis, birds and fish

“you call them “brothers”;

how happy are those who live

such a miracle ...!”[809]

809 Ibid, p.20. A careful analysis of the Città del Sole and other works by Campanella with pedagogical content shows that he was not only one of the greatest philosophers of the century, but also one of the leading pedagogues.Cf. GIOVANNI VIDARI, L’educazione in Italia dall’Umanesimo al Risorgimento (Roma 1930) p.118-124.

Their adaptation to the modern world was also common to them, admiring and full of attention. Campanella noted with great admiration “that this century of ours ... has more history in a hundred years than the world has had in four thousand, and that more books have been made in these hundred years than in five thousand, and that the astonishing inventions of the compass, printing and harquebuses are great signs of the unification of the world”[810]. Calasanz certainly saw the new perspectives of the time no less clearly than Campanella[811].

810 Città del Sole, ed.cit., p.119.

811 PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.29-36.

But apart from the identity or at least the great similarity of these main ideas that we can recognize in both, there are also other, perhaps less important principles and ideas in both thinkers. For example, the idea of education “a teneris annis”. In the City of the Sun, children start learning the alphabet at the age of three[812]. They also shared a love of mathematics and the mechanical arts[813], a lively interest in grammatical, rhetorical, poetic and philosophical questions[814], energetic involvement in the anti-reformist movement[815], great care in the selection of teachers[816], a striving quest for brevity in the teaching method[817], etc.

812 Città del Sole p.64.

813 Ibid., p.60-61.

814 Cf. a book by him entitled Philosophiae Rationalis Partes quinque: Videlicet Grammatica Dialectica, Rhetorica, Poetica, Historiographia, iuxta propria principia. Parisiis, apud Ioannem Du Bray, 1638. Some parts of this book were written much earlier and belong to the philosopher’s youthful works; he had already written a Retorica in 1593 (FIRPO, o.c., pp.23,176) and an Ars versificatoria in 1594 (ibid., pp.23-148); in 1596 he wrote a Poetica italiana (ibid., pp.23, 166); in 1612, Retorica e poetica latina (ibid., pp.26. 116-119); in 1619 he wrote his Grammar; interesting and not free of some Piarist references was another philological undertaking of his that has remained in manuscript; in 1627 he began the extensive Commentaria super poematibus Urbani VIII (FIRPO, pp.128,168-169), which, as he himself says, was needed above all by the Piarists, but also by the Somascans and the Jesuits for use in their schools (cf. GIOV. CALÒ, art.cit., p.419 and SPAMPANATO, Le lettere del Campanella p.233 and 350). Here are the respective passages of the above-mentioned letters: L.61 (SPAMPANATO, p.233): «Santissimo Padre: Viene a Vostra Beatitudine il Commento della generosa elegia proemiale di Vostra Beatitudine, la quale col ristoro della poesia porta seco il ristoro di tutte le scienze appresso. Ho fatto il resto de’Commenti et si potrebbero stampare essendomi chiesti da tutte le scuole e librari e letterati...» (Roma, 29 de septiembre 1631). L.113 (SPAMPANATO, p.350): «A Urbano VIII ... Ideoque Plato per musicam mutari rempublicam Deoque copulari putavit; per musicam dico, non vulgarem, sed quam et Cantu Sapientiae teneri cognovimus. Quapropter mirum est quod Sanctitas Tua volenti mundum per ipsam perficere reluctatur. Iesuitae eim et scholae piae et summascorum aliorumque sapientiae cultorum (professores) non modo in Italia sed etiam in Gallia enixe a me vel editionem vel manuscriptorum concessionem expetunt. Quod sine Sanctitatis Tuae facultate non facere possum.» Cf. PASTOR. o.c., XIII p.891.

815 FIRPO, o.c., p.26, 153, 154, 157; in 1595 he had written Dialogo politico contro luterani, calvinisti et altri heretici; in 1613 he wrotte Epistola Antiluterana, the Responsiones and the Responsiones ad obiectiones Tobiae Adami. Cf. also the article of ROMANO AMERIO, L’opera teologico-missionaria del Campanella nei primordi di Propaganda Fide: Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum (1935). Cf. His fundamental work about the topic Quod reminiscentur et convertentur ad Dominum universae terrae (FIRPO, o.c., p.26 y 153).

Finally, a letter written by Campanella in 1630 to the nepote Cardinal Francesco Barberini (Lettere cta.58 p.228) seems to be a very important document on this subject. In this letter, Campanella proposes to the cardinal a very important plan for the training of a young generation of priests ready to take up the fight against the lukewarm faithful and especially against the heretics, including in the cultural sphere.: «Io desidero dell’ingegni calabresi domenicani e squisiti, acuti e laboriosi, chi per mancanza di culto si perdeno, far un collegio Barberino de propaganda fide, fundato nel libro del Reminiscentur et convertentur ad Dominum omnes fines terrae; e fare tanti scolari armati di dottrina, profezia, testimonianze e desiderio di martirio e notizia di tutte sette e nazioni per buona istoria e geografia affin di suscitar la fede quasi smorta tra Cristiani e moltiplicarla dove non è. Ed a questo proposito saria la chiesa della Madonna di Monti, concedendo a noi o tutte l’entrate co’pesi di debiti e dei luoghi pii, o dandoci solo quel che si da a preti mercenari in quel luogo, dove serviremo la Beatissima Vergine con più decoro e diligenza. E leggeremo a tutte le persone etiam forestiere la invincibilità della fede cattolica e l’modo di convincer li settari a prima disputa. E per questo ancora desidero stampar l’opere mie, etiam senza il mio nome, non per mia gloria, perché consisteno nella conversione generale, per la quale ho fatto la riforma di tutte le scienzie secondo li dui codici divini, natura e Scrittura. Perché le nazioni non insultino più ne discredano a noi, come fa Giuliano apostata e il Macchiavello e li statisti chi, facendo professione di aver Cristo, Sapienza di Dio, per maestro, poi mendicano le scienze da’filosofi gentili da noi dannati e giudicati da tutti santi dottori peste occulta e palese del cristianesimo.»

It is clear from this letter why Campanella, heedless of Cardinal Barberini and his own superiors, so readily accepted Calasanz’ invitation to instruct his clerics in the hope that he could realize the above-mentioned plans with them.

816 Città del Sole, ed.cit., p.64.

817 CAMPANELLA, Lettere (Spampanato) letter 22 (octubre 1607), addressed to G. Scioppio: «De modo docendi scientias omnes per annum nihil vereare; ac te puta in duobus mensibus ex ore meo omnes mirabiliter auditurum, cum tibi mundum aperiam librum Dei, non metaphysicum meum; quia iste est degenerans transcriptio ex illo. Cum audieris me, libelli mei videbuntur tibi ludibria circulatorum. Theologi nostri non legunt nisi divum Thomam et discipulos et Aristotelem: et quidquid in his non legunt libris, haereticum putant. Sed si aperiam os Romae per mensem, videbis caelum novum ac terram novam, et ab aquilone et ab austro confluxum ad fidem catholicam.»

But apart from these similarities, there were of course also notable differences of opinion between the two great men, especially with regard to the philosophical-political teaching of the great Stilese[818], which our saint, who was so dedicated to his pedagogical work, perhaps did not recognize in its full extent. But this could not affect the sincerity of the friendship that united the philosopher and the pedagogue, both of whom were seriously committed to the progress of science and the sacred cause of educating and teaching the poor.

818 CALÒ Giov., art.cit., p.412-413.

However, apart from the commonality of ideas, the fact that they had two great friends in common, Galileo Galilei and the German polygrapher Caspar Scioppio[819], does not seem to be the least reason for their mutual sympathy. And perhaps it is not entirely insignificant that Campanella had a certain anti-Jesuit tendency, especially with regard to the Society’s educational system, which seemed artificial and alien to him, a tendency that brought him closer to the new simple, inner orientation with open Christian inspiration introduced by Calasanz. It would undoubtedly be an exaggeration to claim that Campanella was an opponent of the Jesuits, like his friend Scioppio. In various works he praises them, their missionary activity, their manifold usefulness and their wisdom[820], but he was never happy with their educational system[821] and in one poem he even accuses them of hypocrisy[822].

819 Regarding the amicable relations between Campanella and Galileo, suffice it to refer to their frequent correspondence (L. FIRPO, o.c., p.198-236), to the Quattro articoli sul discorso sui Gallegianti di Galileo (FIRPO, 26 y 188) and to Apologia pro Galileo (Math. Flor., 1622) (FIRPO, p. 72); see also, R. AMERIO, Galileo e Campanella. La tentazione del pensiero nella filosofia della riforma cattolica (en el vol.cit., p. 70).

Regarding the friendship between Scioppio and Campanella, see their correspondence (FIRPO, o.c., p.198-236), from which it can be deduced that Campanella had great confidence in Scioppio about his release from prison in Naples. Cf. letters 234, 239, 245, 247, according to Firpo’s indications or letters 15 (p.96), 19 (p.119), 28 (p.145) and 29 (p.152) in the edition of the letters edited by Spampanato.

We know that Scioppio in 1607 went to Naples to meet him, but he did not manage to see him and talk to him (FIRPO, o.c., p.25); the same year, Campanella entrusted him with some of his manuscripts so that he could print them in Germany. (FIRPO, o.c., p.25; CAMPANELLA, Lettere letter 19 p.119).

820 NORBERTO BOBBIO, o.c., p.113 n.3.

821 Monarchia delle Nationi p.318. Here Campanella looks at the external and memoristic education given by the Jesuits, whose students then “fatti grandi, restarono bestiolotti e senza frutto”. Cf. also GIOV. CALÒ, art.cit., p.417. And the respective passages of the Liber apologeticus, but particularly its end (p.239).

822 Cf. Poesie de Campanella, edited by Mario Vinciguerra (Bari 1938) poem 54 p.96.

After such points of contact, it is more than natural that Calasanz took great pleasure and satisfaction in inviting the Stylese philosopher to Frascati in 1631 to give a few philosophy lessons and present his ideas to the Piarist students. And it is also quite natural what immediately followed in 1532: Campanella’s Liber Apologeticus[823].

823 Full title: Liber apologeticus contra impugnantes lnstitutum Scholarum Piarum. The first publication of the text took place in Eph. Cal. (1932) n.4-6 and the last one (1981) in EPC. p.3073-3088.

The edition cited by me is the one added as an appendix to the book by Fr. Picanyol entitled Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei, in pages 229-239.

The philosopher’s direct contact with the Pedagogue’s children and with the Pedagogue himself renewed his great enthusiasm for a better, more modern, more charitable and more universal education. It seemed to him that his old ideas, which he had expounded some thirty years earlier in the City of the Sun, had become a tangible reality in the work created by Calasanz. And when he saw that it was being attacked by passionate opponents - political and religious people - the idea of defending it spontaneously arose in him. Many centuries earlier, one of his brothers in the habit had defended the right of mendicant orders to higher education. Now he took up the defense of primary and secondary education and defended the right of all to scientific, moral and religious education with a deep love of knowledge and a keen sense of social justice. Campanella wrote the Liber Apologeticus because he was more than convinced that “the multiplication and popularization of the sciences done by the Pious Schools seems most useful to princes, peoples and the whole Republic, both for the happiness of contemporary life and for divine worship”[824].

824 Liber apologeticus p.231: «...et Principibus et populis, et toti Reipublicae tam ad felicitatem vitae praesentis, quam ad divinum cultum utilissimun videtur multiplicatio et vulgatio Scientiarum, quod per Scholas Pias curatur.»

The centers of the study of theology and philosophy

After the studies of philosophy in Rome and Frascati, the study in Florence deserves our special attention. There can be no talk of regular studies here, apart from the little bit of logic that Father Apa taught in the School of the Nobles together to the laity and some students of our Order[825]. However, a very intensive study of the “new philosophy” of the great Galileo was carried out there by all the Master’s friends and those who were associated with him. As in Frascati, it was not just a more or less passive learning of the already stably conquered truth, but rather a generous and active participation in the passionate exploration of an ever-new truth. An old philosophical system seemed to be perishing in many of its parts, and the Fathers and students of the Pious Schools therefore wanted to be close to the forge of the new system, not only as idle and curious spectators, but rather as humble but diligent assistants to the Master.

825 Cf. PICANYOL, Galileo Galilei p.68. Cf., also, L.3395, Ep.VII p.246: «Quanto al leggere la logica mi pare dificile dovendo lassare la scuola solita; vorrei bene a nuovi studi se V. R. starà in Firenze la dichiarasse etiam alli nostri che ne saranno capaci. Il resto si scriverà altra volta.»

As for the not only mathematical but also philosophical interest of the Fathers of Florence, the accusation that Father Mario made on this subject before the Inquisitor of Florence provides us with very useful information. His accusations, although modified and exaggerated, are not without real foundation.

According to this accusation, the Fathers of Florence rejected the old Aristotelian formula of the matter-form in relation to the composition of matter and preferred the theory of atoms; they supported the heliocentric concept; they did not believe in the existence of colors; they considered mathematics to be the only true and certain science; only with its help did they believe they could know God and convert heretics. And they were not content with advocating such doctrines, but endeavored, supported by the Grand Duke himself, who was “also imbued with his heresies”,” to make some proselytes, especially among “the good and poor spirits”[826].

826 M. CIONI, I documenti Galileiani del S. Ufficio di Firenze (Firenze 1908) p.56; the text is republished by Picanyol in Galileo Galilei p.141-143; and in the present work, p.151-153; cf. also R. Amerio, cit. on n. 653 of this work.

But the most regular and intensive study of theology and philosophy was undoubtedly that of Cagliari in Sardinia, founded in 1643 at the instigation of Calasanz[827] and greatly stimulated in its activity by the zeal of emulation with the Jesuit Fathers[828]. There, in their youthful zeal for ecclesiastical studies, the students neglected their most elementary studies of grammar[829] - with no little indignation on the part of some of the Fathers. Various philosophical and theological assemblies and disputations[830] were held at the school, and there was a monthly “final public conclusion (conference)”[831]. In addition to the studies mentioned above, there was another theological school in Nikolsburg in Germania[832], where Calasanz - as it was a missionary country due to the large number of heretics - was keen to have such a school, even if it was necessary to entrust the teaching to a professor - a secular priest - who was not a member of the Order[833]. In 1639, there was also a study of philosophy and theology in Strassnitz with four students[834].

827 Letter from the clerics of Cagliari to the Frs. Assistants, Cagliari 23-9-1643 (EPC p.993): «...Havendo il P. Generale scritto i mesi passati al nostro P. Ministro che ci facesse attendere alla filosofia elesse egli il P. Giuseppe di S. Tomasso, che ci incominciò a leggere».

828 Letter of Fr. Pier Luca Battaglione de San Miguel to Fr. General, Cagliari 23-11-1647 (EHI p.212): «...un secondo motivo che mi ha mosso a mantenere qui lo studio di teologia per li Padri sacerdoti che già hanno finito il corso della filosofia e stato l’emulazione con Gesuiti, che non ci lasciano vivere chiamandoci ignoranti; perché in questo paese nulla si stima il saper fare un epigramma e comporre un’oratione, vogliono scienze, ed hora ancora li Poveri Padri delle Scuole Pie possono comparire in circolo come gli altri.» Cf. also EHI p.475: The young Brothers, in defense of their philosophical-theological study, with six signatures write: “It is true that human letters are necessary for the Institute; but here, in Caller, these are more necessary.” Cf. also a letter of Fr. Antonio Boscarelli of San Michele addressed to the Fathers Assistants, Cagliari, 29-7-1643 (EPC p.404): «Si niuna casa della Religione nell’Italia tien di mestieri di soggetti intelligenti e persone esemplari, sappiano le Paternità M.RR. che questa casa di Cagliari in maggior grado tali operarii richiede essendo che non vi è nella città semplice Prete o Pedante che non sia o Filosofo o Teologo, et ancorché habbiamo in casa nostra fatte diverse pubbliche dimostrazioni, come Orationi, Prediche, Poemi, Accademie, ad ogni modo poco è il concetto, che tengono del nostro sapere, il che è causa a far intendere alle Paternità loro che voglino agiutare questa casa d’alcun soggetto delle qualità sopradette.»

829 Letter of Fr. Antonio Boscarelli to Fr. Mario Sozzi, Cagliari 25-9-1643 (EPC p.406): «[I chierici] non vonno imparare quello che hanno d’insegnare, ma si fanno insegnare d’alcuni Preti filosofi, che vengono a dir messa in Chiesa, la logica con grande nostro disonore, oppure sa V. P. che tanti Padri hanno consumato la sanità nell’insegnare grammatica, vedendo i bisogni non hanno cercato tanti modi leciti et illeciti per sapere la filosofia, che non se ha da insegnare a scolari.» Cf. also letter of the same Father to the Frs. Assistants, Cagliari 26-9-1643 (EPC p.407): «Alcuni Giovani venuti dal novitiato di Cagliari da poco tempo professi e come tali poco pratici nelle cose della Religione hanno affatto lasciato il pensiero di agiutare la loro Madre Religione con quello che ella professa, ma volto il pensiero a cose alte come sono nella filosofia e logica, sono in tal maniera venuti ad aborrire la Grammatica e Rettorica».

830 Letter of Fr. Giovanni Battista de Ferraris, Cagliari 29-1-1648 (EHI p.838): «...se in casa sono circoli sono a tempi determinati repassando gli scritti della filosofia, li giovani argomentando tra di loro, li sacerdoti li scritti di Teologia, il che V. P. giudicherà ben fatto come persona dotta che è.»

831 Letter of Fr. Pier Luca Battaglione, 21-6-1648 (EHI p.229): «Lo studio va avanti come la P. S. comanda, ed, ogni mese si tengono conclusioni publiche con grandissimo honore di tutti.» See also his letter on 25-6-1648 (EHI p.232): «Ogni mese si tengono conclusioni pubbliche di filosofia ed il giorno di S. Pietro piacendo al Signore la terremo di Teologia, e la difenderà il P. Pietro di S. Pellegrino e tutti noi altri sacerdoti con altri esterni ancora arguiremo.»

832 L.3491, Ep.VII p.297, cit. in p.224; L.4230, Ep.VIII p.253.

833 L.3038, Ep.VII p.38 (12-2-1639): «Et non potendo il P. Pietro attendere ad introdur li nostri in scienze maggiori tanto necessarie in coteste parti si potrebbe pigliar un secolar che introducesse quattro o sei dei nostri con ogni brevità e facilità possibile ... come ho detto dar studio ad alcuni acciò possino comparire e ragionar con fondamento.» Also in 1644 Fr. Alessandro Novari insisted to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 16-10-1644 (EEC p.859): «In quanto alli studi delli nostri e che V. P. desiderarebbe, che facessimo insegnare alli nostri la logica, philosophia e theologia. Utinam che in ciò potessimo eseguire la sua volontà che sarabbe a noi di grandissima consolazione.» Cf. L.4230, Ep.VIII p.253.

834 Distribuzione delle famiglie delle case di Moravia, 1639: Reg. Prov. 51^15

Also in 1648, a study of logic was opened in Podolin, which was led by a professor from the Alma Academy of Krakow[835].

835 Letter of Fr. Gian Domenico Franchi della Croce addressed to Fr. General, Podolin 12-12-1647 (EEC p.467): «Al principio dell’anno nuovo qui li nostri per ordine dell’Illustrissimo Sig. Palatino con la licenza del P. Provinciale et primieramente con la sua beneditione incominciaranno la logica per seguitare avanti alli studi maggiori.» Cf. the answer of Calasanz (L.4531, Ep.VIII p.418): «Faccia ancora attendere li professi a scientie maggiori procurando che le lettere [come sogliono fare in molti] non inflent, o causino qualche propria stimatione di se stesso, ma se vorranno che facciano vero effetto, procurino di accompagnarle con la sta. humiltà e proveranno per esperienza che: magis movent exempla humilium, quam verba superborum.» From another letter of Fr. Franchi written from Krakow (June 2, 1648) we know that such a center of studies really had its beginning. (EEC p.468): «Qui [a Podolin] lo studio di filosofia s’incominciò il 19 del mese di maggio prossimo passato d’un professore della Alma Accademia di questa città di Cracovia. L’Illustrissimo e Carissimo Signor Palatino, nostro Fondatore [il conte Lubomirski) gli da 50 ungari l’anno di provvisione et anco egli da la mensa». According to Fr. Gulyas (o.c., p.30), the name of the professor was Casimir Pietraskiewicz.

There may also have been a study of philosophy and theology in Litomysl in Bohemia[836].

836 L.4436, Ep.VIII p.367 (2-2-1647): «E potranno li nostri in coteste parti attender a studi maggiori.»

The special studies: cases of conscience, sacred oratory, liturgy; the Thomistic orientation of the studies; the detailed program of the same

But apart from the above-mentioned studies of scholastic philosophy and dogmatics, we can say that it was customary in almost every house to hold various moral lessons and lectures on matters of conscience. This was not only an order of the respective ecclesiastical authorities, but also the express will of the holy Pedagogue-priest, who wanted his future educators to be well prepared for the spiritual care of youth by studying in depth the cases in which they usually found themselves[837]. For this reason, Calasanz wanted part of the fathers’ and clerics’ free time to be devoted to discussing and solving such cases[838]. He added the reason that it was not uncommon for such lessons on matters of conscience to be explained by our religious to students in public classes[839].

837 Already in the house of studies projected by Calasanz for each Province, such a subject was to take place. (Constit. p.2.a c.10 n.205): «In qua ultra Rhetoricam et Casus conscientiae, nisi pro nostris, in aliis scientiis non procedatur». L.106, Ep.II p.149: «...ma che usi diligenza grande in imparare casi di coscienza massime di quelli che ocorrono circa la confessione et in specie delli giovinetti et ne doveriano alcuna volta farne insieme conferenza.» Cf. also Constit. (p.3a c.6 «De confessariis» n.317): «...Sint etiam eruditi in casibus, in quibus ut plurimum adolescentes incurrere solent.» Cf. also L.557, Ep.III p.56: «Quanto al P. Antonio Maria ho grande consolatione che sia esaminato et approvato per la confessione et mi sarà caro che attenda a studiar de casi nelli quali sogliono incorrere gli giovinetti che è questo il nostro principale istituto et se potrà havere le opere del Gersone Parisiense in uno dei suoi tomi ne fa un trattato particolar molto a proposito.» (Probably De parvulis ad Christum trahendis. Quattuor considerationes. In the fourth consideration there are useful notices for the confession of the young children). See also the letter of Fr. Giacomo Cipolleta Norcia. 9-12-1629 (EHI p.702): «Tutti attendono allo studio la sera e di grammatica, di humanità, di casi di coscienza e di abaco e scrivere ed io alla ricreatione voglio rivedere il tutto.»

838 L.1161, Ep.IV p.50: «...et poi in casa nel tempo della ricreatione li sacerdoti doverebbero trattar di casi di coscienza appartenenti a confessori e cosi rendersi abili per giovar non solo al prossimo, ma ancora alla Religione.»

839 Despite Calasanz’ recommendations, such studies were not always carried out properly and regularly. (cf. Relatio tertia P. Pietrasantae [Ep. IX p.209]: «E’ necessario che in ogni provincia vi sia un luogo di studio ed in tutte le case lezioni di casi di coscienza»). That cases of conscience could also be taught to external students is evident from the above-quoted passage from the Constitutions (Constit. p.2a c.10 n.205); see also Relatio tertia P. Pietrasantae (Ep. IX p.206): «E Gregorio XV nella confermazione delle loro Costituzioni le da anco, che possano insegnare Rhetorica e casi di coscienza, e per la religione solo tutte le scienze»; and that it was sometimes actually taught, as can be seen in letter L.361, Ep.II p.324: «...et quando bisognerà leggerà casi di coscienza.»

In the area of sacred studies, Calasanz wanted his students to be well trained in sacred eloquence as well. He did not want the future educator to be a popular preacher in the most frequented churches[840], but a valuable exhorter of the youth. He should speak with brevity, simplicity and clarity, according to the ability and usefulness of the students, either in the Oratories or during the teaching of Christian doctrine and in the usual exhortations at the end of the daily lessons[841]. His model was the simple but extremely effective tone of the Oratorian Fathers[842].

840 Constit. P.3rd c.7, ”De concionatoribus”

841 Ibid, (n.328): «Ea solum in concionibus proponant, quae ad captum et utilitatem Auditorum erunt accomodata, maxime cum pueris praedicavennt.» Cf. also n.332: «Ab affectatis verbis, et rebus inutilibus abstineant.»

842 Ibid., (n.331): «In concionando in nostris Ecclesiis familiarem modum dicendi quo utuntur reverendi Patres Oratorii in Vallicella de Urbe imitabuntur.» Cf. L.1415, Ep.IV p.233: «Quanto al ragionar è necessario mortificare il fervore et non passar di un quarto di hora et non gridar con voce alta, ma sia ragionamento familiare, facile et morale.»

Instead of abstract concepts and fruitless discussions, Calasanz preferred the spiritual reasoning of the Oratorians[843], the effective examples of the saints and the clear and simple teaching, which was also confirmed by the example of personal life[844]. In order to realize this idea, the student had to undergo a methodical training of longer duration in addition to the immediate preparation[845]. In the refectory, in the presence of the whole community, he had to do frequent trial exercises. Competent priests corrected him and gave him useful instructions[846]. During this preparation, the student could refer to the good books on preachable subjects recommended by Calasanz and used by him personally[847].

843 L.1294, Ep.IV p.159: «...vorrei che col tempo nei giorni festiivi si introducessero in cotesta Chiesa alcuni ragionamenti spirituali come usano qui li Padri della Chiesa Nuova...»

844 Constit. (p.3rd c.7 n.333): «...quos [pueros] quantum fieri potest, et propriae virtutis exemplo et doctrina facili, aliquorum sanctorum exemplis confirmata, ad Dei obsequium alliciet.» Cf. also L.1410, Ep.IV p.231: «Quanto al ragionar non passe più di un quarto et sia tutto morale senza concetti et lascierà l’auditorio con desiderio di sentirlo altra volta altrimenti li huomini non vi verranno però segua quest’ordine per adesso et si accostumi a far li ragionamenti così limitati et tutti a fine di accendere li scoltanti all’odio del peccato et all’amor santo di Dio.»

845 Constit. (p.3rd c.7 n.328): «Et omnia quae dicturus est, prius diligenter praemeditetur, et auxilio divino implorato, humiliter se praeparet.»

846 Ibid. (n.327): «Et antequam publice in ecclesia aliquis nostrum praedicet, prius privatis declamationibus inter communem refectionem exerceatur, optabitque ut admoneatur a deputatis a Superiore, si quid eis corrigendum videbitur; et correctionem humili et grato animo suscipiat.» Cf. also L.1294, Ep.IV p.150: «Vorrei che li dui chierici Giov. Battista venuti costì si accostumassero a far alcuni ragionamenti spirituali come usano qui li Padri della Chiesa Nuova et per questo effetto si faccia un loco come qui in Roma usano detti Padri et non in pergamo.»

847 L.187, Ep.II p.215: «Mi pare di haver mandato un libro detto il Roseto sopra tutte le domeniche dell’anno et credo sia molto a proposito, almeno per me era bonissimo.» Cf. also L.202, Ep.II p.224: «Darò ordine al fratel Ambrosio che ritrovi un libro a proposito per le domeniche di quadragesima.» Cf. L.184, Ep.II p.214: «Vederò che Francesco della Anuntiatione ritrovi nella libreria alcun libro a proposito per ragionar le feste et si mandarà.» And L.111, Ep.II p.154: «Il libro che ho scritto [a book of Sunday homilies] bisogna ritrovarlo, che io mi scordai di portarlo meco quanta fui costà ed è molto conforme al mio genio». See L.110, Ep.II p.152: «...Il libro che io li disse è composto da un Padre di S. Domenico sopra tutte le domeniche dell’anno, è in foglio, le coperte sono di cartapecora, ma usate, lo mandi per la prima occasione.»

In this field, too, the saint was the teacher of all, not only with the wise norms given for this purpose in the Constitutions and in his letters, but also with his personal example. He never had the ambition to become a famous preacher in Rome, but always remained close to his children as a gentle exhorter with irresistible suggestions[848]. It is said that his face radiated heavenly light as he preached to the little ones[849]. Undoubtedly his spirit was a luminous giver of the divine word, and his intact tongue shows with the most convincing eloquence how much holiness he wanted on the lips and in the words of the children’s preachers.

848 Cf. TALENTI, o.c., p.517.

849 Proc. inf p.461 «Processus ne probationes perirent»; Reg. Cal. 31 fol.295: «...gli faceva sempre una pia esortazione...» Cf. also BAU, o.c., p.485-486.

We must add something about the study of the liturgy. Given Calasanz’ great love for the liturgy, it was only natural that he made his young clerics love and study it. To this end, he wanted books to be read and cases of the liturgy to be discussed frequently during recreations[850].

850 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.162 (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «...[during the recreation] si leggano i libri che trattano delle cerimonie da usarsi in Chiesa e simile materie». Cf. L.2827, Ep.VI p.318: «Quanto al remediare l’imperfettione della ricreatione V.R. procurerà che alcuno nominato da Lei porti alcun dubbio circa le cerimonie della messa o circa dell’essercitio delle scuole e farà che risponda ognuno per ordine, et se i dubbij saranno di cose necessarie tutti staranno a sentire e diranno il loro parere.»

With this we have almost exhausted our topic on the spiritual studies of the future Piarist educator. For the sake of completeness, we can add that the seriousness and intensity of these studies is confirmed by the testimonies that various contemporary catalogs of some of our houses offer us. According to these testimonies, the study of matters of conscience was particularly intense in all the houses[851], although neither philosophy nor the other disciplines of sacred theology were neglected[852].

851 Narni’s catalog of 1335 (Reg. Prov. 4221), under the title “Auctores casuum conscientiae”, cites at least twenty books for confessions; among them, the Breve directorium ad confessarii et paenitentis munus rite obeundum, by Giov. A. Polanco (Rome 1554); the Trattato della confessione, by St. Anthony (probably, the treatise entitled Curam illius habe, a manual made for confessors); [Bologna 1472], etc.); Lo specchio di vera penitenza, de Jacopo Passavanti (Firenze 1495), and Theologia moralis, de Martino Bonacina (Lione 1624). Cf. L.756 (Ep. III p.208): «Il P. Pietro che confessa nella Chiesa di Porta Reale scrive che desidera molto li lascino il Bonacina per studiarvi casi di coscienza.» The Narni catalog of 1645 (Reg. Prov. 4231) also cites Bellarmine’s De Paenitentia. In the library of Fanano (Reg. Prov. 20; Fan. 6) there is Modo di sinceramente confessarsi di S. Tomasso d’Aquino, translated into Italian (Firenze 1512).

852 Cf. e.g. the catalog of the Piarist Library of Narni from 1635; Reg. Prov. 4221, where various commentaries on the works of Aristotle by Alexander of Aphrodisia, Boethius, Petrus Tartaretus, St. Thomas and Francis of Toledo can be found alongside other philosophical works. In the same library are the Organon and the Physics by Aristotle, the Dialectic by Boethius and Rudolph Agricola, the Logic by Jacobus Carpentier (Carpentarius), by Dominic of Soto and by Pope John XXI (Petrus Hispanus); the Filosofia naturale by Piccolomini (Pius II.); the Compendium Philosophiae naturalis et moralis by Savonarola; the commentaries by Paolo Manuzio on philosophical works by Cicero and all philosophical works by Francisco de Toledo.

Among the theological works of the same library we find the Summa, the Catena, the Quaestiones and the minor works of St. Thomas; the Morales of St. Gregory; the minor works of St. Augustine and those of Bede the Venerable, the complete works of Cassian, the Praelectiones Theologicae by Francisco de Vitoria, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis by Robert Bellarmine, the liturgical works of Bartholomew Gavanti, the Rationale divinorum officiorum by William Durando and the Compendium ethicorum by Ermolao Barbaro.

And it is natural that with such zeal in philosophical and theological studies, despite the various occupations of our houses and the purely pedagogical orientation of their activities, some took a more active interest and wrote various treatises on the philosophical-theological subject. Thus, we know that the Venerable Glicerio wrote a treatise on philosophy divided into three parts, namely logic, physics and metaphysics, and a book on theology with the treatises De actibus humanis and De beatitudine[853].

853 Cf. Reg. Cal. XIV 90, index of the manuscripts of Father Landriani. These manuscripts were found in the room of the holy Founder at the time of his death and were never printed.

The venerable Father Pedro Casani (1570-1647) also wrote several theological works with a Thomistic orientation. He wrote a treatise De Sanctissima Trinitate, another De sacramento poenitentiae and a third De auxiliis divinae gratiae[854]. The manuscript of a fourth treatise, De Spiritibus, is kept in the library of San Pantaleo[855].

854 Letter of Fr. Pietro Paolo Grien to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 11-11-1647 (EEC p.553): «Mi haveva scritto il P. Pietro di S. Memoria che haveva incominciato un trattatello sulla Ss. Trinità, con molta sua applicazione, et perché ho ancora la maggior parte delli suoi scritti non vorrei esser privo di questo. Per tanto se già non fusse andato nelle mani d’altrui suplico V. P. me lo faccia conservare finche si porga occasione di mandarmelo insieme con un trattato De Sacramento Paenitentiae et de Auxiliis Divinae Gratiae scritto tutto di mano sua et legato in 4^0 in pergamena.»

855 Cf PICANYOL, Heroes pietatis: Petrus Casanus (Eph. Cal. VII [1938] 160). See also an account by Fr. Picanyol (Eph. Cal. I [1932] 141), according to which the manuscript of the treatise on penance with the title De praeparazione ad sacramentum paenitentiae, with a Thomistic imprint, is now in our library in Carcare. The same Fr. Casani also wrote an apologetic booklet with the title Responsiones ad IV Dubia quibus rustici haeretici ne ad catholicam partem transirent detinebantur (cf. BAU, o.c., p.804 n1). For a complete exposition of Fr. Casani’s writings see Romana seu Lucana beatificationis et canonizationis servi Dei Petri Casani... Positio super virtutibus (Roma 1982) p.1404-1510.

Finally, we also know that Father Antonio Maria Vitali wrote a theological treatise on the Immaculate Conception in Latin: Tractatus de Inmaculata Conceptione, but the work, written around 1640, has remained in manuscript.

We can say nothing definite about the existence of a detailed program in the sacred studies, as in other studies. It is very likely that in Calasanz’ time such a program - at least of long duration - did not exist at all, for reasons we well understand. However, given the great love and respect Calasanz had for the Angelic Doctor[856], and given the extremely frequent presence of his works in our libraries, it is reasonable to assume that his teaching was generally favored. When the Fathers of the General Chapter of 1677 officially adopted such an orientation, they were merely confirming an ancient and unbroken Calasanzian tradition[857].

856 Cf. PICANYOL, L ‘eco dei nostri centenari n.4 (1946). Also the Abbot Glicerio Landriani, predilect of the Saint was «affettionato della dottrina di S. Thommaso» (cf. letter of Fr. Giacomo Vacchedano di San Girolamo della Carità to Fr. Dominic of Jesus Mary, discalced carmelite [Mon. Hist. III. Subsid. Hag. 2 (1938) p.16]). The same can be told of Fr. Pietro Casani (Eph. Cal. I [1932] 141 y VII [1938] 160).

857 Archivum Scholarum Piarum III (1938) 9 «Decretum Capituli Generalis 1677», 4th May: «Censuerunt Patres et unanimi consensu decreverunt omnibus religionis nostrae lectoribus ac Magistris ex illibato Angelici Doctoris fonte hauriendam esse Doctrinam et in auditorum animos infundendam.» The same disposition was reaffirmed by the Ratio Studiorum pro Nostris en el 1718 (cf. Const. et Reg. [Roma 1826] p.129). Finally, this Ratio Studiorum also established a fixed program for sacred studies, to be developed in five years (two years of philosophy and three of theology). Const. et Reg. (Roma 1826) p.129-130: «V. Biennium item philosophicum, in quo post absolutam logicam, dies una Lectoris arbitrio, per singulas hebdomadas in Ethicis Quaestionibus impendenda, sequenti ordine procedat.

X. Primo Quadrimestri commendatio Doctrinae S. Thomae Aquinatis, Magistri nostri; Modus Disputandi. Summulae seu Logica Minor, et Prooemialia Maioris ante vel post Theses de Ente rationis; et de Universalibus in communi.

Z. Secundo quadrimestri reliquae de Logica Maiori Quaestiones.

AA. Tertio quadrimestri Prooemialia, et quinque priores libri octo Physicorum.

BB. Quarto quadrimestri Libri, qui supersunt, ex octo Physicorum: de Caelo et Mundo, de Generatione et Corruptione.

CC. Quinto quadrimestri de Anima, Metaphysica et Meteora.

Sexto quadrimestri, si quae supersunt, Quaestiones de Praedictis absolvantur et reliquum ut supra in biennio Rhetorico; sed litteraria exercitia in casus conscientiae convertantur.

DD. Pari passu in triennio Theologico progrediendum

Primo quadrimestri de Sacra Doctrina, de Sacramentis in genere, et in specie de Eucharistia

EE. Secundo quadrimestri de reliquis Sacramentis in specie, signanter de Poenitentia; et insuper de Actibus Humanis.

FF. Tertio quadrimestri de Legibus; de vitiis et peccatis; de virtutibus in genere; et de Virtutibus Theologicis.

GG. Quarto quadrimestri de Deo Uno, et Attributis; de Visione; et de Beatitudine.

HH. Quinto quadrimestri de Scientia Dei, de Praedestinatione, et Voluntate Dei.

II. Sexto quadrimestri de Trinitate cum parte aliqua Tractattis de Angelis.

KK. Septimo quadrimestri Quaestiones, quae supersunt de Angelis; de gratia, de Iustificatione et Merito.

LL. Octavo quadrimestri de Incarnatione.

MM. Nono quadrimestri Theses reliquae de praecedenti tractatu, si quae superstites fuerint, absolvantur, et si quid temporis superest, in ea quae ad calcem biennii Philosophici recensentur, impendatur.»

7. The study of sacred and profane music

Having completed the study of the main subjects of the Calasanzian educator, we must still recall the careful and conscientious preparation of our students in two other subjects, which were certainly no less important, but only secondary due to understandable historical circumstances. These two subjects were vocal and instrumental music and the vulgar language. The teaching of music and singing was a great novelty in the elementary school of Calasanz[858].

858 Regarding this matter, see next chapters.

In order to procure a sufficient number of suitable teachers for these lessons, to promote the liturgical services in the Piarist churches, to make the few but well-ordered processions of the students and Fathers more solemn[859] and, finally, to be able to accompany the even rarer stage performances[860], Calasanz also allowed his students and fathers to study singing and music - within limits and to a certain extent.

859 L.182, Ep.II p.213: «Il Sig. Manilio fu hieri qui et mi mostro una imagine della Madonna Santissima per far uno stendardo, mi parlò della musica» (5-9-1623). It is remarkable that Calasanz, six days earlier, was still opposed to all kinds of music. L.180 (Ep. II p.212): «Quanto alla festa voglio che si faccia positivamente come la fanno i Padri Cappucini senza musica ne paramenti como li anni passati ma sibene con frequenza di confessione e di comunione delli scolari et con alcuni sermoni per esempio buono del popolo.»

860 Letter of Fr. Fedele to Fr. General, Frascati 22-1-1633 (EHi p.929): «Nella lettera ultima festa scrivevo che V. P. mi facesse comporre in musica alcune canzonette de recitarsi in una rappresentationcina da farsi questo carnevale, e che facesse gratia di mandare qui il fratello che canta con due o tre soprani per alcuni pochi giorni, non essendo qui in Frascati musica. Le canzonette sono l’incluse.»

We say that he allowed it because he did not do all this without concern. On the one hand, he allowed our students to take music lessons for a long time (especially in Rome, Campi and Nikolsburg)[861], on the other hand, he never had great confidence in the “variable” musicians, but always retained a little fear, as he was suspicious of them because of the “loose” spirit they could bring to the religious community[862]. Nevertheless, the study of music and singing in the house of San Pantaleo in Rome was extremely intense. This is only natural when you consider that the position of professor of music was not always held by a layman, but almost always by a religious[863]. The documents available to us show that there were always some members of this house who were engaged in such studies[864]. The records in the account books are very significant in this respect. The large number of different musical instruments purchased, the frequent acquisition of papers and music books clearly show the intensity and extent of the musical culture of the San Pantaleo study[865].

861 L.4003, Ep.VIII p.135: «Il martedì la terza festa dello Spirito Santo o vero il mercoledì di mattina partirà da Roma per Firenze il P. Domenico Antonio, il quale lascia qui la scola di musica abbandonata, nella quale imparavano molti fanciulli poverelli et si guadagnavano poi, col tempo, il pane colla musica.» Cf. L.3989: Ep. VIII p.132-133. Cf. also Relazione della casa di Campi (Reg. Prov. 179): «Scuole quattro dei quali si essercitano solo tre. La terza di musica. La fa il P. Francesco di S. Carlo. Vi sono scolari 25 con i suoi banchi e tavolino.» Besides this, the cultivation of singing and music was particularly intense in Nikolsburg, in the seminary of the so-called “giovani lauretani”. These were often instructed by our religious (letter of Fr. A. Ambrosi, Nikolsburg).burg 7-8-1631 [EEC p.18]: «A questi musici del Seminario il P. Carlo gli fa la carità d’insegnargli a sonare et cantare»). Italian music was highly esteemed in those regions (letter of Msgr. Gramay to Fr.General, Nikolsburg 22-9-1631 [EEC p.503]: «Cum nullum totius imperii Seminarium sit in quo non ad cultum divinum cohonestandum musica doceatur, eaque iudicatur praestantior quae proxime ad Italiam accedit, magni res foret emolumenti et honoris si hac in parte externorum opera uti non deberemus et facile ego possem expensis illis quibus unicum organicae et vocalis musicae directorem interteneo 4 aut 5 patres intertenere»). - In Strassnitz, too, Italian music was highly respected (letter of Count Magni to Fr. General, Strassnitz 16-6-1632 [EPC p.1712]: «Se simul et semel si potranno havere maestri di musica vocale et instrumentale saria cosa utilissima essendo questa contea signoria et vicinato et gl’ungheri in particolare in estremo atti a questo studio, efficacissimo impiego per allettare numero infinito de scolari»).

862 L.1532, Ep.IV p.315: «Quanto alla scuola di musica ho qui voluto fare prova di un giovane francese che ne sa mediocremente et si porta assai bene, ma dubito che non durarà perché è costume de musici l’esser variabili.» L.437, Ep.II p.382: «Non ammetta i musici a magnar in casa ma se li accomodi alcun altro loco.» L.83, Ep.II p.134: «Nel giorno di S. Tecla potrà dire la messa cantata il P. Giov. Battista, ma non a Musica, perciochè i Musici sogliono haver tal condittione, che più presto incitano a relassatione chi tratta con essi, che a devotione, et conviene che io per la festa che ho lasciato fare qui per la Natività della Madonna SSma. mandi al novitiato per otto dì almeno due o tre che per dar soddisfazione alli musici si sono alquanto relassati». Calasanz was certainly not the only one of his time who had little faith in musicians and certain music. Cardinal Silvio Antoniano also shared his opinion (o.c., p.157): Questa ricreatione si ha da intendere senza pregiuditio dei buoni costumi, per il che si deve haver riguardo alla conditione del maestro et con questa occasione non si introducano in casa persone mal sicure ... Non si cantino compositioni tali né rime che possino accender l’animo di fuoco carnale. Perhaps for such reasons, the General Chapter of 1641 decided «che in nessuna casa si possa insegnare di musica se non nella casa di Roma» (L.4003, Ep.VIII p.135).

863 Processus ob furtum, mense martio 1631 (Reg. Cal. XIII 43,); «Donatus ab Amore Dei: “Io attendo alla scuola di musica”.»

864 Ibid.: «Mi pare che il P. Marcello sappia cantare di Musica, et anco ho visto sonare una spinetta communiter dictum gravicembalo il sud. Fr. Carlo, come anche in scuola prima della quale lui è il maestro.»

865 Libro di uscita: Reg. Cal. XIII 25; 13-5-1631: «Per una cartella per la musica, giuli 1,30»; 21-6-1631: «Per un libro di musica, 1,20»; 21-4-1632: «Per il maestro di musica per comprar carta, 0,30»; 24-4-1632: «Al maestro di musica, 0,15.»-Libro di uscita: Dom. Gen. 48; 1-11-1634: «Al fratello Donato musico per una cartella di musica per servizio del Collegio Nazareno»; 1-4-1634: Al Fr. Giovanni musico per comprare corde, giuli 1»; 20-8-1633: «Al fratello Benedetto di S. Giovanni Batt., giuli due; per carta pecora da fare una cartella da comporre musica»; 9-8-1633: «Al fratello Giovanni della Musica, giuli 10; andando a Narni con tre figli e il compagno»; 19-7-1635: «Al Fr. Donato per pagare il facchino per portatura di un cimbalo, corda e seta, giuli 2»; 11-6-1636: «Al Fr. Desiderio per carta reale da musica, giuli 6»; 4-10-1637: «Giuli 30 al Fr. Donato per comprare libri di musica»; 5-11-1635: «Al Fr. Donato per corde da liuto o cimbalo, 0.12»; 10-11-1635: «Al Fr. Donato per corde di cimbalo, 0.9»; 2-3-1636: «Al P. Giovanni della musica per comprare libri, giuli 2.»

It should also be noted that this musical interest was not limited to a simple passive learning of the various masses, motets or other pieces, nor to a faithful but mechanical teaching of what had already been learned, but the continuous purchase of various books indicates a fairly active participation in musical culture and a serious tendency to deepen and assert oneself more and more in this matter. There were even people who did not refrain from creative activity in this area[866]. Occasional poems, liturgical verses, were harmonized by them, with no lack of occasional songs for various representations[867], and they were useful to make the service of the church more solemn in the various houses[868].

866 L.2206, Ep.V p.339: «Ho dato li versi al fratel Giovanni et credo li metterà in musica et fattoli bene, si mandaranno, ma soprano no’ v’è qui che possa venir costì gratis se non il nostro Germano, che no ha troppa buona voce.»

867 Letter of Fr. Giuseppe Fedele of the Visitation, Frascati 22-1-1633 (EHI p.929): «Nella lettera ultima festa scrivevo, che V. P. mi facesse comporre in musica alcune canzonette da recitarsi in una rappresentationcina da farsi questo carnevale e che facesse gratia di mandare qui il frello che canta con due o tre soprani per alcuni pochi giorni non essendo qui in Frascati musica. Le canzonette sono l’incluse.»

868 Letter of Fr. Pietro Agostino Abbate of All Saints, Nikolsburg 27-4-1632 (EEC p.4): «Mando una copia delle litanie che ha fatto il P. Carlo per i nostri Lauretani, quali si cantano ogni sabbato in Loreto. Se pero finirà di ricopiarle in tempo un figliuolo che le ricava.»

Here too, in the field of music, the same holy Pedagogue was the animating spirit and leader of all activities. He became a musician with the musicians, gave his religious commissions for various compositions, bought the necessary books, made sure that the most modern compositions reached even distant Nikolsburg[869] and often provided the neighboring houses outside Rome with suitable music[870]. The extent to which these musicians of St. Pantaleo were able to influence the field of musical, instrumental and vocal performance is clearly shown in a letter of thanks addressed to the holy Founder, in which the Fathers and other singers - his pupils - are greeted as so many “Orpheos” and “Amphiones”[871].

869 Letter of Fr. A. Ambrosi, Nikolsburg 23-12-1633 (EEC p.48): «Il fratel Carlo della Concettione parimenti humilissimamente prega la P. S. che con la medesima occasione gli voglia mandare il primo libro delle Messe del Palestrina, la prima Messa del quale è composta sopra Ecce Sacerdos Magnus, il quale sa che non si trovarebbe altrove. Et similmente i mottetti di Francesco Anerio sopra tutte le feste dell’anno non potendo sperare altrimenti di haverli.»

870 L. 75, Ep.II p.129: «Ms. Quintio si è offerto questa Mattina di venir costà per la Domenica infra Octavam Nativitatis Virginis con il suo figliolo che suona il cornetto per eccellenza anco il violino con dui o tre compagni se bisognara, ma vorrebbe che si trovasse un organetto in ogni modo per far la cosa con maggior perfettion et potrà esser che per detto tempo io ancora vi venga con l’aiuto del Sig. il quale ci benedica sempre.»

871 Letter of the archpriest and general vicar of Frascati, Giov. Ant. Pallotta; Frascati 29-6-1638 (EHI p.1572): «Rvmo. P. in Xro mio Ossmo. Li Padri mandati da V. P. Rma. con li altri cantori a favorire questa nostra cattedrale si sono mostrati tanto gratiosi in sonare et cantare, che a guisa di tanti Orfei et Anfioni hanno potuto allettare li animi di tutto questo popolo. Ho voluto di questa verità certificare V. P. Revma. rengratiandola infinitamente del favore ricevuto et restandone assieme con questo Capitolo obbligato, prego V. P. Revma. il colmo de suoi santi pensieri da Nostro Signore. Frascati, 29 di giugno 1638. Di V. P. Revma. aff. Servitore Giov. Antonio Pallotta, Arciprete.»

In addition to this study of singing and music, which was pursued with so much diligence and zeal, we know that in Norcia, too, attempts were made to have our most capable clerics learn this art[872]. There must have been an intense musical culture in Campi because, as we have already seen, there was an exclusive classroom for this teaching, similar to that of San Pantaleo[873]. The large number of music books that appear in the catalog of this house gives us an important clue in this regard[874]. Apart from these centers for musical studies, Calasanz also allowed, in some special cases, some more talented people to dedicate themselves privately to the study of music and singing[875].

872 Letter of Fr. Jacobo Cipolletta to Fr. General, Norcia 5-4-1630 (EHI p. 703): L’altro ieri fu determinato in conseglio, che il Maestro di Musica venisse ad insegnare in casa nostra agli scolari un hora avanti o dopo le scole secondo il nostro comodo, se io me ne contentavo, risposi a questi Signori, che a me mi piaceva, ma che non mi pareva bene farlo senza ordine della P. S.; però se alla Paternità Sua parrà si farà, se non, haveranno patienza, et voglio si facci con questo pretesto, che il maestro di Musica ogni giorno non si meni gli scolari a cantare altrove e perdino la scuola, e se le pare bene, che con questa occasione imparino ancora alcuni de nostri chierici più abili.»

873 Relazione della casa di Campi (1635): Reg. Prov. XVII 9.

874 Ibid. This list, under the title Libri di musica -among other works- refers to the Ricercate and the Vespri, by Giov. Maria Trabacci (cf. H. RIEMANN Dictionaire de musique [3rd ed. Paris 1931] p.1931); the madrigals and Masses of Hipolito Sabino (cf. RIEMANN, o.c.; p.1157); the Masses of Gramatico Metallo (cf. ibid., p.842), a Mass by Salvador Rosa (cf. ibid., p.1136), the madrigals of Lucas Marenzio (cf. ibid., p.804), the Responsories of Holy Week, by Carlo Gesualdo, prince of Venosa (cf. Enc. Ital. XVI p.880); also Dodici paii di madrigalia, by various authors; Otto paii di motetti, by various authors. This list closes with the observation that “di detti libri se ne sono comprati da quaranta ducati”.

875 L.3374, Ep. VII p.235: «Quanto al fr. del P. Girolamo, se persevera nella sua vocatione, sarà consolato, ma è necessario che si perfettioni nel talento di suonare di musica come haveva cominciato o fuori o dentro la Religione come si scriverà dopo, intanto V.R. cerchi di aiutarlo.»

And as for the subject and direction of such studies, we know that Calasanz was extremely conservative and liturgist with regard to the singing and music of the Church. With so much sense, he wanted all figurative chant, all “discanto”[876] to be far away from his religious and churches, and he wanted simple chant (cantus planus) to be used everywhere, after the manner of the Capuchins[877]. It is an indisputable fact that these first Piarists, who followed in the footsteps of the Oratorians[878], adopted the new liturgical orientation of the most famous representatives of the already reformed or reforming music[879] of Palestrina or Anerio[880].

876 Calasanz and the Fathers called it «canto fermo dei secolari». Cf. Vis. Narniensis, 6-7-1629 (Reg. Prov. 4212): «Qui il Visitatore si lamenta che cantando per ordinario con gli scolari si usa il canto fermo dei secolari.»

877 L.2216, Ep.V p.358: «Tutte le funtioni della chiesa si cantino al modo de cappuccini, salvo le lettanie del sabato sera et vigilie della Beatissima Vergine et non vi si usi altro modo di cantar ne figurato ne di canto fermo» L.621, Ep.III p.117-118: «Ho inteso che costì (a Narni) vi sono li infrascrittI mancamenti ... 9o: che non si canta nel choro al tono de cappuccini ma alcune volte falso bordone et che il Ministro suol cantare all’organo con la voce di falso il che è di scandalo non solo per arrivarvi con la voce, ma anco perché non si deve dalli nostri cantar se non al tono de cappuccini, se secolari venissero per charità si potrebbe tollerare...» Cf. also Ordini del Santo Fondatore a Narni, 21-7~629 (Reg. Prov. 42^13): «In niun modo hanno da usare nelle nostre chiese li nostri il canto fermo, e meno il figurato, ma il piano, schietto, all’usanza nostra; e questo s’intende ancora in qualunque solennità, benché vi intervenga la musica de’ scolari, non volendo che li nostri sotto qualsivoglia pretesto vi si avvezzino. Possono gli scolari soli cantare sull’organo o in altra maniera, ma non mai li nostri con loro, ma da sè». On the situation of music and liturgical chant in Calasanz’s time, see MARIO RIGHETTI., Manuale di storia liturgica vol.l «Introduzione generale» (Milano 1950) p.572-573.

878 CAPECELATRO, o.c., c.8 «San Filippo e la Musica» P:191-220.

879 Fr. A. Ambrosi’s letter to Fr. General, Nikolsburg, 23-12-1633 (EEC p.48) (cf. p.256 n.12). The same letter from which we have taken this information also informs us of the certainly important fact that our confreres were zealous advocates of the liturgical cult of Rome in distant Bohemia. In the chapter in which we will talk about the scenic representations performed by the students of the Pious Schools under the direction of our Fathers, we will see how much our Fathers were involved in the composition of the indispensable musical accompaniment of these performances.

880 Cf. RIGHETTI, o.c., p.573.

The singing of the Laudi spirituali, the popular and religious chants and arias for boys, which were so often sung by our students[881], also followed the path taken by John Animuccia, Peter Louis de Palestrina and the Oratorians[882].

881 Cf. Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Nell’inviarsi a simili ricreationi, e per la strada sarà di edificatione l’andar cantando le lettanie, o laudi spirituali, ma si habbia riguardo al luogo, dove si passa.» Cf. also Fr. Berro (o.c., II fol.4): «...il dopo pranzo nei giorni di festa fra la Dottrina, et il Vespro, e le Vacance ne andavano con li Padri tutti in più luoghi della città per loro ricreatione venendo essercitati in diversi modestissimi giuochi, et di tempo in tempo anco in lodi spirituali delle quali così li figli, come ancora chi vi si tratteneva ne traeva profitto grande per le anime loro.» See also letter 794, Ep.Ill p.233, where Calasanz speaks about the Laudi del Grignani, printed in Roma in 1624.

882 CAPECELATRO, o.c., c.8 «S. Filippo e la Musica» p.191-220. Perhaps it would not be superfluous to include here the preface to il primo libro delle laudi spirituali, in three voices, which was printed at the request of the Fathers of the Congregation of the Oratory (by Alessandro Gaedano, Rome, 1583):

“All’Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Mons. Cardinale Alessandrino.

Fra gli esercitij, che quotidianamente si fanno nel nostro Oratorio Mons. Illustrissimo e Revmo. si suol sempre cantare qualche laude spirituale per ricreare gli animi, nell’attentione della parola di Dio, et insieme per nutrirgli la devotione. E a quello fine furono già stampate alcune Laudi Spirituali le quali essendo state communmente ricevute con molto gusto, e frutto spirituale, è parso ai Padri, per honor di N.S. e per consolatione de devoti procurar questo libro, ma con più facilità e semplicità musicale, acciò possa esser cantato a tutti, il che per la maggior parte non avveniva di quelle. È ben vero che non aveamo intentione di publicarlo, ma tenerlo per uso di quelli estraordinarii esercitij che publicamente si fanno il giorno di festa, hor’ in una, hor’ in altra parte di Roma, per trattenere la gente, che non disvaghino per le vie larghe, e lubriche del Mondo; ma poi per fuggire la continua istanza di molti, che ne chiedono copie, la quale non si potea giustamente negare, è parso loro espediente publicarlo a tutti, considerando massime, che il Signore Dio se ne potrà fare servire, per divertire e dismetter’ almeno in parte tante vanità e disonestà, che di continuo si sentono cantare dalle bocche de Christiani, i quali non deverebbono altro intonare che Laude e benedittione del Signore. Et perché Vostra Signoria Illustrissima ragionando seco uno de nostri Padri, ha lodato questo conseglio, et insieme offerto tutto il suo favore, si son mossi a presentare in manu sua l’oprina», etc.

As can be seen from the list of musical pieces in the Piarist library in Campi, these Fathers even cultivated madrigals within the limits that can be granted to a religious[883].

883 Cf. Relazione della casa di Campi: Reg. Prov. XVII 9; cit. in n.874.

8. The study of the vernacular

And now that we have finished with the subject of music, we must say two words about the study of the vulgar language. There are no documents that tell us of a regular study of the Italian language at the time of Calasanz, but we can confirm that the Pious Schools did not neglect the teaching of the vernacular[884], which was then called the vulgar language[885], in line with the new orientation that was already visible everywhere at the time. It is therefore obvious that the future teachers had to be prepared in some way. Most likely, this training was private and depended on the personal preferences and interests of the individual teachers. Part of the preparation and training must have consisted of diligent practice in order to achieve impeccable reading and the frequent recitations and declamations we have already mentioned[886].

884 This follows from various documents, as we shall see (pp.548-551).

885 Cardenal Silvio Antoniano (o.c., p.150): «Non è anco da riprendere, per mio parere, qualche studio della nostra lingua volgare, la quale si ha da esercitare cotidianamente quanto ognun sa, et è gran vergogna veder tal’hora un gentil’huomo, che non sa se non inettamente spiegare i suoi concetti nelle lettere famigliari, et commodamente si può congiungere l’essercitio di queste due lingue, et non senza giovamento, traducendo luoghi di buoni autori, dell’una nell ‘altra.»

886 See n.610.

They also had to master the most elementary laws of Italian grammar and syntax and know at least the main differences between the spirit and structure of the mother tongue and the Latin language. Such clarity and precision was of the utmost importance for fruitful teaching in both Italian and Latin. And the testimony of the contemporary catalogs of our libraries and the two grammars of Father Apa[887] assure us of the existence of such studies and of such interest. They have read and consulted the Commentaries on the vulgar language, the Way to write verses in Italian by Jerome Ruscelli[888], the Observations on the vulgar language by Ludovico Dolce[889], the Memorandum of the vulgar language and the Treatise on the vulgar language by Giacomo Pergamini[890] and the Vocabulary of the Crusca[891]. They were also familiar with Petrarch, Tasso, Dolce, Bembo and other lesser-known authors[892]. Their knowledge of the various minor works written for the theatrical performances commonly held in schools at the time was particularly extensive[893]. And in this area they were not content with a simple, amateurish knowledge of these plays, but modified and transformed them, adapting or translating them according to need and demand, as necessity and circumstances required[894]. And there was no shortage of Fathers who were happy to write some of these works[895].

887 How much attention Fr. Apa paid to the common language in his grammars, we will see later, in pages 304-308. In fact, he wrote his Teatro della Latinità “nella nostra italiana favella già che come ne dimostrano i filosofi, dalla preesistente cognitione si sormonta alla scienza: e i fanciulli dalla lingua da loro intesa agevolmente possono venire alla cognitione della lingua che non intendono, senza che alcune proprietà, e idiotismi del parlare latino giammai si possono da giovanetti bene apprendere, se non gli vien mostrato il simile nella lingua materna».

On the other hand, Fr. Apa has always emphasized «le proprietà della lingua materna corrispondenti agli idiotismi latini (intr. al Teatro della Latinità). In his Principij, p.ej., he has a chapter with title «Registro de verbi, che possono far errare un principiante di nazione italiano per la diversità della costruzione Latina e Toscana» (o.c., p.99-109). Fr. Apa wanted also his students could translate «di lingua naturale in latino comedie che fossero ben dettate con varii modi di dire, diverse espressioni di affetti, e multiplice varietà di ragionamenti, sopratutto famigliari» (intr .. of Principij). Father Apa, in addition to a Latin-Italian dictionary for the students, also wanted an Italian-Latin dictionary, «avvertendo non solo di aggiustare le significazioni, ma anche nei Verbi il riscontro dalla medesima costruzione, e di distinguere i Propri da Traslati, che cosi sarebbe levata agli studenti l’occasione di molti errori, non solo nel principio, ma nel progresso anche poi de’ loro studij gli fanno spropositare nell’una e nell’altra lingua» (Principij «Al discreto Maestro»).

888 Regarding G. Ruscelli (died in 1566) see Enciclopedia Italiana vol.30 p.258. The full title of the venetian edition of Commentari is the following: De’ Commentarii della Lingua Italiana del Signor Girolamo Ruscelli Viterbese. Libri sette. Ne’ quali con facilità e copiosamente si tratta di tutto quello che alla vera e perfetta notizia di detta lingua appartiene. Venetia 1581. The complete title of Modo di comporre in versi is: Del modo di comporre in versi nella lingua italiana, trattato di Girolamo Ruscelli, nuovamente mandato in Luce, nel quale va compreso un pieno et ordinatissimo rimario. Venetia 1559.

889 As for L. Dolce (1508-1568), see Enciclopedia Italiana vol.12 p.9798. The complete title of the first edition of the Osservazioni is as follows: Osservationi sulla volgar lingua di M. Ludovico Dolce divise in quatro libri. Vinegia 1550.

890 As for Gia. Pergamini see Enciclopedia Italiana vol 28 p.547 and also Quadro letterario degli uomini illustri della città di Fossombrone, de Francisco Maria Lancelloti en el t.28 de la Antichita Picene, de Giuseppe Colucci (Fermo 1796) p.46. Il Memoriale della ligua volgare, a kind of dictionary, is from the year 1602; the Trattato, from 1636.

891 The Vocabulario della Crusca was first printed in Venice in 1612. The second edition dates from 1623.

892 As for the presence of the works of these writers, in addition to the treatises mentioned in our library, consult the respective catalogs of Narni (Reg Prov 42^15, y Reg Prov 42^21), of Campi (Reg. Prov. 17^8 and Reg.Prov. 17^9), of Fanano (Reg. Prov. 20: Fanano, 6), of Frascati (Reg. Prov. 33^25) and of Naples (Reg. Prov. 12^15)

893 Fanano’s catalog includes the following works: Santa Maria Egiziaca, by Raffaele Rabbia (Bologna 1618) (see GIOVANNI FANTUZZI, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi t. 7 [Bologna 1789], p.146-147; t.9 [Bologna, 1749] p.177-178). The complete title: Maria Egittiaca. Poemetto Sacro di Raffaele Rabbia nell’Accademia de Selvagi l’Agitato. Bologna 1518; La Magdalena Penitente, by Paolo Silvio (Milano 1602); (cf. CAMILLO MINlERI RICCIO, Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli [Nápoles 1844] p.132, where, however, Minieri Riccio speaks only of a Naples edition of the work, published in 1609 under the title La Magdalena penitente, poema heroico, Napoli 1609); Vita di S. Chiara, by Ludovico Nuti (Perugia 1590) (cf. Biblioteca Historico-Bibliographica III. Supplementum et castigatio ad Scriptores Trium Ordinum S. Francisci a Waddingo, aliisque descriptos. Opus posthumum Fr. lo. Hyacinthi Sbaraleae, editio nova pars II [Romae 1921] p.192: «Ludovicus Nuti scripsit Vitam S. Clarae Virginis, et Poema Dramaticum in eiusdem laudem, Perusii 1590»); Pianto della Vergine, by Giovan Battista Basile (Napoli 1614) (cf. Bibliografia degli Uomini illustri del Regno di Napoli, compilata da diversi Letterati Nazionali [Napoli 1813] vol. I p.28-30, which refers to the first edition of the same work, published in 1608; the same Basile is also mentioned in the above-mentioned work by C. Minieri Riccio, p.14).; Pianto della Vergine, de Daniele Teofilo Piccigallo (Viterbo 1607; Napoli 1613) (cf. C. MINIERI RICCIO, o.c., p.270; and also NICOLO TOPPI, Biblioteca Napoletana et apparato agli Huomini illustri in lettere di Napoli e del Regno p.331). It is strange that none of these works speaks of the Pianto della Vergine, despite mentioning other dramatic works by the author, such as Infido amico (Naples 1606) and La Susanna (Naples 1532). Narni’s catalog includes Francesco Niedel’s La nascita de Imeneo (cf. LEONE ALLACCI [Allattius], Apes Urbanae, sive de viris illustribus [Romae 1633] p.110; the full title of the 1628 Venetian edition is as follows: La nascita d’Himeneo, comedia nuvolare, celestiale del Signor Francesco Miedel. Venetia, Angelo Salvadori, 1629); Cecilia, by Giovan Francesco Tranquillo (cf. C. MINIERI RICCIO, o.c., p.357; Cecilia, tragedia [Venecia 1606]; the full title is: Cecilia, tragedia spirituale del Dott. Giovan Francesco Tranquillo, del Pizzo Calabrese. Venetia 1606). In the catalog of the Duchesca, Naples, all the tragedies by L. Dolce are listed (cf. p.346 n.2) in the Venetian edition of 1560.: Le tragedie di M. L. Dolce cioè Giocasta, Medea, Didone, lfigenia, Thieste, Hecuba, di nuovo ricorrette e ristampate. Vinegia, appreso Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari, 1560.

894 Letter of Fr. Bafici to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 5-12-1640 (EEC p. 78,80): «La rappresentazione fu quella di Gioseffo Patriarca venuta di costà tradotta in tedesco dal Fr. Agostino di S. Carlo in verso, è ben vero che si mutò in tanti luoghi, e vi aggiunse tanto che pareva per così dire un altro da quello che costì fu rappresentata ... Le mutazioni fatte nell’opera sono state il recidere alcune cose superflue, l’aggiungere ove mancava, l’aggiustare il discomposto, e contro l’arte della commedia anzi contro il naturale e fattibile, l’intramezare fra il mesto alcuna cosa dilettevole e doppo le lagrime di Giacob, alcuna cosa ridicola, per non attediare gli ascoltanti. Questo fu alcune facezie fatte da 4 servi dell’istesso Giacob, Pastori che molte volte mitigavano la severità dell’opera, con semplicità ridicole.»

895 As Fr. Apa did. Caputi writes about him (o.c., p.2a p.11-12 pto.26); Pic., Scuola dei Nobili 21: «Delle altre opere se ne parlerà altrove, come dove lo fece, ma non voglio lasciar di dire l’opere spirituali composte da lui e fatte rappresentare da suoi Scolari Nobili in Fiorenza con apparenze e bellisime invenzioni, che fu necessario farle rappresentare più e più volte per il Granduca, Gran Duchessa e Prencipi fratelli come anche li due Cardinali Carlo e Giov. Carlo de Medici, che non si saziavano mai udirle e vederle rappresentare.» Later, in 1656 another work of his was published with the title Il fido Campione, o vero il B. Gaetano, dramatic work in music (Naples 1656), in 12o.

The Italian culture of these Fathers must have been very solid. Father Leailth in Nikolsburg taught foreigners Italian, which enjoyed the privilege of being an academic language in those regions[896]. That there was a lively interest in the vernacular and literature among the fathers, brothers and students is also shown by the fact that Calasanz, for easily understandable disciplinary reasons, felt compelled to regulate the progress of such studies and to restrict the reading of vulgar authors. The Common Rites already discouraged religious educators from reading certain profane books[897], and our Saint expressly reserved the right to authorize their reading[898], sometimes proving to be extremely strict and rigid in the exercise of this power[899].

896 Letter of Fr. A. Leailth to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 28-7-1632 (EEC p.636): «Io insegno la lingua italiana, e vedo per gratia del Signore già qualche frutto, e sono tutti forastieri.»

Letter of Msgr. Gramay to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 22-9-1631 (EEC p.502): «...in aliis Collegiis nihil necesse est sollicitum esse de dictis linguis praeter Italicam, quae uti Aulica est in hisce partibus, ita ab omnibus expetitur.»

897 Reg. Cal. XVI 741: «Ne li Maestri devono leggerli (i libri volgari) ricercandovisi sempre la licenza particolare del Superiore. E tanto meno hanno da farlo, quando fossero libri profani o di mali costumi.»

898 Letter of Fr. Giacomo Bandoni to Fr. General, Frascati 3-4-1631 (EHI p.163): «Il fratello della prima sono molti giorni che mi stimola d’un libro profano solo per vedere alcune rime, quale mai glieli ho voluto concedere, adesso detto fratello mi dice che io lo scriva a V. P. acciò dia licenza per vederlo.»

899 L.2162, Ep.V p.299: «Quanto al tener libri in camera sia quanto meno sia possibile, ma vadano a studiar in libreria; et al fratel Giov. Battista di S. Maria Maddalena no’ li permetta libri volgari di poesia che lo fanno divertire dalle lettere humane che sono necessarie per noi et si diletta in cose che non sono a proposito nostro ne a profitto delli scolari.»

The fact that the General Chapter of 1712, some fifty years after Calasanz’s death, saw the future of classical studies endangered and felt compelled to order students to refrain from any exercises, practices or compositions in Italian, testifies to the fact that the study of Italian language and literature was gaining momentum[900].

900 Reg. Gen.76 fol.36: «Patres adhortatione. Clementis XI moti unammitate statuerunt ut in posterum in publicis et privatis discipulorum Academiis quantum fieri potest, non admittantur poeticae lucubrationes italico sermone concinnatae, iunioresque nostri studiorum tempore ab eiusmodi lucubrationibus omnino abstineant, et a superioribus prohibeantur, curent enim omni diligentia ut in Scholis nostris lingua latina pristino restituatur splendori et puritati».

9. The dispositions of Calasanz concerning the study of the fathers and clerics; general observations; some aids that contributed to the calasanzian way of living and educating

Having outlined the main provisions and norms for the study and training of the Calasanzian educator, and having examined the actual studies in the individual subjects, we must - before attempting a synthetic consideration of the topic - see according to what general principles and criteria Calasanz wished to conduct these studies and this training.

The main reason why Calasanz wanted his own to study is obvious: only well-trained and well-instructed educators and teachers can educate and teach well[901]. The Saint was very insistent on such studies, not only because the religious “can show themselves in public and argue soundly”[902], but also so that they can fulfill the hopes placed in them with the greatest zeal[903]. To this end, the future educator had to give his all[904] and spend with profit every moment of his time[905] in “silence and seclusion”[906].

901 L.2647, Ep.VI p.202: «Io desidero li nostri tutti con tal talento, che possino poi comunicarlo ad altri.»

902 L.3038, Ep.VII p.38.

903 L.2115, Ep.V p.264.

904 L.2657, Ep.VI p.207: «...è molto infingardo quel religioso che può esser buono in due tre o più cose nella religione et si contenta con una et quella assai mal fatta, et chi si presenterà così nel tribunale di Dio non so come la passerà.»

905 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Finalmente vedano di non haver a render conto di quel tempo malamente speso, havendo obbligo sino di un minimo momento.» See also c.12 «Del tempo che passa dalla scola alla cena» (p.27): «Devono i Ministri locali haver di continuo l’occhio a procurare che non si perda punto di tempo; e però finiti gli essercitii scolastici del dopo pranzo nel inverno, cenandosi di notte, faranno che studiino in commune nello studio, o in qualche stanza a proposito per non havere a consummare tante lucerne e candele.»

906 L.1046, Ep.III p.424-425: «Attendete allo studio con molta ritiratezza et silentio che sarà il ben vostro.»

If necessary, the strongest and most faithful in their exercises of piety were also allowed to study at night[907]. Due to the extreme poverty that prevailed in the Order, the juniors had to study together and at the same time[908]; often even with shared books[909]. In order to have as much time available as possible, they also had to be freed as far as possible from all distracting activities that were difficult to reconcile with serious study, such as the custom of accompanying the boys[910]. To enable students to devote themselves more intensively to their task, the General Chapter of 1637 also introduced compulsory examinations for teachers before they took up their post and when they were to be promoted from a lower school to a higher one[911].

907 Berro (o.c., III p.28): «Quando alcuno di noi altri per studiare li domandavano licenze di non andare a letto nel segno, egli per prima considerava la complessione et età et poi come era sollecito al venir all’oratione alla mattina e secondo quello li dava la licenza.»

908 L.549, Ep. III p.45): «Quanto allo studio [di Roma] desidero che V. R. ordini che li chierici attendano tutti allo studio a quali potrà dar qualche aiuto il fratel Giov. Thomaso et quando V. R. starà per dichiararli alcuna lettione di qualche autor l’haverei caro et potranno la sera a hore 24 retirarsi tutti con due lumi a oglio o vero candele di sego nella scuola 2a o dove parerà a V. R. et per spatio di due hore o due e mezza come parerà a V. R. potranno studiare et poi far l’oratione così stesso li fratelli operarii in un altro luogo con altri dui lumi et se potranno haver una tavola lunga dove possano esser quattro per parte sarebbe bene et imparino scrivere o abbaco, insomma raccomando questo a V. R. acciò l’ordini come meglio le parerà et si faccia profitto che poi coll’aiuto del Signore metteremo studio formato che per noi e sommamente necessario.»

909 L.354 (Ep. III p.52): «Ho molto caro che sia cominciato lo studio non solo di chierici ma anco di abbaco et non potendo tutti haver libri particolari si contentino con li communi per adesso.»

910 L. 756 (Ep. III p.208): «Mi dispiace che costì [en Nápoles] non hanno tanto tempo come io vorrei li chierici per studiare, che si potessero esimirsi dall’accompagnare come io faccio qui haverebbero un poco più tempo, qui quelli che fanno le scuole hanno ogni giorno almeno quattro hore per lo studio perché non li fo accompagnare et semo in casa 56 et alcune volte non vi è chi mandar fuori essendo tutti occupati nello studio che sono 22 o vero in altri officii.»

911 Reg. Gen. IV: Cap. Gen. 1637 p.11 § 7: «Che si esaminino li Maestri di Scuola, e si approvino dalli esaminatori eletti dal P. Provinciale in ciascuna casa della sua provincia.»

Under these circumstances, nothing could please Calasanz as much as the diligence of his students[912] and nothing could grieve him as much as their possible negligence or carelessness[913], which in his opinion was a serious offense against God and caused serious damage to the soul of the guilty person.

912 L.708, Ep.lll p.173: «Quanto alli studenti pregarò il Signore li dia spirito per saper imparar insieme con le lettere l’humiltà perciò che senza questa virtù sono piutosto di impedimento che di aiuto però li essorterà ad abbracciarla con gran fervore acciò poi possano esser di frutto e honor alla Religione come mirabilmente riesce il fratel Giov. Thomaso delle Mollare in Narni che se ne havessi una mezza dozzina come questo mi terrei per molto felice, tuttavia spero che il Signore mi esaudisca, in questi dui prossimi anni.»-Cf. also L. 1071, Ep.III p.443: «Qui havemo il fratel Alessio detto al secolo Pasca gravissimamente infermo et disperato dal medico, essendo il giovane più modesto e savio di tutti et nelle lettere humane il più diligente tanto in prosa come in verso che poteva comparire per maestro di belle lettere in qualsivoglia città, si sono fatti tutti li rimedii et orationi per esso stiamo ancora aspettando la misericordia del Signore che si compiaccia di lasciarcelo sebene egli sta dispostissimo per morire.» See also letter of Fr. Glicerio Mazzara to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 29-6-1641 (EEC p. 772): «Hoggi hanno fatto tutti (gli studenti) dimostrazione tale di Orationi recitate in presenza nostra et in lode del P. Provinciale et arrivo di noi forastieri, di poemi, di epigrammi e di ode che V. P. a sentirle haverebbe brillato d’allegrezza.» L.3074, Ep.VII p.65: «Et se per caso il S. Galileo dimandase che qualche notte restasse là il P. Clemente, V. R. glielo permetta e Dio voglia che ne sappia cavare il profitto che doveria.»

913 L.576, Ep.III p.80-81: «Molto mi dispiace che li nostri chierici cosi poco desiderio mostrino di imparare et viene che non conoscono l’utile grande che farebbero a sé et alli scolari se fussero atti per insegnar loro et lettere et spirito insieme, ma essendo negligenti non saranno atti né per l’uno né per l’altro; li essorti da parte mia che attendano con gran diligenza che ne riceverò io consolatione grande et per essi sarà di grandissimo profitto.» Cf. also L.1611, Ep. IV p.5: «...[il fratel Agostino] per sua negligenza ha perso dui o tre anni di studio con non poca offesa di Dio et danno dell’anima sua.»

As to the subject that the future educator should treat, first in his daily studies and then in his school lessons, Calasanz left as much choice as possible, wishing that each one should devote himself according to his abilities and talents to the work and school apostolate that best suited his character and intellectual capacities[914]. No one better than he helped and gave wings to certain qualities and gifts barely manifested in his students. The example of Fr. Apa and the illustrious flock of Galileian Piarists whom he encouraged and supported can serve as clear proof.

914 L.1226, Ep.IV p.100: «Quanto al P. Domenico mi scrive che si è tutto quietato pero se le parerà a proposito meglio per alcuna scuola di lattini meglio che per infermeria lo impieghi et procuri di usar con tutti tal termine che a tutti faccia far quella fatica per la quale hanno talento, perciocché in quella che uno non ha talento non si può così facilmente applicare et conviene conoscere l’inclinatione di ognuno, quando si può con amorevolezza fargli far l’offitio riesce meglio che con imperio...» Cf. also L.2613, Ep.VI p.183: «V. R. metta alcuno altro ad imparare scrivere et abbaco, che vi habbia inclinatione e talento, il quale senza dubbio haverà, chi vorrà per amor di Dio affaticarsi un poco.» Cf. as well L.1342, Ep.IV p.183: «...è bene aiutarlo (il fratel Carlo) a farsi eccellente in quello che il Signore gli ha dato il talento.»

From such an orientation and such a criterion came as a natural consequence something very similar to what we would call today the specialization of teachers. Not every teacher had to teach all subjects, but only those in which he had completed special studies and enjoyed special training[915]. The “cleric brothers” specialized in reading, writing, abacus and music, while the students concentrated on humanistic, philosophical and theological studies[916]. Calasanz, as we have already seen, was committed to ensuring that each subject had its own competent teacher[917].

915 This was particularly the case with the subjects considered by Calasanz as the main ones. Cf. L.32, Ep.II p.81: «...non essendo vero che li maestri principali che sono il de Grammatica et quel de Scrivere si mutino come dicono alcuni ma solamente quelli che insegnano a leggere al che tutti li nostri sono idonei.»

916 Cf. p.124; also, SBARAGLI, o.c., p.151.

917 See a letter of Fr. Castelli addressed to the Superior of Florence, from which we can deduce Calasanz’s extraordinary eagerness to have specialized teachers (the letter is dated 5-11-1637 in Rome; published in La Scuola dei Nobili p.10-11): «Io sarei di parere di metterci [in una delle scuole] questo P. Giuseppe e cotesti due tenere sotto il P. Gian Francesco alla scola dei Nobili non tanto per maestri quanto per discepoli, acciò pigliassero quel modo d’insegnare quella grammatica nuova in ogni bisogno o accidenti, come desidera il P. Generale, che sempre si lamenta che in detta scuola di Fiorenza, non habbiam per ancora saputo fare atto alcun altro, per potersi servire altrove di loro e del loro maestro; che per questo conto vedremo ancor qui se potessimo trovar alcun altro buono per il medesimo e trovandosi, verrà forse con detto Padre quanto prima a Fiorenza...»

It is worth mentioning another of Calasanz’ intuitions in this area: Not only did he want specialized teachers, but for understandable reasons[918] he also wanted the different nations to have their own children as teachers. In the early days of the nascent Order this was almost impossible, but the Saint had already outlined the necessary guidelines for the realization of a plan in this direction[919].

918 In fact, only educators of the same nation can fully grasp the psychology of the learner and can achieve the appropriate rapprochement; only they can induce him to full activity.

919 Letter of Fr. Onofrio Conti to Fr. General, Warsaw 1-8-1642 (EEC p.239): «...ricevei una di sua Paternità nella quale mi esortava a fare un buon novitiato in questi principii per fare huomini per il nostro Istituto, per dilatar la nostra Religione in questo Regno...» Cf. also L.1907, Ep.V p.129: «Et ho pensato che sono più a proposito i nativi del Paese ad insegnar che Italiani.» See also n.577 of the present chapter. Count Althan, a great friend of Calasanz and benefactor of the Pious Schools, also had a great commitment in this direction (letter from Fr. A. Leailth to Fr., Nikolsburg 25-1-1633 [EEC p.640]: «Il Signore Conte ha ancora in animo di fabbricar un luogo qui a Nikolsburg per 33 Alunni, li quali devono esser undeci Ungari, undeci Bohemi, undeci Tedeschi, acciò da questi possiamo allevar soggetti e per questo effetto io sono stato chiamato più volte dal Conte»).

As for the concrete and effective course of studies, it is also worth noting that the Piarist students did not always have the opportunity to attend regular courses in each of the subjects. Calasanz wanted that, especially in these cases, but also in others, one of the Fathers or one of the students, the most competent, taught the others, and even, as in the case of classical studies, that this should be done by means of literary correspondence[920].

920 L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «La carità vostra non mi potrà fare cosa più grata che insegnare con ogni diligenza l’aritmetica al P. Ignatio et se vi sarà alcun altro che vi voglia attendere de Nostri v’usi ogni diligenza.» L.1254, Ep.IV p.123 (al P. Giacomo Cipolleta): «...voglio che attenda al profitto delli scolari non solo della prima scuola ma ancora alcuna rivedendo le altre et insegnando il modo di insegnar le regole a chi terrà la scuola...» See the answer of Father Cipolleta given to Father General on this matter, dated 9-12-1629.: «Già ho insegnato alli fratelli il modo che la Paternità Vostra mi scrive di insegnare alli figliuoli, con il quale si fa tanto profitto.» L.1302, Ep.IV p.154: «Mi è di gran consolatione l’intendere che si studia costì con gran diligenza e vorrei che il fratel Agostino si scrivesse quando in prosa quando in verso con fratel Camillo di Narni che mi dicono che doppo li miei avvertimenti quelli chierici di Narni si sono dati tutti a studiar con diligenza.»

L.2341, Ep.V p.468: «[to Narni, to Fr. Apa] ...et voi doveresti alla sera, finite le scuole insegnar loro il modo di insegnar che tanto maggior merito haveresti.»

A useful opportunity for study and pedagogical deepening for the Calasanzian educator was also the free time in which, according to the intentions of the Founder, a pedagogical subject or a subject of general and practical interest was always to be dealt with[921]. Apart from these “pedagogical” free periods, the experience of the Calasanzian educator was certainly not insignificantly broadened by the regular, usually weekly, pedagogical conferences that had to take place in every Piarist house according to the rules of Calasanz[922].

921 Riti comuni: (Reg. Cal. XVI 74^1) c.23 «Della ricreatione»: «Si propone qualche cosa appartenente a migliorare il modo di esercitar l’Istituto nostro.» L.2827, Ep.VI p.318: «Quanto al remediare l’imperfettione della recreatione V. R. procurerà che alcuno nominato da lei porti alcun dubbio circa le ceremonie della messa o circa dell’esercitio delle Scuole e farà che risponda ognuno per ordine et se i dubbi saranno di cose necessarie tutti staranno a sentire e diranno il loro parere.»

922 L.1182, Ep.IV p.66: «Scrissi due o tre settimane sono che ogni settimana si facesse una Gionta o Congregatione in cotesta casa per soddisfazione commune dove si trattasse di quanto sarebbe più necessario fare per la buona osservanza circa le cose della casa et delle scuole, perciò che spesse volte si può scordar il Superiore di alcune cose che così le saranno ricordate et più vedono molti occhi che uno solo...» The same in letters L.1172, Ep.IV p.57, and L.1180, Ep.IV p.64.

Finally, the numerous books that were available in every house were true educators and teachers of the Calasanzian educator - and certainly not the least important -. There was a room for communal study, which should take place in the library as much as possible[923].

923 Ordini per Narni, 13-6-1629 (Reg. Cal. XIII 49, 10): «...si vada studiare da tutti nella libraria di giorno e di notte...» Cf. also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV [1939] 46): «Si ordina che in tutti li conventi si faccia la biblioteca conforme alle nostre costituzioni ...et non potendosi studiar in libraria come si dovrebbe far...»

Moreover, as already mentioned, we do not have a contemporary catalog of the mother house of St. Pantaleo, whose data would have provided us with very useful and detailed information about the cultural orientation and the educational, social, philosophical and theological interest of the Piarists of the Calasanzian era. However, the contemporary catalogs of some other houses - such as Fanano, Frascati, Campi, Narni - and some other data available in economic books can tell us something in this regard.

We have already seen, in considering the individual subjects, how many good and modern books were available in each field of study, and with what a thirst for knowledge the teachers consulted them assiduously. Through Rome, the central seat, and through Father General, who had the catalogs of all the libraries[924], even the most distant houses of the Order had access to the most modern books and classical authors, as well as to books on mathematics, Christian doctrine and music. To what we have already said on this subject, we can add that the convenient number of books on pedagogical and social subjects that appear in these catalogs proves the intense pedagogical-social interest of the Calasanzian educator: his charitable work was not an almost unconscious act of purely affective charity, but the fruit of a continuous and progressive intellectual and spiritual conquest: a pedagogical-social “rationale servitium”[925].

924 Formola per le visite et informazioni da mandarsi al P. Generale, al P. Ministro de Poli, 16-7-1635 (Reg. Cal. XIII 37): «Quanto alli libri è bene che ogni casa habbia i suoi libri con il suo catalogo, si può bene in casi di necessità imprestar l’una casa all’altra alcun libro o libri, ma notando pero il giorno che si impresta acciò si sappia di che casa è et al suo tempo si restituisca.»

925 The catalog of the Piarist house of Fanano (Reg. Prov. 20: Fan. 6) contains, for example, in addition to the books of Franciotti, already mentioned elsewhere (p.160) among the pedagogical works, the following on the same topic: JACOBO SADOLETO, Del ben ammaestrare li figli (trans. by Fulvio Fortunio [Ascoli 1585]; the original in latin: De liberis recte instituendis; S. GIOVANNI LEONARDI, Istitutione di una famiglia Cristiana (Roma 1591); LUIS VIVES, De institutione christiana (Basilea 1538); RABANO MAURO, De institutione clericorum (Parigi 1533); Oratione di Galeno per esortare i giovani alla cognitione delle buone arti, trans. to Italian by Ludovico Dolce (Venecia 1548); BOECIO, De consolatione philosophiae et de scholastica disciplina (1582) (with the title De scholastica disciplina, we can suppose that are the books of musical technic and mathemathics by Boecius: De institutione musica, De institutione aritmetica y De geometria). The same catalog has the following Works on social matters: De oeconomia sacra circa pauperum curam a Christo instituta libri tres, auct. Fr. Laurentio a Villavicentio Xeresano (Antwerpiae 1564) and Il modo di sovvenire ai poveri, by Luis Vives (trans. to vulgar, Venezia 1545).

And speaking of books, we must also note that some of the works that served as his manuals certainly played no small role in the formation of the Piarist. First and foremost is the book by Father John of Jesus Mary, a Carmelite who was a great friend of Calasanz and his advisor in the realization of his pedagogical work; a book entitled Liber de pia educatione sive de cultura pueritiae compendio scriptus (1631)[926]. This work, dedicated to Cardinal Giustiniani, the protector of the Pious Schools, was the first printed book full of useful advice for the teachers of the newly emerging Order. It consists of three parts: the first deals in fourteen chapters with “de pia educatione, sive cultura pueritiae”; the second contains eight counsels to be observed by the teachers and the prefect of the schools; the third contains an exhortation to the teachers[927]. The eight counsels are particularly important because in them, as in the core, we already find some important principles of Calasanzian pedagogy[928].

926 The full title: Liber de pia educatione sive cultura pueritiae compendio scriptus per P. R. Ioannem a lesu Maria, carmelitanum discalceatum calagurritanum. Congregationis S. Eliae Praepositum Generalem, Romae apud Iacobum Mascardum, MDCXIII. Superiorum permissu.

927 Cf. the contents of the book: Pars prima: «De pia educatione sive de cultura pueritiae» p.1-22. C.1. De prima institutione puerorum; c.2. De rudimentis fidei; c.3. De tartareae poenae timore; c.4. De horrore peccati; c.5. De sacramentorum usu et aestimatione; c.6. De societatis delectu; c.7. De ratione orandi; c.8. De pia lectione; c.9. De immoderatis appetitionibus coercendis; c.10. De cultu castitatis; c.11. De abstinentia ludorum et actuum similium; c.12. De cura discendi et otio vitando; c.13. De catalogo exercitiorum spiritualium qui pueris congruunt; c.14. De cultu modestiae».

Pars secunda: «De consiliis quae a Praefecto et Magistris observari decet» p.23-28.

Sunt octo consilia (de quibus vide inferius).

Pars tertia: «Exhortatio ad magistros». p.29-32.

928 Consilium I: Danda opera ut scholarum series ordinate procedat.

Consilium II: Pueri quovis genere intemperantes, qui cultura abutuntur, praesertim si alias bonae indolis avertant, ab scholis expellendi: ut ceteri poenam eiusmodi timentes modestiores evadant et studio sibi praescripto attentius vacent. Et quidem ubi puer aliquis protervus, omnibus notus ab scholis arcendus esset, posset sollemni aliquo actu coram aliis repelli, ut alii cautiores fierent.

Consilium III: Qui cum licenter egerint non tamen obduruerunt, sed mitescunt ad resipiscentiam, patienter ferendi et leniter corripiendi sunt: admonerique debent de expulsione futura, si per relapsum patientia magistrorum abutantur.

Consilium IV: Exercendi sunt pueri quodam aemulationis genere ad cultum ingenii atque memoriae, non quotidianis modo scholarum actibus, verum publicis orationibus, quae festis diebus haberi possent, ut eo stimulo incitati felicius proficiant.

Consilium V: Nullus auctor a Magistris praelegendus a quo pietas laedatur: quocirca Martialis aliique id genus interdicendi, quin etiam et pueris subtrahendi, si eos forte clam lectitent.

Consilium VI: Pietas potissimum a Magistris alenda, quapropter praecipue Magistri laudandi qui multiplices augendae pietatis modos puerili aetati attemperatos excogitare ac aetati illi persuadere norunt. Huc confert sacra communio sollemnissimo aliquo in festo decreta et inaugunculae ad latinum certamen divinarum laudum propositae, aliaque huiusmodi inventa.

Consilium VII: Proderit maxime sacra contio aliqua in diem certum indicta, advocato viro aliquo pio, puta monacho sanctimoniae fama claro, qui pueros hortetur, a vitiis deterreat, et ad virtutes colendas inflammet. In eiusmodi vero concionibus exempla sanctorum saluberrima sunt, altius imprimuntur, diutiusque a pueris memoria retinentur.

Consilium VIII: Proderit collatio aliqua a Magistris praeside praefecto interdum habita, ubi de abusibus fortasse in scholas irrepentibus exstirpandis, et de ratione, utilitate docendi et bonos mores perficiendi, multa cum animi demissione, concordia, et incenso Deo placendi studio agatur.»

On the other hand, they could strongly develop the conscience and the pedagogical knowledge of the Piarist educator - in the long period of internal difficulties of the Order - the not few memoranda, sometimes written by Calasanz himself or by his first collaborators, which, against the objections and the passionate opposition, affirmed with clear concepts, with simple and well-calibrated words, the main points of Calasanzian pedagogy. The Memorandum of Calasanz to Cardinal Tonti, the Apologia delle Scuole Pie by Father Castelli, the Difesa delle Scuole Pie by the jurist Firmiani and the Liber Apologeticus by Campanella, even if they were only manuscripts, remained imprinted with fiery signs on the conscience, on the combative but hopeful spirit of the most faithful Piarists. In their heroic struggle, they were like living images of Calasanz himself, among the many sacrifices, be they small or small.

A special and extremely important place in the formation of the Calasanzian educator was occupied by the numerous letters of the holy Founder, which were full of pedagogical, moral and spiritual instructions and were read by every religious with filial respect and devotion. The importance of these letters for the formation of the Calasanzian educator is also demonstrated by the fact that, on the basis of the Epistolario, we can faithfully reconstruct the entire pedagogical and educational system of Calasanz[929].

929 PICANYOL: Ep.I p.XXXIII-XXXIV.

In addition to what has already been said, we must also mention the works of Father Franciotti, who made a great contribution to the pedagogical and spiritual formation of these first Piarists. Since they are present in each of the Piarist libraries, they can be considered as guides of fundamental importance. In fact, Il giovane christiano and Il giovanetto christiano by Father Franciotti, his two most important pedagogical works[930], with his insistence on education from childhood, with his treatises on the holy fear of God, on devotion to the Blessed Virgin, on holy confession and communion, on purity, were able to propose very useful norms for the moral and religious formation of students.

930 Cf. p.226 of this chapter. To get an idea of the topics of these books, we copy here the table of contents of each chapter. (Il giovane cristiano. Tavola dell’opera).

In 1st part: c. 1. In che consiste l’essere devoto un giovane; c.2. Che ai giovani massimamente conviene la devotione; c.3. Quanto importi per piacere a Dio e per giovare a sé stesso che l’uomo da giovane segua la devotione; c.4. Che la devotione non è ipocrisia; c.5. Che la devotione non toglie però al giovane ogni contento; c.6. Che la devotione fa che i giovani siano ancora buoni cittadini et obbedienti al Principe; c. 7. Che la devotione produce, conserva et aumenta l’amor della Patria; c.8. Per quali cagioni il giovane debba haver devotione sopra tutto a Dio et al Salvator del Mondo; c.9. Trentatre ragioni per le quali il Salvator del Mondo è degno d’esser amato; c.10. Quanto sia ai giovani utile la devotione della Santissima Vergine; c.11. Dodici [nel testo stesso 14] ragioni per le quali la Santissima Vergine e degna d’esser amata; c.12. Che l’uso delle Congregationi massime sotto la protettione della B. V. è antico; c.13. Della Congregatione particolare della Madonna della Neve; c.14. Quattordici utilità grandi, che si trova apportare questa Congregatione alla Gioventù; c.15. Del Giovamento che si ha nella Congregatione della Madonna della Neve per la Protettione della B. V.; c.16. Che da quelli della Congregatione deve esser honorata la Santissima Vergine con vero honore; c.17. Dieci modi con i quali si può honorare la Santissima Vergine.

In 2nd part: c.1. Della bianchezza della Neve, prima sua condizione significante la purità dell’animo; c.2. Della purità della Santissima Vergine; c.3. De la candidezza della purità; c.4. Che solo il peccato, e massime l’inonestà imbrutta l’anima; c.5. Venticinque danni del peccato mortale; c.6. Ventidue danni del peccato veniale; c.7. Quel che si deve fare, perduta la bianchezza de anima; c.8. Quel che deve fare il Giovane christiano nel giorno della festa; c.9. Dell’obbligo e modo di sentir la Santa Messa; c.10. Diciotto utilità de l’udir la Santa Messa; c.12. Che cosa sia coscienza; c.14. Che si deve esaminar la coscienza; c.15. Modo di esaminare la coscienza; c.16. Che cosa. sia contritione; c.17. Quanto importi un atto di contrittione; c.18. Che circostanza deve havere la vera contrittione; c.19. Undici utilità della confessione frequentata; c.20. Della confessione generale e sua utilità; c.21. Dieci regole per la confessione generale; c.22. Di quello che si ha da osservare intorno alla confessione ordinaria; c.23. Quello che si deve osservare dopo la confessione; c.24. Quanto giovi la santissima communione a far pura un’anima; c.25. Come il Demonio s’affatica impedire la Santissima Communione ne’Giovani; c.26. Quello che si deve fare avanti e doppo la Santissima Communione; c.27. Sedici utilità della santa Communione; c.28. Della seconda proprietà della Neve, che è scendere in terra con gran silentio e quello che significhi; c.29. Quanto sia necessario il fare oratione al Giovane Christiano; c.30. Di due sorte d’oratione vocale, mentale; c.31. Del modo che si deve fare l’oratione mentale; c.32. Del modo di far l’oratione vocale; c.33. Dei tempi assegnati all’oratione; c.34. Del ritiramento del Giorno e sue regole c.35. Di una sorte d’oratione breve detta Jaculatoria.

En la p.3a: c.1. Che cosa significhi l’esser venuta la Neve della B. V.; c.2. Che la devotione della B. V. giova contro li ardori sensuali; c.3. Degli effetti che naturalmente opera la Neve con la sua frigidità; c.4. Che la mortificazione significata per il freddo della neve è utile e necessaria a Giovani; c.5. In che cosa deve mortificarsi il Giovane Cristiano; c.6. Della fertilità delle opere buone che succede doppo la mortificazione della Neve; c.7. Dei danni dell’otio; c.8. Che la Neve mescolata con altra cosa perde la sua bellezza, e che significhi questo; c.9. Quanti gran danni naschino dal seguire l’amore sensuale; c.10. Che la Neve si conserva, dove non è calpestata, e che significhi questo; c.11. Del fuggire i mali pensieri; c. 12. Del fuggire la vana conversatione delle Donne; c.13: Quanto si debbono fuggire le male compagnie de’ Giovani; c.14. Del fuggire il giuoco vitioso e de’ danni suoi; c.15 Con ragioni si prova esser peccato mortale andare alle commedie de’ nostri tempi; c.16 Che la Neve è trattabile e atta a pigliare ogni figura e che significhi moralmente; c.17. Dell’ultima prosperità della Neve che è la serenità del tempo, che doppo li succede.

Il Giovanetto Christiano. Cioè Istitutione dei Giovanetti alla devotione. Col modo di apparecchiargli alla confessione generale, et alla prima loro communione. Nel fine vi sono i Notturni del Natale e della Ressurettione del Signore per commodità delle persone pie. Del P. Cesare Franciotti sacerdote della congregatione Lucchese della B. Vergine. In Venetia, MDCXI. Appresso Vincenzo Fiorino.

Contents of the chapters: c.1. Quanto sia buono al Giovanetto Christiano cominciare presto il ben fare; c.2. Chi comincia presto il bene fa un gratissimo sacrificio a Dio; c.3. Che Iddio esaudisce le orationi de’ buoni Figliuoli; c.4. Che il cominciar presto il bene è di grande utilità alla propria casa; c.5. Che il cominciar come di sopra è molto utile ai Giovannetti; c.6. Che il Giovanetto non sarà scusato se sarà cattivo; c.7. Della prima communione de’ Giovanetti; c.8. In qual’anno si doverebbono communicare per la prima volta; c.9. Per la confessione generale per i giovanetti; c.10. Che si deve domandar lume di Dio per essaminarsi bene; c.11. Modo di essaminarsi per la confessione generale; c.12. Essamine da farsi ad un Giovanetto per la prima communione; c.13. Che debbe far un Giovanetto avanti il giorno della prima communione; c.14. Che debbe fare il dí stesso avanti la prima communione; c.15. Che debbe fare doppo la prima communione; c.16. Che non deve il Giovanetto perdere quella devotione acquistata nella prima communione; c.17. Come si deve portare verso Dio; c.18. Della particolar devotione che deve havere verso la Beata Vergine; c.19. Come si deve portare verso il prossimo suo; c.20. Come si deve portar verso sé stesso; c.21. Considerationi e rimedi per conservare l’honestà ne’ giovanetti; c.22. I documenti e ricordi che lasciò S. Lodovico Re di Francia al suo Figliuolo.

As for the close link between study and piety, we must note that Calasanz, who was so much in favor of study, never forgot St. Paul’s saying that knowledge puffs up[931], and he wanted his students to always study with humility[932] and that all their studies were always accompanied by an intense pious zeal[933].

931 The coment of St Thomas to the quote: «Hic non approbat Apostolus multa scientem, si modum sciendi nescierit; Modus autem sciendi est, ut scias quo ordine, quo studio, quo fine scire quaeque oporteat; quo ordine, ut id prius quae maturius ad salutem; quo studio, ut id ardentius quod efficacius est ad amorem; quo fine ut non ad inanem gloriam et curiositatem velle aliquid, sed ad aedificationem tui et proximi» (S. THOMAS, In Ep. 1 Cor. VIII 1). The same St. Thomas cites St. Bernard on this point: «Sunt qui scire volunt eo fine tantum ut sciant, et curiositas est; quidam ut sciantur, et vanitas est; quidam ut scientiam vendant, et turpis quaestus est; quidam ut aedificentur, et prudentia est; quidam ut aedificent, et caritas est.»

932 L. 708, Ep.III p.173: «Quanto alli studenti pregarò il Signore li dia spirito per saper imparar insieme con le lettere l’humiltà, perciò che senza questa virtù sono piuttosto di impedimento che di aiuto pero li essortarà ad abbracciarla con gran fervore acciò possano esser di frutto et honor alla Religione...»

933 Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.210): «Advertat autem Superior, ne illi, qui studiis vacant, tempus aliquod extra recreationes ordinarias otio absumant, neve orationis assiduitatem, et animi modestiam negligant; verum ita studia cum pietatis ardore coniungant, ut alterum alteri emolumento esse possit.»

According to Calasanz, as also according to St. Thomas and St. Bernard, there is no inevitable incompatibility between study and piety; on the contrary, the one, if carefully pursued, leads to the other. But in the case of a possible incompatibility due to human weakness, Calasanz prefers virtue to knowledge[934]. Study, according to the Saint, is not an end in itself, but only a means, and it has an educational and social purpose[935] without which it would lose almost all its value.

934 Berro (o.c., t.1 1.3 p.26): «Io voglio che i miei religiosi habbino più presto tre gradi di virtù che dieci di lettere.» Add to this one of his sentences: «Religiosum ornat quidem scientia, sed virtus coronat» (ibid.).

935 L.2647 (Ep. VI p.202): «Io desidero li nostri tutti con tal talento che possino poi communicarlo ad altri». Cf. also L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «La carità vostra non mi potrà fare cosa più grata, che insegnare con ogni diligenza l’aritmetica al P. Ignazio... Periochè questa scienza e l’essercitio è molto utile per li poveri che non hanno capitale da poter vivere senza faticare.»

From this we can conclude that at the head of all human science, according to Calasanz, is the knowledge and almost experimental science of God[936]. This is the goal towards which the study and desire of every student must be directed. This is what every Piarist educator must strive for himself and for others. Therein lies the deepest meaning of all his study and all his knowledge. And so that his students could reach such a high level of spirituality and inner life, Calasanz did not hesitate to recommend to them, in addition to his Constitutions and Letters, the Way of perfection of St. Teresa and the Imitation of Christ of Kempis as the most effective means to this end[937].

936 L.1339, Ep.IV p.181: «E’ buon principio nella vita spirituale il principio della propria cognitione et miseria con la qual tutti nascemo et anco della ingratitudine che doppo tanti beneficij havemo usato con Dio et se in essa con diligenza tra li altri vi essercitarete come mostrate dalla vostra lettera delli dieci del corrente, io vi assicuro che haverete col tempo in questa vita per premio alcuna cognitione di Dio, la quale è scienza tanto grande che ogni particella di essa avanza tutte le scienze umane dietro le quali consumano li huomini li più et migliori anni della lor vita et per rimuneratione sogliono gonfiar et insuperbire chi le possiede et la cognitione di Dio va beatificando l’huomo secondo il grado che doppo la cognitione cresce nel divino amore, vi essorto a far sì che ogni giorno la prima cosa sia questo studio doppo il quale il Signore vi concederà tutte le altre cose che il mondo anche non le conosce, per me sarà la consolatione grande ma il profitto et merito per voi sarà grandissimo il quale il Signore vi conceda largamente come io vi desidero et è come per me istesso, di Roma a dì 15 marzo 1630.»

937 L.2860, Ep.VI p.341: «Se li sacerdoti della nostra Religione sapessero quanto importa il faticare per amore di Dio non stariano un punto di tempo oziosi et se il tempo che non potrebbero aiutare i fiugliuoli conforme ordina il nostro Istituto l’impiegassero in leggere il Cammino della perfettione di S. Teresa vederebbono come si infiammarebbe il cuore loro: percioché le parole della detta santa hanno grande efficacia con chi le legge con devotione.» The Kempis was also much consulted by Calasanz and his religious. It is shown by the various data in the books of economy. For example, on 17-4-1625, according to the Libro di uscite de S. Pantaleo, “dodici libretti di Kempis” were bought (Reg. Cal., XI, II), and on 10-5-1625 two copies were also bought in the vulgar language. According to the same book, in 1633 (24-7-1633) it is consigned “al libraro Arditi per legatura 26 Tomasi de Chempis”.

Here it seems fair to ask what specific spiritual orientation Calasanz gave his future educators. Even if we leave the task of examining this question in detail to other, more competent people, we can nevertheless note in this sense the fact that we clearly see in various documents that Calasanz had very close relations with the Discalced Carmelites. Not only that he venerated St. Teresa from his heart (cf. Reg: Cal. XXX: Prof inf 30, deposition of Fr. Scassellati: “...et era particolare di S. Gregorio Magno y di S. Teresa”) and he read their works (cf. Inventarium in hora mortis [Reg. Cal. XIV 83]: “Compendio della festa fatta in Spagna a S. Teresa, libro coperto de carta rossa, in lingua spagnuola letto spessissimo dal P. Generale), but also that two of his closest friends and advisors in Rome were the Carmelites. One was Fr. John of Jesus Mary, a man of holy life and apostolic zeal, confessor of Paul V, cf. PASTOR XII 197; BAU 323-328. For his close relationship with the Pious Schools, see BARTLIK, o.c.: Eph. Cal. II (1933) 149; III (1934) 15,255-256; IV (1935) 57. For his main work, Liber de pia educatione, see pp. 241-242 of this chapter. Besides this book, others of his were also found in our library; e.g., in the library of Narni (Reg. Prov. 4221), the Stimulus compunctionis, and in the library of Frascati (Reg. Prov. 3325), Schola Iesu Christi, Stimulus compunctionis and Disciplina claustralis. Regarding Fr. Dominic Ruzzola of Jesus and Mary, definitor of the Carmelites, see, first of all, the testimony of Calasanz (L. 132, Ep.II p.171) after the testimony of Fr.. Giovanni Benedicti (Scholae Piae p.29): «Multum profecto Patri Domenico memorato Scholae Piae debent, quippe qui eas hoc tempore, dum officio Definitoris [ut vocant] Romae fungeretur, consilio, ope atque opera multum iuvit.» See also PICANYOL, Ep. II p.61 y BARTLIK, o.c.: Eph. Cal. III (1934) 125; also PASTOR, o.c., XII p.578. 579. 581; XIII p.101-104. 183. 393. 401. 605. 742; BAU, o.c., p.688 and G. SÁNTHA, San José de Calasanz y su amistad con los Carmelitas Descalzos: Revista Calasancia I (1955) 182-203. Certainly, this deep inclination of Calasanz towards the Carmelite spirit gave a fundamental characteristic to the spirituality of his Order, which, imbued with pedagogical activity and purpose, the characteristic notes of his teaching activity, and marked by the pedagogical and apostolic genius of the holy Founder, became a spirituality sui generis. We have tried to point out its characteristic notes when it comes to the inner life of the Calasanzian educator, the role and activity of the priest and educator and his spiritual formation (cf. also A. SAPA, n.c., pp.129-132). In addition to the Carmelite spirit, we must also point out that the spirit of St. Francis of Assisi had a great influence on Calasanz and his entire Order, especially with regard to the sincere love of holy poverty. On Calasanz’ relations with the Franciscan spirit, see Bau (n.d., pp.245-250), who frequently quotes Fr. Caputi.

Moreover, the great educator and apostle of Rome, St. Philip Neri, whom our Saint was able to know personally, for Philip died in 1595, that is, at a time when Calasanz had already been in Rome for three years. In addition, St. John Leonardi, a close friend of Calasanz, had very close relations with St. Philip (cf. FERRAIRONI, o.c., p.33-34). On the other hand, among the works that Calasanz always had with him, according to the inventory made at his death (Reg. Cal. XIV 83), there is also the Vita di S. Filippo Neri, in 4 vols. written by Father Bacci. Also in preaching, as we have already seen, Calasanz wanted his religious to imitate the Oratorians of the Chiesa Nuova de la Vallicella (cf. p.220). Finally, before dying, the Saint wished that the biretta of St. Philip Neri, venerated by him as a “great saint”, be brought to him (cf. BAU, Biogr. crit. p.1173-1174). During the life of Calasanz, the feast of St. Philip Neri was celebrated with great solemnity (cf. Libro de uscite [Dom. Gen. 48]: “Al fratello della cucina del novitiato per fare la festa di S. Filippo Neri dato il P. Andrea, scudi 2”).

Moreover, also on the basis of the deposition of Fr. C. Scassellati, we know that (Reg. Cal. XXX: Proc. inf p.207) Calasanz «San Filippo teneva in grandissima veneratione»; and D. Dionisio Micara, in his testimony (cf. TALENTI o.c. p 499) tells that «spesso il Calasanzio soleva dire o far dire: Lodato e ringraziato sempre sia il nome di Gesu e di Maria, S. Carlo e San Filippo Neri in compagnia». Cf. also L.4257, Ep.VIII p.269 y L.4278, Ep.VIII p.279. As for the community of ideas of the two great saints, it is very instructive to read what Cardinal Alfonso Capecelatro writes about it in the article L ‘opera calasanziana nella rievocazione trecentenaria del 1897, published in La Voce del Calasanzio (16 [1947] 207): «Anche nell’amore dei fanciulli e dei giovani, i due santi furono somigliantissimi, ma per questo rispetto l’opera del Calasanzio andò più avanti di quella di S. Filippo Neri.» Also, within the Order itself the cult of St. Philip Neri was very intense. The often-mentioned Andrea Baiano wrote a panegyric in honor of St. Philip (cf. Eph. Cal. III [1935] 25). In Naples, one of the side chapels of the Piarist church was dedicated to St. Philip (cf. Reg. Cal. XVII; Napoli 22-51646: “Habbiamo la festa della Pentecoste nella nostra nuova chiesa dove sono fatte tre cappelle laterali, le quali se li offriranno: una allo Spirito Santo, l’altra all’lmmacolata Concezione e la terza a S. Filipo Neri”). In Genoa, the protector of the students was St. Philip Neri. (cf: letter of Fr. Gian Cristoforo Bianchi of St. Antony to Calasanz, Genoa 23-5-1648 [EHI p.409]: «Lo stile che usa il P. Luigi nel predicare è semplice nel modo che racomanda S. Filippo nostro Protettore. Nel giorno di S. Filippo si farà la communione generale de’ scolari quale applico per li bisogni della nostra Religione»). We know, finally, that in addition to Andrea Baiano, Fr. Giambattista Constantini of Santa Tecla also wrote a booklet on the life of St. Philip (cf. letter of Fr. Constantini to the Saint, Norcia 2-6-1646 [EHI p.787]: «Circa li libretti di S. Filippo Neri già da me stampati si contenti V. P. mandarmi risposta se li ha o no desiderandone detto Padre [il P. Ercole Polini della Congregazione dell’Oratorio] almeno tre dozzine»).

If we now try to give a critical synthesis of the intellectual and moral formation of the Calasanzian educator, we can say that:

1. Contrary to what is claimed by some sectors[938], Calasanz and the new Order of the Pious Schools placed a great deal of emphasis on the good formation of their educators. From the Constitutions themselves, from the many measures taken by Calasanz for the benefit of studies and students, it is clear that Calasanz was the first Founder of the so-called “schools of teachers”, the training of teachers and educators - at least for the members of the Order - and the first to train these teachers personally and with unsurpassed competence. Both Father Barré and St. John Baptist de La Salle did nothing but follow his example as a wise and forward-thinking pedagogue[939]. It is true that the Calasanzian studies could not always function with mathematical regularity due to the great poverty of the Order and the lack of a stable headquarters, but there were always places of study that no longer functioned theoretically but actually practically.

938 MORETTI, o.c., p.23 y 108.

939 See L.132a, Ep.II p.170: «...Gioseppe della Madre di Dio .... col favor del Signor ha sostenuta la detta opera con operarij secolari e liberi de quali molti doppo haver imparato bene il modo d’insegnar se ne andavano a fare scuola per proprio interesse in altre parti...»

2. For obvious reasons, the actual course of studies was often uncertain and its direction not always determined in every detail. But it was precisely this circumstance, this mobility, that gave them a certain breadth, a certain freedom and sensitivity, even towards new and modern directions and problems, even in the field of general human knowledge, even in the particular field of pedagogy, which can be seen in their inclination towards the positive sciences, towards their new and modern pedagogical and social conceptions.

3. In the training of the Calasanzian educator, whether spiritual, intellectual, pedagogical or social, we can observe a generous tendency, a noble effort to free himself from all formalism, from all conventionalism and from all the complications of the Renaissance and to seek the simple, clear, obvious, practical and useful and the essential in things and in the adaptations to different people.

4. In the entire training of the Calasanzian educator, the intention, the pedagogical and social idea prevails. The Piarist educator must keep his highest pedagogical and apostolic mission in mind in every moment of his formation, in every new knowledge he acquires, in all his efforts and intellectual and spiritual progress. In it, with it and through it, he studies, knows and judges something useful or useless; it evaluates his actions, his thoughts and even his desires.

5. To this we can add that in the first Calasanzian houses of study the first attempt was made in the history of the Church to link and shape the priesthood exclusively to the service of the Christian education of children. Not to limit the field of its universal apostolate, but to make it more effective, more lasting in its impact and more methodical and therefore more universal. As Calasanz says, if all men had been educated in their childhood and youth by Catholic priests, the greatest and most universal priestly work and action would have been accomplished. The human soul would indeed have been won forever - with all moral certainty - for the Church and for her Head, Jesus Christ[940].

940 Constit. Prooemium n.2: «Si enim diligenter a teneris annis Pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus proculdubio sperandus est»

It is true that someone who wishes to compare the system used in the formation of the Calasanzian educator with the corresponding provisions of the Ratio Studiorum of the Society of Jesus might find some shortcomings to the detriment of the Pious Schools. But the scholar must be very careful and cautious in his judgments, because what appears to be an error and a defect in comparison with an already well-crystallized and consolidated system can often serve as a fertile seed for new systems and orientations.

If we now wish to examine the parallel with what, according to Calasanz, St. John Baptist de La Salle and St. John Bosco did on the same subject, the observer free from all prejudices cannot but see that the holy Founder of the Pious Schools had already conceived - and largely put into practice - all that they later developed and perfected. Moreover, the long life and pedagogical experience of Calasanz, the holiness and fervor of the ideal that was first born in him, his deep paternal and pedagogical feeling led him to see many particularities of the extremely difficult and complicated problem of the formation of future educators much better, more clearly and with greater practical sense than his saintly successors[941].

941 Cf. particularly RIGAULT, o.c., p.596-598; P. RICALDONE, Don Bosco Educatore (Asti 1951; vol.2o 1952); but specially vol.2 p.229-270.

Finally, it should be noted that despite all efforts, the study of theological disciplines, especially the more abstract ones, was somewhat neglected in the new Order of the Pious Schools. Whereas in the seminaries and in the other Orders existing at the time[942], the sacred sciences were the focus of study, as the basis and foundation of all other culture, the gravitational strength in the Pious Schools was concentrated on literary studies and the mathematical and physical sciences necessary for academic ministry. The great poverty of the new Order, the serious lack of members and, in some extent, the same historical circumstances, the constant and insistent requests of influential people from all parts of Europe, did not allow Calasanz to give his young people a good theological education as well. It appears from various documents that, although he was a doctor of Sacred Theology, moved by the necessity and greatness of his new pedagogical ideal and his irresistible love for poor children, he endeavored above all, and with no little weariness, to instruct his religious in the secular disciplines, which he considered more necessary at the time.

942 Not only among the Benedictines, Dominicans, Franciscans and Jesuits, but also among the Barnabites, notwithstanding the fact that from the beginning of the seventeenth century also were engaged in teaching (on the Barnabites see PREM0LI, o.c., II p.66-67). But in the Order of the clerics regular, ministers of the sick, the situation of sacred studies was almost the same as ours. (Cf. VANTI, M. I., Storia dell’Ordine dei Chierici Regolari Ministri delli infermi [Roma 1943-1945] vol.2 p.188: «Studentato e studenti. Dopo il Noviziato lo studentato. L’idea non era nuova. P. Opportis durante il suo Generalato aveva proposto che si stabilissero dei Collegi degli studenti per i giovani professi destinati al sacerdozio e col consenso della Consulta aveva anche chiesto alla Santa Sede che detti Collegi potessero vivere d’entrata. La proposta rimase, in pratica, allo stato di pio desiderio. Vi si opponeva la «questione degli Ospedali», ossia l’obbligo religioso-morale di tener fronte agli impegni contratti con le Direzioni dei medesimi con un numero, per più lati, insufficiente, di religiosi. Ridotti in buona parte quegli impegni, la proposta tornò a galla e s’impose di necessità. Il Capitolo Generate l’aveva ripresa in esame e accettata. Nessuno dei Nostri -fu stabilito il 6 aprile 1619- sia promosso al sacerdozio, che non avrà prima abilità di esser confessore, avendo bene studiati casi di coscienza: se pure in alcun caso non giudicasse altrimenti la Consulta. L’intento era di dare agli studenti la possibilità di salire al sacerdozio a studi finiti, senza abborracciarli in qualche modo per la dura necessità di tener conto come s’era fatto fin qui, più delle esigenze del ministero e dell’età canonica del candidato, che della sua preparazione intellettuale.»)

We thus see that the fourth educational vow, the specific difference of the Calasanzian Order, exerted its influence from the beginning, sometimes in situations and concrete solutions that were unfavorable to the sacred studies of the future educator. In fact, the daily commitment to the teaching activity and its immediate demands led everyone, superiors and subordinates alike, to strive to take care of these demands first and foremost, neglecting what did not seem immediately indispensable.

And so, almost without warning, the “original sin” of probably all clerical teaching Orders was committed. In the beginning, it is a priest who devotes himself to the teaching ministry, only to end up more or less abandoning the priestly culture in order to intensify the profane, magisterial culture[943]. And, as a rule, the consequences of this sin have survived the centuries and still exist to a certain extent.

943 Fr. Castelli had already deeply felt this problem in his Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 60), in which, in order to prevent greater evils, he strongly advised his brothers in religion to study theology. Among the remedies proposed by him was the 5th: «Cohonestar l’Istituto particolar sopraddetto nostro [la scuola] col comune di tutte le altre Religioni insieme, cioè dell’amministrazione de Sagramenti e parola di Dio, e cose simili conforme all’intenzione de primi Padri compagni del Fondatore e conseglio di S. Paolo; omnibus omnia factus, così per soddisfar intieramente a quelli, che ci introducono nelle loro patrie, non sodisfacendosi delle sole scole, e massime dove non sono troppe Religioni delle Riformate, che attendino al prossimo, come per non dar nelle estremità sempre viziose di far tutti e sempre una sola cosa, e massime questa laboriosa e repugnante per il più al genio anco naturale, non che dello spirito sempre amico del silenzio e ritiratezza. Onde più raccorsi la necessità, che vi è de studii delle scienze maggiori così per non errare nel governo regolare, e in detti ministeri, come anco per sollevar la bassezza del credito, in che ci tengono le sole scole puerili col concetto di professar ancor noi di saper quel che sanno gli altri Religiosi, acciò la gente per fidarsi poco della nostra ignoranza non ci fugga, ne abborisca tanto questo habito come fanno anco gli stessi religiosi. E pure vero, che a pena ci guardano e rendono un magro saluto per istrada. Oltre che mancando lo spirito il quale in molti non dura, se pur qui tra tante distrazioni s’acquista, se non suppliscono le lettere, che tengono ben occupato l’animo, e ingenerano spiriti nobili e sdegnosi di laidi pensieri, e massime lettere sagre, che son proprie de Religiosi, et aiutano anco lo spirito. Che si può sperar di fabbrica si mal fondata, se non ruine, o di piante si sozze, se non frutti selvatichi, o schifi? Ne bisogna temere che i studii maggiori impedischino gli esercizi de studi minori, perché alla varietà de spiriti e talenti che suole Iddio compartire per le membra d’un corpo Religioso, conviene varietà d’esercizi et impieghi; ne tutti hanno testa, o talento, o spirito di far scuola di ragazzi, e massime per tutta la vita. Onde mancando tali studi o impieghi, e forza, che tutti questi vivino oziosi, se non viziosi, e increscevoli a se e alli altri. Ne mancan modi di assicurar questo Istituto, quando habbia la sua dovuta forma, come i Padri Gesuiti ed altri hanno assicurato i loro senza dar in certe estremità, che tanto meno durano, quanto più s’ingegna l’humana industria di farla durare fino a cadere nelli estremi contrarii, come spesso si vede le grandi strettezze terminar in gran larghezze, e le grandi indiscretioni in gran relassationi e massime in cose repugnanti per lo più al genio senza particolar grazia di Dio, la quale fin’hora non si vede.

Molto meno deve tenersi con tali studi di gareggiar con altri, se pur fosse mole l’emular la virtù, come esorta S. Paolo e il gareggiar nel bene, come fanno tanti altri in S. Chiesa, che con tali stimoli tengon si ben tra loro svegliati nel culto di Dio in gran Benefizio de’ prossimi...»

In order to solve such a problem well, in addition to the economic possibilities and a sufficient number of staff in the individual schools to make the not inconsiderable effort and the long years of preparation possible, a clear and healthy view of the problem is also required. And on the part of the responsible, a deeply rooted conviction that the educator-priest can only fulfill the hopes rightly placed in him by all if he is fully trained in his priesthood and in his educational ministry.

A simple and clear principle that Calasanz also understood perfectly, even if he was unable to realize it in the difficult moments of the birth of his Order.

II. The Calasanctian Institute

L. The structure of the Institute

Having examined the figure and formation of the Calasanzian educator, we should now try to analyze and study the Institute itself, examining this powerful, living and highly effective organism, by means of which one sought to achieve a good intellectual and moral formation of the student, to whom the Piarist had consecrated his whole life with the solemn profession of the religious vows.

In order to carry out this study, we will first look at the main features of the Institute, its division into different classes, the program developed there; we will then consider the role of the teaching staff of this Institute and then talk about the oratory and the school regulations according to which it functioned. And we will not fail to deal with what could be called the external aspect of the institute, i.e. the school building and its hygienic conditions. We will also deal with its components, i.e. the libraries, the oratory and the Calasanzian church; with some social initiatives, such as the “doposcuola”, the school board, the relations and dealings with the students’ parents and with the ecclesiastical and civil authorities, its obligatory character, its gratuity. Secondly, we will also look at the Calasanzian boarding school and its special educational system.

The division into classes

The first thing that surprised observers outside the Institute of Pious Schools was always the very orderly division of students into different classes[944]. Not only outsiders, but also the closest collaborators of the Saint Pedagogue recognized as one of the fundamental points of Calasanz’ work this division of the students into classes, which he carried out so conscientiously[945]. The great importance attached to this division is evident from the fact that one of the saint’s closest collaborators, Father Bandoni, in his Instructions[946] dealing with the subjects “circa le scuole”, devoted an entire chapter to the subject of how the pupils should be distributed among the classes, how many there should be and to what extent each class should manage its pupils”.

944 Ameyden (o.c. p.107): «Hunc undique concurrunt mane et vespere cuiusque conditionis pueri, quibus in classibus divisis maxima adhibetur cura.» N. B.- The same passage is also quoted by Fr. Giovanni Benedicti in his Scholae Piae p.84.

Cf. also Berro (o.c., t.1 1.1 p.22): «Dispose quivi [in Mons. Ottaviano’s house] le cose con tanto buon ordine e distribuzione di classi e di scuole, che molti si credevano dovesse, per la moltitudine, esser gran confusione, ma vedendole poi ben dispartite, con il stupore ne restavano edificatissimi, e con tale edificatione, che desideravano di tornarvi presto.» Cf. also Constit. p.3rd c.4 n.289: «Curabit vero diligenter [Provincialis] ut in omnibus provinciae scholis debitus ordo in classibus omnibus ... servetur; quas omnes per se ipsum singulis annis visitet.»

945 P. Iosephus Fedele (Fragmentum Vitae S. Iosephi Cal.: Reg. CaI. LXXXIII^1): «Scholas Pias in plures distinguendas et instituendas classes hic institutor existimavit...».

But specially, cf. Fr. Berro (o.c., t.1 1.1 fol.21) «Divise primieramente le scuole con tanto bello ordine e modo, che li figliuoli facevano notabile profitto in poco tempo, per il che crebbero in tanto numero li scuolari che non potevano soddisfare a tutti, però procurò egli stesso mantenere più operarii...»

946 Reg. Cal. XVI 74^4 It can be said that these instructions were never completed; their full title would be: Istruzioni e dell’Ordine da tenersi.

Before going into the details of the Calasanzian system, we must of course note that such a division of pupils into different classes cannot be considered a radical innovation of the Saint. In fact, long before our Saint, the Brothers of the Common Life, the true medieval forerunners of the religious of the educational Orders, had already made such a division[947]. The so-called “town schools” (Stadtschulen), which emerged at the beginning of Protestant Germany, also had three or five classes[948]. And finally, almost half a century before Calasanz, the first schools of the Society of Jesus also knew and used this division[949].

947 Their school in Zwolle, e.g., had eight classes; see M. SCHOENGEN, o.c., p.68.

948 PAULSEN, o.c., I p.23 («tabulistae, donatistae, alexandristae») and I p.342.

949 Cf. Regulae extemorum alumnorum: Mon. Germ. Paed. vol. 5 Ratio studiorum et Institutiones Scholasticae Soc. lesu 2; G. M. Pachtler (p.458): «Eam quisque classem frequentabit quae illi post examen a Praefecto fuerit assignata» (cf. Constit. p. 4 c.13 n.4). See also M I ser. III const. 4a Mon.43 p.154: «Regulae bonos mores spectantes» reg.17: «Omnes scholastici examinentur, et pro ratione facultatis uniuscuiusque applicentur suae scholae». See as well Hist. Soc. Iesu. Mon. Paed. 31: «De ratione studiorum Collegii Romani» p.336-453. Chapter 36 of these rules have the title (p:384) «Ordo studiorum septem classium, Grammatices, Humanitatis ac Rhetorices Collegii Romani ... In collegio ergo hoc nostro septem sunt classes, scilicet: quinque grammatices, una humanitatis et altera rhetoricae ...» Moreover, such a division is already evident in the regulations of the college of Messina (cf. Mon. Hist. Soc. Ies., Litt. Quadrimestrales I [1526-1552] cta.93 anno 1551 p.349-358).

It should be noted, however, that these classes only existed and functioned for the secondary level[950]. In elementary school, especially in the schools of Rome, there was no division of classes, so that all students were taught in the same classroom and under the direction of a single teacher[951]. Thus, according to these data, we can attribute to Calasanz the primacy of the introduction of class division in elementary education, which was already practiced in higher studies[952]. And such a measure of our Saint was highly praised by his contemporaries, either as a sure pledge and concrete expression of the importance that the great pedagogue attached to popular education, or as a very effective means of successfully implementing such plans.

950 Only the lower grammar class in the “Stadschulen” and in the college of Messina had also some teaching of reading. See the passages quoted above.

951 We know in fact that the 13 “rioni” of Rome had only 13 classrooms with 13 salaried teachers. Cf. p.91-94.

952 Cf. T. GARRIDO, De scholis diversis statuendis: Eph. Cal. I (1932) 215-225 y MORETTI, o.c., p. 70.

In reality, the Founder of the Pious Schools had no lack of profound motives for introducing this total separation of classes. He wanted to ensure the intellectual and spiritual development of his pupils. In reality, one can only hope for a good didactic and pedagogical result with a limited number of pupils who have at least approximately the same physical, intellectual and moral development. Only by staggering the classes, with well-differentiated subjects, can the continuous intellectual and spiritual progress of the student be guaranteed, while the teacher can only bring his intellectual and moral energies to bear on a limited group[953]. And, according to Calasanz, such a division into classes also served to avoid mixing the little ones with the older ones and thus protect them from the possible influences of some adults, which may not be so beneficial[954].

953 L.4138, Ep.VIII p.211: «...e se per caso come si vede, crescerà il numero delli scolari in lingua latina faranno divisione di classi acciò che uno stesso maestro non deva fare la fatica con li minori o principianti, e con li mediocri e maggiori, non mancandoli a V. R. soggetti per farlo.»

954 L.3023, Ep.VII p.26: «Quanto al numero de scolari non permetta che sia maggiore di quello che possano insegnare... e non facciano di maniera che accettandone molti non siano ben insegnati.» L. 746, Ep.III p.199: «Dio sa quanto io sento che vi sia trovato tanto disordine in coteste scuole come intendo, ma per questo riparo si deve affaticar V. R. insieme col P. Provinciale che in cotesta città quando io vi ero andavano assai bene, ma l’haver cresciuto tanto di scolari senza maestri ha partorito questo disordine; scrivo al Padre che procuri non siano più di 60 per scuola di leggere et le dirà ancora che non lasci accettare fanciulli di quattro o cinque anni nè in coteste scuole nè in quelle di Porta Reale et è meglio haverne pochi et attendervi che molti et non far il debito.» L.2337, Ep.V p.378: «Et nella scuola di scrivere non vi si ricercano li scolari grandi perché impedisce uno di loro il maestro più che dieci piccoli poverelli et li grandi non vi vengono per la povertà, ma per la comodità.» L.55, Ep.II p.107: «Non ho ancora havutta risposta se la scuola del P. Gasparo si è accomodata cioè che vi stiano solamente li grandi li quali sono esenti di andar nelle squadre et di star alla messa che si dice alla fine della scuola perciò che non par bene che stiano mescolati grandi con piccoli come altre volte si è visto per esperienza.» L.2099, Ep.V p.254: «Intorno all’accomodar gli scolari, che gli uni non impediscano gli altri, scrivo al P. Evangelista che vi trovi quel ripiego che insieme stimeranno migliore.»

After these preliminary considerations, we can now go “in medias res” and see how many classes the Calasanzian Institute had and what its structure and pedagogical function were. However, we must bear in mind that during the active period of the foundations, the different schools were organized with different departments depending on the environmental conditions and the possibilities of the moment. Therefore, the organization that we present to you now should only be considered as a model or basis, to which some classes were added or removed depending on the needs of the moment. Nevertheless, this outline can give us a clear and simple overview of the internal structure of the Institute.

As can be seen from various documents[955], teaching was always divided into two sections: one for elementary teaching and one for grammar teaching, which we can also refer to as the “intermediate level”[956]. The elementary section consisted of three different classes: “Reading”, “Writing” and “Abacus”. The grammar section, on the other hand, consisted of six classes: the four grammar classes[957], the humanities and rhetoric and poetics[958].

955 Constit. (Prooemium n.5): «Erit ergo Instituti Nostri a primis elementis modum recte legendi, scribendi, computa faciendi, linguam latinam, pietatem praecipue, et Doctrinam Christianam Pueros docere; et haec qua fieri poterit facilitate executioni demandare.» Fragmentum Vitae S. I. Calasanctii (J. Fedele) (Reg. Cal. LXXXIll1): «Scholas Pias in plures distinguendas classes pius hic Institutor existimavit, qui laudabilis ordo servatur adhuc, in quibus a primis elementis in rectis characteribus firmandis scribendisque, in Arithmetices, Grammatices, Humanitatis et Rhetorices studiis, casuum quoque conscientiae, nempe Theologiae Moralis Doctrinis, et pueri nempe parvuli ac maiores, pauperes praecipue, qui non commode habent unde stipendia praeceptoribus exsolvere valeant, instituerentur.» Particularly important on this subject is the Documentum Princeps and the Index librorum, qui in Scholis Piis Narn. a Clericis Reg. Paup. M. D. explicabuntur a Pridie nonas Novembres anni 1624 ad 1625: Reg. Cal. 428. See also the division of the classes as it appears in the Ratio Studiorum pro Exteris (published in the volume Constitutiones ... et regulae [Roma 1826] p.140-141).

956 The core of such a division is already found in the Constitutions and even earlier, in the Bando contra chi disturba li scolari e Scole Pie (Reg. Prov. XXXIII 6):

«Essendo stata instituita dalla Santità di Nostro Signore Papa Paolo V nella detta città la Congregazione Paulina de Chierici Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scole Pie, acciò in esse piamente et senza mercede, o altro premio insegnino a ciascuno di legere, et scrivere, far conti, et insegnino anco Grammatica et Humanità, buoni costumi, et altro spettante al vivere christianamente...», and it appears almost completely developed already in the Fragmentum Vitae of Fr. Fedele (see above); the division is fully developed in the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1694. However, here only three classes of grammar are taken and that of cases of conscience is added, while in the time of Calasanz there were almost always, as we shall see, four classes of grammar, while that of cases of conscience was not regularly used; Calasanz speaks of it only once in letter 361, Ep.II p.34. The same division is already seen in the various schools of the time of the Saint himself, as is shown in the Breve relazione del palazzo Mannini, of 1610 (o.c., p.5-9), and in Libro delle singole case e scuole (Reg. Cal. XI 6) regarding San Pantaleo. Cf. also P. BAU, o.c., p.466.

957 The official designation of these classes at the time of Calasanz was “quarta, terza, seconda, prima de grammatica”; only later these four classes were reduced to three, being called “infima, media and suprema grammatica” (so named in the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris).

958 See Fragmentum Vitae, by Fr. Fedele (Reg. Cal. LXXXIII 1) and Ratio Studiorum pro exteris. It should be noted that we do not know whether in the time of Calasanz every school actually had all these classes, and exactly as they are described; it could be; but since we do not have all the necessary information, we can assert that it was the division desired by the Saint; and this is found everywhere in the primary classes. As for the grammar classes and especially the humanities and rhetoric, this can be proven. We know with certainty that humanities were already taught in the school of Narni in the school year 1624-1625 (Reg. Prov. 426) and that rhetoric was also taught in the Collegio Nazareno from 1630. See Berro (o.c., t.1 1.3 p.27) and also Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Il tempo di stare nel collegio sarà per spatio di cinque anni, nel quale si leggerà Grammatica, Humanità, Rettorica e lingua greca». Rhetoric was also taught in the school of Florence (cf. Fr. Apa, who, as a fruit of his experience in teaching rhetoric, wrote his five books De arte dicendi). In the year 1648 rhetoric and humanities were also taught in Naples (Letter of Fr. Giuseppe di Napoli from the Nativity, 24-4-1648, Naples, Duchesca [EHI p.882]: «...si è accresciuto il numero degli scolari e scolari di qualche conditione e le scuole di grammatica si sono allevate assai poiché il P. Giov. Francesco Apa nella sua legge Humanità e Rettorica e doppo ad alcuni particolari Logica.») In Campi, in 1635, there was also a Humanities school. (Relazione sulla casa di Campi, 1-8-1635 [Reg. Prov. 17^9]: «Scuole quatro de’quali si essercitano solo tre. La prima dell’umanità con la sua catedra e banchi e fa il frello Gerolamo di S. Agnese, vi son scolari dodici»). In Podolin, in 1648 the class of poetics was opened, and only in 1651 that of rhetoric (GULYAS, o.c., p.9); from a decree of Frascatl of 1620 we know that grammar and humanities were also taught there (Reg. Prov. 336); likewise, in Nikolsburg and in Strassnitz the courses of rhetoric and poetics were not only given to our students, but also to the external students (see p.171-172). cf. also the Family domus of Strassnitz of 1645 [Reg. Cal. XII 225], where Fr. Ioannes Stephanus of S. Cyril is listed as “Magister Poeseos”, and the Family domus of Nikolsburg of the same year [Reg. Cal. XII 225], where the cleric “Andreas of S. Francis” is listed as “Poeseos et Syntaxeos Magister”). On the other hand, it should be noted that already the Fragmentum vitae, by Fr. Fedele (Reg. Cal. 831), speaking of the division of the classes carried out by Calasanz, also speaks of the classes of rhetoric and humanities, and even the Constitutions themselves implicitly admit such classes (Constit. p.2a c.10 n.205). As for the school of humanities and rhetoric of Florence, Calasanz also speaks in letter 3049, Ep.VII p.47: «M’avvisi V. R. che sente delle scola de Nobili e se quel modo d’insegnare è facile e breve il che si conoscerà nel profitto de scolari perciocché se la sintaxi dura un anno poco manco ne vorrà nella humanità et un altro nella Rettorica.» Moreover, is also seen in another document of the Saint, that Calasanz ordered his religious to teach humanities and rhetoric, even to external students. (Riposta del P. Generale alle osservazioni della Visita Apostolica del 1625 [Reg. Cal. XII 51]: «Li maestri che insegneranno Humanità e Rettorica haveranno udita Humanità prima di insegnarle»).

This division resulted in the following nine groups:

Elementary department:

1. School of reading.

2. School of Writing.

3. Abacus school.
Grammar department (classical or intermediate school):

4. Fourth of grammar.

5. Third of grammar.

6. Second of grammar.

7. First of grammar.

8. School of the humanities.

9. School of rhetoric and poetics

It is true that even in Rome, more precisely in the school of San Pantaleo, there were no classes for humanities and rhetoric, but this was for the simple reason that Calasanz did not want to compete with the Collegio Romano in the early days[959], and later, when the Collegio Nazareno was opened, he was able to send his students to that school. Moreover, where higher schools already existed, Calasanz preferred to constantly improve the lower classes, the main object of his joy and fame. On the other hand, we must not overlook the fact that in the most important cities, such as Rome, Florence, Naples and even Narni and Frascati, there were not three but four grammar classes, and in the first grammar class a little humanities and rhetoric were already taught[960].

959 Doc. Princeps. p.6-7: «Da questa 2a classe alla fin dell’anno vanno al Collegio Romano et fra l’anno quando si fa essamine nelle scuole passano alla prima. Da questa classe [la prima] alcuni scolari vanno a sentir la logica, altri si fanno religiosi, alcuni vanno all’Humanità del Collegio, altri alla prima, et altri alla seconda classe.»

960 Regarding Roma see Libro delle diverse case e collegi: Reg. Cal. XI 6 (cf. BAU, o.c., p.470); respect to Florence see Il status quo della casa di Firenze durante la visita del 18-2-1643: Archivum Florentinum r.2 VI; Regarding Naples, Note della famiglia della Duchesca e della casa dello Spirito Santo nel 1635: Reg. Cal. XV: Prov. Nap., 11; On Frascati, see the letter of Fr. Giuseppe Fedele to Fr. General dated 11-3-1633: EHI p.930; and on Narni see Index Librorum, of 1624: Reg. Prov. 42^6.

But this division does not say much if you do not also look at certain details. Let us take a closer look at the elementary section and then the grammar section. The elementary section, as we have already seen, was of extraordinary importance to Calasanz; in fact, the elementary classes of the institute formed its main part and gave it its raison d’être. It was the area of teaching that had not been sufficiently cultivated before him, while the grammar department, which also brought many advantages to teaching, already had an equivalent, if not a rival, in the schools of the Society of Jesus[961].

961 It was also seen in this way by people outside the Order, such as, for example, Monsignor Gramay, factotum of Cardinal Dietrichstein. See a comparison made by him between the Jesuits and the Piarists.: «…ita puncta duo vel tria, in quibus ordo vester ab illis differt, maxime promovenda censeo, ut sunt parvulos singulari cura instruere in moribus, pietate, litteris, Scriptura et Arithmetica, in quo fatentur omnes qui Scholas nostras viderunt, etiam nonnulli de Societate, ipseque Cardinalis et alii Magnates Patriae, quod superetis PP. Societatis» (EEC p.50 I; Nikolsburg 22-9-1631).

In keeping with its great importance, the structure of the elementary department was developed extremely carefully and thoroughly. It appears from the various documents[962] that the three classes - the basis of this department - were almost never absent from the main schools, but the school of reading was divided into two or even three (four) classes[963]; the first was called the “school of the holy cross” or the school of “reading by spelling” or the “school of the little ones”, and in it one learned “the holy cross and spelling”; the second class was called the school of reading the Psalter or “school of the Psalter”, and in it one was taught “to “read through the Psalter”, to which one also added “aloud the principle of Christian doctrine and the necessary prayers”; the third was simply called the school of reading without stopping, and in it one was taught “to “read through books in the vulgar language, such as the Book of Virgins”[964]. From the school of reading without stopping, we moved on to the writing class. In this class, everyone was “taught to write with such ease that the gifted with a good pulse learned a sufficient form of handwriting within three or four months”. After these three or four months, which were necessary to be able to write well, this class was divided into two different sections[965], a practical and a literary one.

962 They are, Breve relazione (vol.cit.), el Libro delle case e dei collegi: Reg. Cal. XI 6 and Le note della famiglia delta Duchesca e della casa dello Spirito Santo: Reg. Cal. XV: Prov. Nap.,11)

963 In Mannini palace, according to the Breve relazione, three; in Savona, two (Reg. Cal. XI 6).

964 This class then, given the relatively large number - Calasanz foresaw about 130 - could be divided into two classes; in the upper one were the most diligent and intelligent (cf. Breve Relazione p.6).

965 If the music class is also counted, then in three different sections.

In the practical section, “provided for those who wished to practice an art”, every morning “the abacus was taught according to their ability”, and writing continued in the afternoon, this class being called the “abacus and writing school”[966]; the other section was literary, for those who “wished to “continue with the letters”, and these were taught “in the nominatives” in the morning and devoted the afternoon to writing, just as in the other class[967]. So, according to this analysis, the basic scheme of the elementary section would be as follows:

966 Like this is called by Breve Relazione and Libro delle case e dei Collegi (Reg. Cal. XI 6: Savona).

967 In Rome and in Campi there was a third option for poor pupils after the first phase of writing lessons had been completed. They could attend music class. It was Calasanz who set it up so that some students could earn their daily bread by learning music. For Campi, see Relazione della casa di Campi (Reg. Prov. 17^9): «Scuole quattro de quali si essercitano solo tre. La terza di musica. La fa il P. Francesco di S. Carlo. Vi sono scolari 25 con i suoi banchi e tavolini.» Regarding Rome see letter 4003, Ep.VIII p.135: «Il Martedì terza festa dello Spirito Santo o vero il Mercordì ... lascia qui la scuola di musica abbandonata, nella quale imparavano molti fanciulli poverelli et si guadagnavano poi col tempo il pane colla musica.»

- 1. School of the little ones (of the holy cross, of spelling).

- 2. School for reading without stopping books in the vulgar language (called the seventh class by Calasanz; there was often a subdivision for the most diligent, called the sixth class).

- 3. School of writing for all beginners, morning and afternoon (called fifth grade by Calasanz).

- 4a. School of abacus and writing.

- 4b. School for the first elements of Latin grammar and writing.

- 4c. School of music and writing.

The most important classes in this elementary department were undoubtedly the writing and abacus classes. Calasanz’s Breve relazione shows that the writing classes served as selection and orientation classes. Here the prudent teacher, with the consent of the parents and depending on the pupil’s abilities and economic possibilities, was to determine the pupil’s future profession[968]. Some stopped at this class, content to read and write only[969]. For the others, there were two choices (three in Rome and Campi): if the student wanted to continue his studies, he learned the first elements of grammar in the advanced class of writing; otherwise, that is, if the student could not continue his classical studies for financial reasons or because of his low intellectual capacity[970], he had to learn the first elements of arithmetic, then called “abacus”, in order to be able to earn his daily bread[971].

968 On regard of this selection see Istruzione per i Maestri (Reg. Cal. XII 52; published in Archivum Scholarum Piarum V [1940] 32): «Et quando li scolari sapranno mediocremente scrivere con consulta delli loro padri si metteranno o all’ Abbaco, o vero alla Grammatica, nella parte dell’abbaco si dovrà insegnar il sommar e sottrar con sicurezza». Regarding this possibility of selection, see also the letter of Ven. Glicerio Landriani written in 1602 from Rome to his brother residing in Vicenza (La Voce del Calasanzio V [1932] 285): «E il Cardinal Montalto ed altri e il popolo Romano del Campidoglio e li Conservatori danno e daranno ogni di più, vedendo che il popolo povero ha chi li insegna e tira i figlioli poverelli alle arti con l’abbaco o, chi vuole andare innanzi, alla grammatica. E ci sono certi ingegni di poveri che fanno stupire.»

969 Cf. GIOVANNI BENEDICTI, o.c., p.21.

970 Cf. Expositio ad Cardinales (Reg. Cal. XIV, 61): «...oltre che non si tirano avanti se non quei, che han modo di poter ciò fare, che per questo in tutte le case della Religione la scuola dell’abaco e sempre molto ripiena e numerosa essortandovisi quei che si vedono incapaci da tirarsi avanti.» See also Scholae Piae, by Fr. John Benedicti (p.21): «Ac si quos ex eis hebetes esse et ad altiores doctrinas prorsus ineptos Magistri iudicassent, tamdiu eos in Scholis detinerent quoadusque modum recte legendi scribendi, nonnulli etiam computa faciendi, et praecique Christianae legis elementa utcumque pro sua capacitate combibissent ac tum eos protinus ad opificia, et artes sedentarias amandarent: illis vero quos egregio a natura instructos ingenio et ad capessendas altiores disciplinas apto atque accommodato experti essent, praeter illa paulo ante memorata, etiam grammaticae praecepta sedulo traderent; ita vero perpulchre eruditos expolitosque in his inferioribus scholis, sublimiori illa litteratura imbuendos promoverent.»

971 L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «Questa scienza e l’essercitio è molto utile per li poveri che non hanno capitale da poter vivere senza faticare». Cf. Constit. p.2a c.9 n.198): «Et cum in omni fere Rep. pro maiori parte Incolae sint pauperes, qui filios suos in studiis litterarum ad modicum tempus sustinere valent, curet Superior, ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti magistro, qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi, quo facilius quisque sibi necessaria acquirere possit.»

In Rome and Campi there was a third way out: those who could not continue their studies for the reasons mentioned above had to resort to music lessons, an art with which they could then earn a living. Such a systematization of classes in the elementary department naturally only took place when all the circumstances were favorable, as in Rome and Savona, i.e. when there were a sufficient number of students and teachers and when there were enough premises available. More than once, therefore, changes had to be made, which almost always consisted of merging two or three classes into one, albeit with different groups of students, which in such a case were called “orders”. And this was always done on the direct instructions of the Saint, who always did everything possible to ensure that the change did as little harm as possible to the pedagogical and didactic interests[972].

972 Thus, e.g., in Frascati (L.1369, Ep.IV p.344): «Quanto alle scuole essendovi quattro scuole buone compartite in esse tutti li scolari mettendo quelli di leggere in una scuola grande con dui maestri et quelli di scrivere abbaco et di quelli che cominciano imparar a mente in un’altra grande et quelli di latino se vi saranno per una classe di minori et altra de maggiori li potranno cossi compartire.»

Regarding the school of Narni see Istruzioni per i Maestri given by Calasanz (Reg. Cal. XII 52; published in Archivum Scholarum Piarum V [1940] 32): «Non essendovi più di due scuole con dui maestri si potrà servar quest’ordine. Primo che li maestri non tengano occupatione alcuna fuor delle scuole (se vogliono profittar nelli scolari), le quali saranno divise in due scuole in questa maniera. Tutti li scolari di compitar, leggere, scrivere et abbaco staranno in sua scuola mettendo in una parte quelli del compitar, in altra quelli del leggere et in altra quelli del scrivere et abbaco. El quando li scolari saperanno mediocremente scrivere, con consulta delli loro padri si metteranno o all’ Abbaco, o vero alla Grammatica; nella parte dell’Abbaco si doverà insegnar almeno il sommar e sottrar con sicurezza.» According to Libro delle Case e dei Collegi (Reg. Cal. XI 6), in 1624 There were also only three elementary classes in the school of Norcia: writing and abacus, reading and spelling.

In Florence, in 1643 the elementary section had the following classes: first and second abacus, writing and the class of the “piccolini”.» (Status quo della casa di Firenze durante la visita del 18-2-1643: Archiv. Florentinum r.2.6).

As for the classical or grammatical department, whose main aim was the perfect learning of the Latin language and literature, the grammar classes always formed the predominant part and the humanities and rhetoric classes were often completely absent. Perhaps to replace them, a fourth grammar class was almost always added to the usual three classes, even in the Society’s colleges - at least at the time of the holy Founder - so that in practice the classical or Latin department often consisted of only four grammar classes[973].

973 There were four grammar classes in Rome (cf. Breve Relazione p.6 y 7; Libro delle case e dei collegi: Reg. Cal. XI 6, del 1624); in Naples, in the school of la Duchesca, in 1635 (Reg. Prov. 15: Nap., II); in Florence, in 1643 (Arch. Flor. II 6); in Frascati, in 1633 (EHI p.930: letter of Fr. G. Fedele to Fr. General, Frascati 11-3-1633) and in Narni, in 1625 (Index librorum: Reg. Prov. 42^6).

It is only known that there was a Latin section, with three classes of grammar, in the school of the Holy Spirit, in Naples, in 1633 (Reg. Prov. XV: Prov. Nap., 11; Family domus); in the Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI IO) and in Savona, in 1636 (Reg. Prov. 6: Savona, 10; Family domus 1636). Sometimes, for practical reasons, the number of properly grammatical classes was reduced to only one, with two or three different orders, as in Campi, in 1635, where there were only a total of three classes: one of music, another of humanities, and the third, of grammar, reading and writing together (Relazione della casa di Campi [1635]: Reg. Prov. 179); at other times they were reduced to two, as in the 1624-1625 school year in Savona and in Norcia (Libro delle case e dei collegi: Reg. Cal. XI 6); also in Podolin in the years 1643-1645 there was only one grammar class (GULYAS, o.c., p.8). It can be observed that Calasanz never stuck to the already fixed schemes even in the organization of the various classes, since it can be seen also in some of his letters, as e.g., in letter 4138, addressed to Podolin in 1643: «Se per caso come si crede crescerà il numero delli scolari in lingua latina faranno divisione di classi acciò che uno stesso maestro non deva far la fatica con li minori o principianti, e con li mediocri e maggiori, non mancandoli a V. R. soggetti per farlo.» Another letter on this subject is also very instructive (L.1710, Ep.IV p.431): «Quanto alla seconda scuola de principianti di concordanze, o latini se si può far di meno si faccia per non crescer un maestro per pochi scolari, et quando sia necessario tenerli a parte ne ripartirà alcuni capaci nella prima scuola et ivi farà il maestro due classi et li altri più bassi li terrà nella scuola dello scrivere e abbaco pure a parte et ivi li insegnerà prima o da poi di datto l’Abbaco». Cf. also la Istruzione per i Maestri, quoted already.

Their program was as follows: The fourth class taught elementary principles, the basics of Latin grammar, the declension of simple and compound nouns, active and passive conjugation, and the rules of concord (the syntax of cases). Christian doctrine was also taught and was demanded greatly in this class[974].

974 This program can be deduced from the Breve Relazione of Rome in the years 1610-1612 and from the respective documents of Frascati, (letter of Fr. G. Fedele from Frascati el 11-3-1633: EHI p.930) and Narni (Index librorum qui in Scholis Piis Narniensibus a Clericis Regularibus Pauperum M. D. explicabantur a Pridie Nonas Nov. anni 1624 ad 1625: Reg. Prov. 426).

In the third grammar class, the knowledge of conjugations and concordances was deepened and the Dialogues of Luis Vives (as in Rome) or the fourth book of Cicero’s Familiar Letters (as in Narni) were read[975], and Christian doctrine was continued.

975 Only in the Ratio Studiorum of 1694 does Ovid appear as the author to be explained, with Tristia.

In the second class of grammar, the last remarks were made on the verb, especially on the use of tenses, and here the most important rules of sentence syntax were also given. In the morning a book of the Familiars by Cicero was commented on and in the afternoon the Eclogues by Virgil, and the teaching of Doctrine was continued.

In the first class of grammar, the entire syntax (cum appendicibus) was taught, together with some stylistic rules and, depending on the occasion (as in Frascati), a treatise on prosody. In addition, either Cicero’s De Officiis[976] or another book of the Familiares by the same author was explained in the morning. In the afternoon, Virgil’s Aeneid was presented and, of course, Christian doctrine was not missing[977].

976 The De officiis appears in the Breve Relazione; 1.11 of the Familiares, by Cicero, is included in the program of Narni, as well as in that of Frascati; but each of the programs contains a book of the Aeneid, by Virgil. Later, the Ratio Studiorum, among the works to be chosen for the class explanation, besides the Familiares, by Cicero, contains also the Laelius de Amicitia, by the same, or the Exempla, by Valerius Maximus. From Virgil he proposes the Eclogae or the Georgics instead of the Aeneid, but they could also be substituted by the Epistulae ex Ponto by Ovid.

977 In addition to the program of the Breve Relazione, the program of Narni, which dates back to the school year 1624-1625, is of great historical importance, at least for us. We quote here the full text: Index librorum, qui in Scholis Piis Narniensibus a Clericis Regularibus Pauperum M. D. explicabuntur a Pridie Non. Nov. anni 1624 ad 1625 (Reg. Prov. 426: Domus Narniensis): «In classe humanitatis. Mane: primo semestri. M. Tullii Ciceronis liber de Amicitia. Altero Oratio pro Archia, Val. Maximus.

A prandio: Quinti Horatii Flacci Carminum lib. I. Praecepta de conscribendis epistulis. Ars metrica et de figurarum constructione. Singulis diebus proponetur thema cum solutae tum adstrictae numeris orationis, vel aliquid suo Marte elaborabunt Adolescentes.

In prima classe grammaticae. Mane: Marci Tullii Ciceronis l. XI Epistolarum ad Familiares. De nominum declinatione et de Patronym. et append. regul.

A prandio: Publ. Virg. lib. VIII. Emmanuelis 1.2 ad figurarum usque constructionem.

In secunda classe grammaticae. Mane: M. T. C. 1.9, ad Familiares. Praecepta de praeterito et supino.

A prandio: Publii Vergilii Eclogae. Emn.: De communi verborum et nominum constructione. Append.

In tertia classe grammaticae. Mane: M. Tullii Cic. l.4. ad Familiares. Praecepta de generibus.

A prandio: Emm. Reg. verborum act. etc. usque ad communem constructionem verborum et nominum.

In quarta classe grammaticae. Mane: Emm. Ordines activi et passivi. Dumtaxat. Nominum et verborum inflexiones.

A prandio: Grammaticae Rudimenta. Nelle classi dell’abbaco e scrivere e leggere si usaranno libri conforme alla capacità d’ scolari; li quali da essi si muteranno in diversi autori quando passino in altra classe.

Sabbati diebus cum lectiones hebdomadariae de more recitabunt Adolescentes, tum mutuis se altercationibus lacessent, ex omnibus quae intra hebdomadam praelecta, dictata sive ab regulis collecta fuerint.

Ad quae ut divinae gloriae serviatur, litteris et pietate Puerorum animi imbuantur cunctis diebus Christianae doctrinae capita nonnulla memoriter pronunciabunt.

Laus Deo et B. V.»

In addition to these four grammar classes, in other schools - already at the time of the Saint, as we have seen - there were classes in humanities, rhetoric and poetics.

Fortunately, we have the Narni curriculum for humanities classes - school year 1624-25 - in which we see that the authors covered were Cicero (Laelius de Amicitia, Oratio pro Archia), Valerius Maximus (Dictorum et factorum memorabilium liber II) and Horace (Carmina).

Metrics, poetic figures and the rules of epistolary style were also taught. Every day there were written exercises in prose and verse[978].

978 Probably, in this Humanities class, the teaching of the Greek language begun, where it was possible, as in the Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10), in Florence, (letter of Fr. Apa to Fr. General, Florence 30-6-1646 [EHI p.109]: «ora son costretto io solo a fare il Ministro, il Maestro di quattro classi e poi un’altra lezione di lingua Greca doppo la scuola») and in Campi ([Reg. Cal. XVII: Napoli, 91: «A Campi è cosa certa che non è stato l’Istituto così frequentato quanto al presente essendovi tre scuole assai numerose, con la lettione anco della lingua greca, che fa il P. Girolamo»). The Ratio Studiorum of 1694 includes Greek language in these classes first time (cf. Constitutiones et Regulae p.292).

But we have no contemporary document that provides us with complete information about the program of rhetoric instruction. Father Apa’s Rhetoric, which is preserved in a manuscript, states that a treatise was usually explained in detail in this class[979]. From some letters addressed from Strassnitz to Father General[980], we can see that in addition to this treatise on rhetoric, exercises in poetry and epistolary style were not neglected in this class; from the same letters we can deduce that the favorite author in this class was Cicero with various selected speeches; new subjects were added, such as the tragedies of Seneca and the epigrams of Martial[981].

979 The full title: De ratione dicendi libri sex ex Aristotele, Cicerone et Quintiliano praecipue deprompti. See n.726.

980 See n.712 and 713.

981 This program, derived from the various documents, is not very different from the authentic program of the Ratio Studiorum of 1694, which only added some historians such as Sallust, Livy and Quintus Curtius as new authors, but the very frequent presence of these authors already in the first Piarist houses shows that they were already declared at the time of Calasanz (cf. pp.281-284 with the annotations); here we also see that the Ratio Studiorum of 1694 was only a codification of the school programme that the Saint himself had instituted. All this becomes clearer when we compare the entire programme we have reconstructed on the basis of contemporary documents with the programme contained in the Ratio Studiorum of 1694. There are only important innovations in terms of Italian, history and geography.

To these ordinary and regular classes of the classical department of the Calasanzian Institute were added - at least at the time of the Saint - as extraordinary classes the “Cases of Conscience”[982] and the class or better the “course” of philosophy and logic. With these classes, Calasanz and his first collaborators wanted to complete and, as it were, crown the student’s education in those aspects that would otherwise have been impossible for him. For the rest, the documents say very little, if not exactly nothing, about the exact programme of these studies. As far as matters of conscience are concerned, we are probably not far from the truth if we say, on the basis of the titles of the not a few books on the subject which were then available in almost all our libraries and in the corresponding classes of the Collegio Romano and in almost all of the Society[983], that the main aim of such studies was to give the student a sound knowledge of the main moral principles and a practical orientation in the most common cases that could arise in his life. It was a kind of information and conscience formation of the student who was prepared to live responsibly.

982 This class was already opened in 1563, in Collegio Romano (RINALDI, o.c., p. 75). The teaching of cases of conscience is already permitted in the Constitutions. (Constit. p.2a c.10 n.205). Cf. también Relatio 3 P. Pietrasantae (Ep. IX p.206): «E Gregorio XV nella confermazione delle loro Costituzioni le da anco che possono insegnare Rettorica e Casi di coscienza, e per la Religione solo, tutte le scienze.» As for the real existence of such courses, it is known that after the first resistances of Calasanz, logic was taught in Naples, Florence and Cagliari (see n.771), and cases of conscience in Frascati (L.361, Ep.II p.324).

983 RINALDI, o.c., p. 75.

We know from the program of the logic course - or rather the philosophy course - that in Podolin, where one of these courses was introduced in 1648, it was a two years course; in the first year teaching logic according to Aristotle and Saint Thomas, and the second year teaching physics and a little metaphysics[984]. It is very likely that where such a course lasted only one year, as in Naples, Florence and Cagliari, the same programme was developed, only reduced to the most important questions. It is very likely that moral philosophy[985] was also taught at the Collegio Nazareno. The Galileian Fathers of Florence, who were denounced by Father Mario Sozzi before the tribunal of the Holy Office precisely because of their deviation from the traditional Aristotelian direction, undoubtedly had a special philosophy course with a truly new and modern programme. These Fathers - if the words of the denunciation are to be believed - abandoned Aristotle’s theory of hylomorphism and ancient geocentrism and embraced the new teachings of Galileo and the atomic theory. And not only did they advocate such doctrines among themselves, but - at the will and with the economic support of the Grand Duke - they also passed them on to some poor but ingenious students[986].

984 GULYAS, o.c., p.32. Incidentally, this program coincides almost exactly with the one proposed by the Ratio Studiorum pro nostris (see n.857).

985 Cf. Eph. Cal. III (1934) 26. In fact, such a treatise can be considered the fruit of his pedagogical experience. In the Ratio Studiorum pro nostris, moral philosophy also appears as a teaching subject.

986 See before, pp.216-217.

If we are to make a synthetic judgment of the grammar classes and the classical department as a whole, we must note that we do not find as much originality and useful and clever innovations here as in the elementary department. And this is quite natural. The entire primary department originated and grew out of the pedagogical intuition and apostolic love of the holy Pedagogue, while here, in the formation of his grammar classes, he already had the school programme of the Ratio Studiorum of the Society of Jesus as a model to imitate. It would have been difficult and impractical to deviate completely from such a program and not follow its basic guidelines, which were already accepted and practiced throughout Europe. And Calasanz stuck to them, all the more so because his grammar school classes, especially in the early days of the Pious Schools, were often used as preparatory classes for the superiors of Jesuits[987].

987 See Breve Relazione p.6 y 7.

Although this was the Saint’s way of thinking and his policy in general as far as the organization of the humanist department was concerned, it did not prevent him from adapting and modifying the Jesuit system according to the subject matter, the environment and the particular needs of his own Order. During his lifetime, for example, the saint preferred to set up four grammar classes in his institute instead of the three provided for in the Ratio Studiorum of the Society of Jesus[988]. A division he probably made when he foresaw that the poorest students would not have time for further courses in rhetoric and humanities and he therefore wished to perfect them in the language already in the same grammar classes. In fact, the first grammar class in Calasanz’ concept often appears as the top class of the Institute[989].

988 Ratio Studiorum II; Monumenta Germaniae Paed. vol.5 p.256 «Regulae Provincialis» 21: «I. Scholae studiorum inferiorum non plures quam quinque esse debent: una Rhetoricae, altera Humanitatis et tres Grammaticae.» Cf. also ibid., Regulae praefecti studiorum inferiorum reg.8 (p.352): «1. Caveat ne gradus quibus quinque scholae inferiores videlicet Rhetorica, Humanitas, et tres Grammaticae, constant, ulla ratione permisceantur. 2. Quae distinctio quo melius faciliusque servetur; omnia Emmanuelis praecepta tres in libros dividenda sunt quorum singuli singularum scholarum sint proprii.» It should be noted that prior to the Ratio Studiorum, five grammar classes were given at the Collegio Romano of the Society of Jesus. (RINALDI, o.c., p. 112; also, Mon. Paed. Mon. 31: «De Ratione et Ordine Studiorum Collegii Romani» p.384).

989 L.688, Ep.III p.162: «...et io ho sempre avisato che dal buon nome o cattivo della prima scuola depende il tutto delle altre scuole, ma per l’avvenire ci governaremo d’altra maniera.» See also L.2742, Ep.VI p.255: «La scola di abbaco principale di tutte, fuori la prima di grammatica.»

Apart from this obvious difference in the external systematization of teaching in the classical section, there were others - and some of no small importance - concerning the method of teaching itself. But to talk about them is beyond the scope of this chapter. We will deal with this subject when it is time to talk about intellectual education.

Number of teachers in each class

Having become acquainted with the two departments, primary and secondary, as well as the different classes of each of these departments (school of the little ones, school of reading, writing and abacus, four classes of grammar, rhetoric and humanities), in their origin and their first historical development under the paternal hand of the holy Founder, we cannot refrain from examining now the most important elements of such an organization. These are the number and function of the teachers in the different classes, the maximum number of students in each class, the simultaneous teaching that should take place in all classes, the uniformity of the method that should be observed in each class of each school, and the transition from one class to another, that is, the duration of each part of the schooling and the subject of the examinations.

Regarding the class teachers, it should be said that each group had its own teacher or teachers[990]. In the classes of the primary school section, given the relatively large number of students, Calasanz preferred two teachers to one, making one of them director and the other assistant. According to a report by Father Berro, each primary school class in the schools of San Pantaleo had one, two or three teachers[991].

990 Constit. (p.2a c.9 n.196): «Curabit etiam Superior ... ut magistri diversi pro diversitate, numero et captu audientium constituantur».

991 Berro (o.c., t.l 1.2 fol.54-55): «...et il doppo pranzo tutti agiutarono nelle scuole. Perché il numero di quelli era più di quelle essendo in tredici scuole e li maestri due o tre per scuola fuorché della grammatica, che uno solo per scuola era.»

Cf. also L.1569, Ep.IV p.344: «...mettendo quelli di leggere in una scuola grande con dui maestri.» Nota della famiglia della casa della Duchesca (Reg. Prov. XV: Prov. Nap.,11): «P. Giovanni Luca di S. Francesco fa la congregazione et aiuta le scuole.» Nota della casa dello Spirito Santo (Reg. Cal. XV: Prov. Nap.,11): «Fratello Giacinto, Novitio de Campie, aiutava alla scuola dell’abbaco et de piccolini.»

The teacher, or, if there were also assistants, the head teacher, was the absolute master of his class. No one was allowed to come into contact with it except their superiors, the local rector and the prefect of the schools. He led it from morning to night, monitored the pupils’ attendance, accompanied them to church and home, directed their spiritual life and guided their intellectual progress[992].

992 Regarding the prohibition to enter in another classroom, véase Alcuni Ordini per le Scuole di Germania (Reg. Cal. X 2 I): «Niuno ecceto il Prefetto può andar nella scuola dell’altro senza consenso del Superiore della casa.» See also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Non può entrare in tempo alcuno chi che sia nella scuola d’altri, ancorché chiamato et invitato vi sia dal maestro di quella, havendo questo da fare solo il Superiore della casa e chi da lui havrà licenza, et il Prefetto delle Scuole.» For the rest, everything concerning the teachers and their administrative function will be better seen when we deal with the teaching staff of the Calasanzian Institute.

In the classical department, one teacher was always sufficient for each class[993] due to the relatively small number of students[994]. It goes without saying that, although this was Calasanz’ intention, as explained above, in certain specific circumstances it happened more than once that one teacher had to look after several classes or several different orders of a single unified class[995]. But as soon as the reasons for such unification were settled, the preferred system was immediately reverted to: one class, one order in it and one teacher[996].

993 Cf. Berro (o.c., t. l 1.2 p.54-55): «...e li maestri due o tre per scuola fuorché della grammatica che uno solo per scuola era.»

994 Only in Rome there were as many as 50. See Libro delle case e dei collegi: Reg. Cal. XI 6 fol.1ff; also BAU, o.c., p.470. In Savona, in the school year 1624-1625 there were 30 in the major grammar and 25 in the minor; and in Norcia, in the same year there were 30 in the minor grammar class and 40 in the second (for these data see again Libro delle case e dei collegi fol.11 and 14).

995 Istruzione per i Maestri: Reg. Cal. XII 52. L.1710 (Ep. IV p.431): «...ivi farà il Maestro due classi»; A letter of Father Apa written from Florence to Father General is very characteristic in this regard. (EHI p.109, 30-646): «Ora son costretto io solo a fare e il ministro, il maestro di quattro classi, e più un’altra lezione di lingua greca doppo la scuola.» Often in this way, i.e., by unifying two classes, the problem of replacing sick teachers was also solved. L.38 (Ep. II p.87): «...dice che pateno grandemente le scuole basse per mancamento di operarii et io dico che in simili occasioni si deve mostrar la charità da quelli che hanno pochi scolari nella sua scuola in dar soddisfazione alla sua et aiutar l’altra che mentre li scolari di lattino fanno alcuna compositione, o scrivono alcuna altra cosa il maestro potrebbe farsi venir su dieci o dodeci o più scolari et recitarli innanzi la porta della scuola o trovar altro rimedio che lo suol far l’urgente charità in simili strettezze per dar soddisfazione alli scolari et per supplire anche col mondo...» See also L.3027, Ep.VII p.30: «Et è meglio nella scuola di grammatica fare due ordini di scuola che fare due scuole, perché non vi troveranno tanti maestri di proposito et se uno si ammala non vi è chi supplisca.»

996 L.616, Ep.III p.114: «...et se la scuola si potrà ridurre ad un ordine solo sarebbe di maggior diligenza perché haverebbe più tempo.»

As for the teachers of each class, it should be noted that Calasanz’ original intention was that they should always remain in the same section, specializing as much as possible in their subject. In various letters of the Saint, already quoted elsewhere, we see that he wanted good calligraphers, abaquists and humanists, and only as a supreme ideal did he wish the teachers to be good “for every class”. It also follows from the fact that, according to Calasanz, the “cleric brothers” should only teach reading, writing, arithmetic (and music), that he wanted the teachers, once they had found their class, their suitable position, to always remain in the same class or at least in the same department. It was not until the General Chapter of 1637, when the so-called “cleric brothers” were detached from teaching, that Calasanz permitted and desired that candidates should take a teaching test in every class of the Institute before their ordination, starting with the little ones and ending with the humanities[997].

997 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.17): «Del Maestro di Scuola»: «Nessuno possa esser maestro di scuola che prima non faccia la professione della fede et sia sacerdote o chierico, l’officio del quale sarà po. doppo il po. anno del novitiato intiero conforme al Concilio Tridentino se la età lo permette o vero quando sarà di età aiuterà le scuole di piccolini, et il 2o anno una scuola di leggere, il terzo di abaco et di scrivere, il quarto di principii di grammatica, il quinto l’umanità, quale scuole havendo esercitato con ogni fedeltà con la fede che daranno i superiori dove sarà stato, all’hora il provinciale le potrà concedere la dimissione da ordinarsi.»

In accordance with this order by Calasanz, later on, in 1694, in the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris (Const. et Regulae p.138), it was ordered the gradual promotion of teachers in each of the classes, starting with the lowest classes[998].

998 Const. et Reg. (p.138): «Absoluto studiorum curriculo, Clerici, seu Novelli Sacerdotes, ita scholis docendis addicantur, ut per annum saltem infimis classibus gradatim applicentur, ascendendo a clase legentium et scribentium, numerantium ad Rudimentistas; inde ad Grammaticos, ad Poetas et Humanistas, neque nisi Praepositi Generalis aut Provincialis dispensatio accedat, hic ordo praetermittatur, aut quisquam ad Rhetoricam, Philosophiam, vel ad Moralem, sive Scholasticam Theologiam valeat promoveri, qui prius praedictos inferiores gradus annuatim non ascenderit.»

The number of students in each class

Another very important issue for Calasanz in the systematization of the classes was the number of pupils that should be in each class. The documents available to us show that Calasanz also had something to say here and to pass on to posterity. He clearly saw that good results in the two aspects of information and education could only be achieved with a very limited number of pupils. If this limit is exceeded, the entire didactic and pedagogical work of the educator is jeopardized[999]. Based on this principle, he wanted no class to have more than fifty pupils, despite the shortage of teachers available to him, and sixty should only be reached in exceptional cases[1000].

999 L.3023, Ep.VII p.26: «Quanto al numero degli squolari non permettano che sia maggiore di quello che possono insegnare, che quando vi saranno più soggetti s’accetteranno più e non facciano in maniera che accettandone molti non siano ben insegnati et si perda il credito et il buon nome, et questo più in particolare s’intenda d’scolari forastieri» (22-1-1639). L.746, Ep.III p.199: «Dio sa quanto io sento che vi sia trovato tanto disordine in coteste scuole come intendo, ma per questo riparo si deve affaticar V. R. insieme col Pre Provinciale, che in cotesta città quando io vi ero andavano assai bene ma l’haver cresciuto tanto di scolari senza maestri ha partorito questo disordine; scrivo al Pre che procuri non siano più di 60 per scuola di leggere et le dirà ancora che non lasci accettare fanciulli di quattro o cinque anni ne in coteste scuole ne in quelle di Porta Reale et è meglio haverne pochi et attendervi che molti et non far il debito.»

1000 L.3022, Ep.VII p.25: «Con la lettera di V. R. ho ricevuto l’avviso particolare di ogni scuola et di quanti scolari vi sono in ognuna et se ben tutte mi pare che vadino bene in quella però di piccolini hanno disordinato di pigliarne più di 190 senza quelli che stanno per venire in detta scuola, per li quali sono necessari quattro maestri; et non farà poco un maestro se vi insegnerà bene 50 pero non poteranno esser bene insegnati essendo in tanto numero e così si perderà il buon nome. Si metta rimedio per l’avvenire in questo». cf. also L.3027, Ep.VII p.30: «Scrissi la posta passata che diedero cattivo principio al ricever scolari perché dovevano pigliare per quattro scuole solamente et accettarne 50 per scuola e poi accrescendo li Maestri potevano accrescere li scolari et così haverebbero li scolari fatto profitto e li maestri haverebbono dato soddisfazione, ma hora in una scuola mi scrive che sono 250 scolari; necessariamente vi ha da essere qualche confusione, massime essendo scolari piccoli, che 50 bastano ad un Maestro, et conservando il buon ordine si darà soddisfazione alli scolari et al publico; procurino di non moltiplicare più di sei scuole et in nessuna vedano che non passino 50 scolari o pochi più, perché altrimenti in luogo di buon nome si perderà la riputatione.»

Cf. also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Nell’assegnare gli scolari alli maestri si avverta di non dare più di cinquanta scolari ad un maestro, affinché possa ciascuno attendervi con diligenza.»

N. B.- The maximum number of 50 (60) students was valid (as can be seen in the documents) especially for the elementary section; in the humanities section the class rarely reached such a number. See the Libro delle case: Reg. Cal. XI 6. In Savona, in the school year 1624-1625, the number of students was as follows: in major grammar, 30; in minor grammar, 35. In Norcia: in first grammar, 30; in second grammar, 30. According to the report of the house of Campi of 1635 (Reg. Cal. XVII 9), in Campi, in the humanities class, “vi sono scolari dodici”. Moreover, Calasanz also here, in the classical section, wanted to enforce the same principle, as can be deduced from a letter of his, which gives news that in the two Latin classes (fourth grammar) he admitted 50 students in each one. (L.1518, Ep.IV 305: «Mi pare gran soggezione che per sei o sette scolari dobbiamo tener un soggetto impedito et per altri sei o sette un altro alla prima scuola havendone io fatto in Roma due de’latinanti differenti di 50 et 50 scolari l’una»).

It is understood that this principle of the maximum number of students, in practice, could not always be faithfully observed. The number of 50, particularly in the elementary section, was often exceeded in Rome itself. Thus, for example, in the school of the Holy Cross, in the Mannini palace, according to the same Breve Relazione, there were 60 to 70 students; in the school of the Psalter, also 60, and in the other reading schools, 130 (65-65) in the three orders; in the writing class, 140 students (Breve Relazione, p.5-6; BAU, Biogr. crit. p.470). In Savona, according to the Libro delle case, in the school year 1624-1625 in the writing and abacus class, in the first, 60, and in the second 55; in the reading without stopping class, 50 in the first and 60 in the second; in the spelling class 100. In Norcia, at the same time in the school of writing and abacus, 65; in the class of reading without stopping, 85, and in that of spelling, 100. In Naples, in 1648, according to, a letter of Fr. M. Bottiglieri (EHI p. 450; 15-2-1648), in the first grammar class there were about 70 students.

However, if Calasanz, for more than obvious reasons, wanted to limit the maximum number of pupils in a class, he was no less wary of any exaggeration of the opposite sign, since he considered it a wasteful waste of the spiritual and intellectual energies of the teaching staff to provide one teacher for a few (six, seven) pupils. In these cases, Calasanz who was an advocate of separate classes for each age group and each didactic unit - perhaps also somewhat moved by the lack of teaching staff - he allowed and even wanted unification[1001].

1001 L.1576, Ep.IV p.347: «Quanto alle scuole se li scolari che fanno lattini sono pochi si mettano tutti in una scuola che a chi non haverà scuola non mancarà a chi aiutare.» Véase también L.1710, Ep.IV p.431: «Quanto alla seconda scuola de principianti di concordanze, o latini se si può far di meno si faccia per non crescer un maestro per pochi scolari, et quanto sia necessario tenerli a parte ne ripartirà alcuni più capaci nella prima scuola et ivi farà il maestro due classi et li altri piu bassi li terrà nella scuola dello scrivere e abbaco pur a parte et ivi li insegnarà prima o dapoi di datto l’Abbaco, quanto alli piccoli vi attenderà il frel Marc’Antonio insieme col frel Andrea, romano.» Also, L.1518, Ep.IV p.305: «Mi pare gran soggezione che per sei o sette scolari dobbiano tener un soggetto impedito et per altri sei o sette un altro alla prima scuola...»

The simultaneous method

Once the system of separate classes for each age group and each didactic unit had been adopted, the necessary consequence was the introduction of the so-called simultaneous method. Calasanz resisted any temptation that would have suggested, especially at a tender age, in imitation of the extreme and individual care of mothers for their children, the method of teaching each student individually[1002], in accordance with himself and in compliance with the system that he himself had introduced in the elementary department, expressly desired that the teaching in each class should be simultaneous, i.e. that all in each class were taught at the same time and in the same subject. This can already be seen in the Breve relazione of 1610-12, in which he describes the method in the schools of the Mannini palace[1003], and he also expressed it clearly in his letters[1004].

1002 Cf. RIGAULT, o.c., p.580.

1003 Breve Relazione (Duo praest. doc. p.5): «Po. Quanto alle lettere cominciando dalli figlolini più piccoli si tiene una scuola o clase nella quale restano solamente quelli che imparano la Santa Croce et il compitar, et perché il numero di questi figliolini suole essere di 60, o vero 70, et un maestro solo non bastarebbe a recitare si gran numero, si tiene nel muro attacata una carta con un alfabeto di lettere grandi assai, et il maestro con una bacchetta va toccando le lettere da una ad una più e più volte e cosi vengono li figliolini più volte recitati, et si conosce presto chi ha buon ingegno. Et per quelli che cominciano a compitare si tiene parimente nel muro un’altra carta con lettere parimente grandi del ba, be § ab, eb, § et alcune parole facili li quali come cominciano a compitare se mandano ad un’altra classe maggiore.»

1004 L.368, Ep.II p.330: «...et veda di far una sola scuola sebene alli due o tre più intelligenti potria dar tre o quattro rige di più latino delli altri, ma tutti devono sentire et studiare le stesse lettioni» (28-11-1625).

It would certainly be an exaggeration to claim that Calasanz was the creator of the simultaneous method, when its spirit emanates from almost every page of the Ratio Studiorum. Nevertheless, we must note that the simultaneous method introduced by the Society only worked in middle schools and not in elementary school, so we can credit Calasanz with having applied it in these schools[1005].

1005 Comenius only in 1628, in Didactica magna, established it with his saying: “semel et omnes simul”, while the Breve Relazione of Calasanz is dated 1610-1612, and the letter we have quoted above was written in 1625. It was certainly not St. John Baptist de La Salle who was the first to introduce it in elementary schools (cf. RIGAULT, o.c., p.580-582, with the bibliography cited there), but not even Father Nicola Barré, founder of the Schools of Charity of the Child Jesus, was the first to do so, as Father G. Moretti would have us believe. (o.c., p. 73; cf. also Fr. T. GARRIDO, De Methodo simultanea in scholis adhibenda: Eph. Cal. I [ 1932] 214).

Due to the lack of contemporary documents, we are not in a position today to analyze in detail the type of simultaneous method used in the first Pious Schools. The letter of Calasanz mentioned above shows us that if the teaching was in its basic features the same for all and truly simultaneous, the most intelligent and diligent students were not neglected, so that the principle was not followed so rigorously as to paralyze any outstanding individual activity, whether of the pupil or the teacher.

As to the so-called mixed method[1006] which, according to Father Caballero[1007], is said to have been used in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, we express our opinion with great reserve, since the document on which Father Caballero relies does not date from the time of Calasanz, but forms part of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris a Cap. Gen. 1694 instituta[1008].

1006 According to pedagogical treatises, the mixed method is the result of the joint application of the simultaneous method and the reciprocal method; the latter consists of the best pupils in the class being actively involved in the didactic task and the more intelligent (in our case the decurions) teaching the less gifted.

1007 O.c. (ed.1921) I 264. He was followed by Manuel Tarragó in his Examen crítico ... (Boletín de Educación, 2a época, n.7, primer trimestre 1949, p.13-14).

1008 See Constituciones et Regulae (Roma 1826) p.131-141; the text can be found in p.140: «In infimis item classibus, dum classis una coram Magistro legit altera studeat lectioni vel scribat: dum alterius corriguntur characteres, altera pariter occupetur».

Indeed, it cannot be denied that Calasanz also had such a method applied in the classical section if necessary[1009], but we cannot derive a general conclusion from a few individual cases.

1009 Istruzione per i Maestri: Reg. Cal. XII 52 (Archivum Schol. Piar. V [1940] 32): «Il quale [il maestro] per attendere alli dui ordini più bassi darà sempre un latino per far scuola per spatio d’una hora et mentre questi maggiori faranno il latino il Maestro dichiarerà alli più bassi secondo la capacità loro».

Our reservation also extends to the didactic activity carried out by the decurions. From various documents - which we will see below[1010] - we can deduce that the activity and function of the decurions of the Pious Schools was more of a disciplinary nature. Only later, after the death of Calasanz, did this orientation take a turn in favor of Father Caballero’s thesis[1011]. However, we can already observe some signs of the reciprocal method at the time of the holy Founder[1012].

1010 In the chapter dealing with the Institute’s teaching staff.

1011 In fact, the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris (Const. et Regulae [Roma 1826] p.136) tells: «Idem interea Praefectus attendat ut Discipuli modeste se gerant in suis classibus, donec Magistri accedant: ad quorum praescriptum Adolescentes promant ex memoria lectiones Decurionibus, qui singulorum errores, scripto notatos, dabunt magistris, pro diligentiae seu negligentiae punctis unicuique pro merito statuendis. Imo ad fraudes adulescentulorum avertendas, et ad memoriae periculum, ab aliquibus discipulorum inopinato lectiones exigantur.»

1012 Cf. Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI 5 (Duo praest. doc. p.17): «Procurarà svegliar nelli scolari una santa emulazione per esercitarli più nelli studii. Farà li suoi decurioni et altri officiali per soddisfazione a tutti li scolari, quali decurioni haveranno ancora cura se si porteranno bene nella Messa et nella squadra, se haveranno mancato all’Oratorio acciò possa riferire al Prefetto.» Particularly significant are the Ordini da osservarsi dali maestri Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, written by Calasanz (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 pto.2.0): «...assista mentre li Decurioni recitano le lettioni agli altri scolari, la prima delle quali in tutte le scuole sia quella della Dottrina Christiana.»

In addition to the method of simultaneous teaching, the method of unique and uniform teaching in each class can also be seen as one of the logical consequences of dividing the pupils into different classes. Without this uniformity of teaching, the existence of any school would indeed be ridiculous and precarious. Well aware of this, Calasanz had already prescribed the greatest possible care for superiors in his Constitutions. In this respect[1013], and in accordance with the Constitutions, the Common Rites also have their provisions[1014].

1013 Constit. (p.2a c.11 n.212): «...ab omnibus Superioribus summopere curandum est, ut in omnibus Scholis eadem doctrina idemque modus eam tradendi servetur.» Cf. also Constit. (p.3a c.4 n.289): «Curabit vero diligenter ut in omnibus suae Provinciae Scholis debitus ordo in classibus omnibus, in libris praelegendis, et in exercitiis spiritualibus servetur.»

1014 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Tutti li nostri maestri hanno da osservare la medesima maniera nell’insegnare». The first Latin text of the Common Rites (Reg. Gen. 92), which in all probability dates back to the time of the holy Founder, is even more precise on this point: «Omnes nostri eamdem docendi formam».

This orientation, which was above all disciplinary in character, did not of course in any way remove the possibility of progress, for which the way was always open with other guidelines from Calasanz[1015]; it only closed the door to certain personal whims and to disturbances that could arise from them[1016].

1015 Suffice it to think of the pedagogical conferences prescribed by Calasanz; of the duty of the Visitator, who has to heed the propositions of the Fathers concerning the best possible method (Constit. p.3a c.5 n.310: “Sciscitetur singillatim ab omnibus.... an aliquo modo melius. Adolescentes erudiri possent”), and in the provisions of the Constitutions regarding the search for the best possible method.

«Et quoniam tam in tradenda grammatica, quam in alia quavis scientia, ad discipulorum utilitatem plurimum confert, si aliquo facili, utili et quoad fieri poterit, brevi modo Magistri omnes utantur, operae pretium erit, ut ex peritissimis, expertisque in hac materia viris, qui optimus fuerit, seligatur» (Constit. p.2a c.11 n.216).

1016 CANATA, o.c., p.55; CAMPANELLI, o.c., p.78.

The examinations

To complete what has been said about the division of students into different classes, we must now say something about the examinations.

The division with respect to the school program, the premises, the teachers and the students would certainly be void if the actual appropriation of the programme by the student had not been controlled by examinations on certain occasions. This was the only way to ensure that the written programme was an effective, concrete programme, and that each of the classes was more of a progressive gradation of the student’s informative and educational training than an external enumeration of the various premises. The school programme could not really be implemented without serious difficulties if the intellectual and cultural level of the class was not standardized by a certain minimum intellectual knowledge required for the examinations. The Pious Schools were not unaware of such considerations[1017].

1017 The examination system was already known by the Fratres Vitae Communis (M. SCHOENGEN, o.c., p.101) in the XV-XVI centuries, and after them, by the “Stadschulen” of Germany (PAULSEN, o.c., vol. I p.343) and by the Jesuits (PACHTLER, Ratio Studiorum p.360-362).

Already in the Constitutions, Calasanz prescribed two types of examinations: the entrance examination and the promotion examination. Thus, candidates wishing to be admitted to the Pious Schools could only be admitted to the class that corresponded to their education and knowledge[1018] after passing the prescribed entrance examinations. This examination guaranteed the uniformity of the cultural level of the class and excluded all those whose education did not meet the requirements of the group.

1018 Constit. (p.2a c.9, n.197): «...qui novi ad Scholas accedunt, praevio examine in his classibus, cum hisque Praeceptoribus, qui ipsis conveniunt, collocentur».

The other exam, the promotion exam, also had the same purpose. However, while the entrance examination protected the cultural level from external influences and obstacles, the promotion examination regulated the internal development with its requirements and at the same time served as a very effective incentive for the students’ diligence. As far as the frequency of promotion examinations is concerned, the Constitutions stipulate two per year[1019].

1019 Ibid.: «...de quibus bis saltem in anno examen fiat, quo diligentes, ad superiores scholas gradum faciant». Also another document of the Saint speaks of two annual exams (Dubia aliqua circa nostras Regulas in Cap. Gen. 1637 discutienda p.2 dub.2 [Reg. Cal. XII 105]: «Circa li scrutini da farsi ogni sei mesi sotto qualche pena al maestro se sarà negligente»). And the report of the canonical visitation made in 1628 at the college of Narni observes that «si lamentano che non son passati scolari alle vacanze e meno a Pasqua dalla seconda di grammatica all’ultima e superiore» (Reg. Prov. 42^11).

At the time of the Breve Relazione (1610-1612 approximately), Calasanz also wanted to have three four-monthly exams per year. (Breve Relazione p.5): «Et ogni quarto mese si fa essamine generate in tutte le scuole, et quelli scolari, che si trova che hanno profitto passano a la classe superiore.» But this custom was, as can be seen, abrogated by the Constitutions (1622).

The time determined for the two examinations was, for the first one, the days immediately following Easter, and for the second one, the days immediately preceding the opening of the new school year. All this is deduced from the relation of the canonical visitation of the house of Narni (Reg. Prov. 4211), which speaks of the vacation examinations and those of Easter.

The Common Rites of 1655 (Reg. Gen. 89) determine the examinations as follows: “Examen Generale fiat per decem dies ante vacationes autumnales in quibus intersit.... idem servari debet in examine quod fieri solet ante Pascha.” (N. B.-A second hand substituted ante for post). The Ratio Studiorum pro exteris (1714) already follows this correct programme (Constit. et Reg. (Rome 1826) p.247.119): “Bis in anno examen discipulorum fieri Praefectus curabit; nempe post Kalendas Novembris et post Sollemnitatem Paschatis, quo diligentes ad Superiores Scolas gradum faciant.” It is noteworthy that in the Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, composed by Calasanz in 1637, in the part where he speaks “Dell’ Offitio del Prefetto delle Scuole” (cf. Duo praest. doc. p.15), the date of the examinations is not yet fixed.

Even if it is true that even in the Easter examinations the most diligent pupils could be promoted to the higher classes (the witnesses quoted above state this quite clearly), it can be assumed that the majority of pupils, especially in the classical department, were only promoted in the general examinations in November. This assumption is also supported by the fact that the Collegio Nazareno had five school years for the three classes of grammar and the two of humanities and rhetoric, i.e. one year for each class[1020]. In any case, this was also the way in which the Jesuit schools were used[1021].

1020 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Il tempo per stare nel Collegio sarà per spatio di cinque anni, nel quale si leggerà Grammatica, Humanità e Rettorica e lingua greca».

1021 Ratio studiorum (PACHTLER, vol.cit., p.360): «Regulae Praefecti Studiorum: Generalis sollemnisque promotio semel in anno post anniversarias vacationes facienda est. Si qui tamen longe excelleant... nequaquam detineantur sed quocunque anni tempore, post examen ascendant».

Conclusion

At the end of our investigation, in order to make a common criticism of the division into different classes of the programme and of the students of the first Pious Schools, we must state the following:

- With the division made in his Institute, Calasanz really and effectively created and founded the first elementary and popular school in the modern and contemporary sense of the word. In fact, each class had its own fixed programme, its own teacher, its own adapted method. The prescribed examinations, the progressive gradation of the programme, did not make such a division a purely mathematical or geometric operation, but consisted first in the different - and progressively increasing - cultural level of the pupils and then in the numerical differentiation of the classrooms. By limiting the maximum and minimum number of students in a class, the aim was to achieve the best result with the least possible amount of teaching staff, which meant that up to that point the most serious attempt had been made to achieve a serious and conscious collective education of the people’s children.

- The Latin-humanistic department was also the first attempt at a middle school in the modern sense of the word, i.e. a school which, in addition to the primary instruction in reading, writing and abacus, which is indispensable for everyone to be able to earn their daily bread, also teaches its students other useful lessons for various professions, but which are at the same time very valuable for a graduated culture of the mind and spirit. While the other grammar schools were only seen as doorsteps to further higher studies, the Calasanz grammar schools were organized in such a way that their program fulfilled their raison d’être (especially in the intellectual field) in itself. In a relatively short time - three or four years, depending on the circumstances - they offered a discrete intellectual and spiritual legacy for those who, for various reasons, did not or could not aspire to higher goals.

- With the program of the different classes, with great prudence, with a fine sense of a cultural and social policy, the whole school system, which contained in itself a complete course of instruction and education from the tenderest infancy to the college, acquired an admirable elasticity, with perfect adaptation to the needs of the poor children of the people. In fact, five different needs could find their happy solution in the Pious Schools of Calasanz:

- The poorest and intellectually weakest could learn to read and write and learn the basic news of Christian doctrine.

- Others, who were a little more intelligent and had more time to study and learn to read and write, could acquire the abacus, the knowledge of which could open the way to various trades and to various commercial or military activities.

- Others in Rome and Campi - if they had a special talent for music instead of the abacus - could choose its apprenticeship to earn their living.

- Others, who were even more intelligent, could, if their parents allowed it, continue classical studies and devote themselves to the study of the Latin language, thus opening the door to various professions that required a certain knowledge of the Latin language, while acquiring the first spiritual and intellectual values necessary for a full life.

- And there were still those who, being intelligent and economically better off, could consider the elementary or classical department as a preparatory school for other higher schools, especially for the university, and in this case the Institute had the same function as the schools of the Society of Jesus.

- In such a division of classes and programs, it is impossible not to recognize the first signs of the following current types of schools:

- elementary school;

- vocational-technical or commercial school (inasmuch as the arithmetic seriously learned could serve for commercial and military-technical purposes)[1022];
1022 As in fact, later, but also during the Saint’s lifetime, further developments made this clearer (see the Higher School of Mathematics in Florence and the Technical School of Podolin).

- secondary school with Latin;

- grammar school, lyceum or humanistic school.

- Such a program and such a division constituted a complete course of teaching and education, which took the child out of his mother’s lap, so to speak, and placed him at the doors of the college or at those of independent and productive life[1023].
1023 Cf. Fr. Giovanni Benedicti (o.c., p.20-21): «Id autem in Scholis Piis, iam inde ab ipsarum incunabulis, more receptum fuit Romae, ut pueris maxime inopibus, papyrus, calami, atramentum etc. suppeditarentur. Ac si quos ex eis hebetes esse et ad altiores doctrinas prorsus ineptos magistri iudicassent, tamdiu eos in scholis detinerent, quoadusque modum recte legendi scribendi, nonnulli etiam computa faciendi, et praecipue christianae legis elementa utcumque pro sua capacitate combibissent ac tum eos protinus ad opificia, et artes sedentarias amandarent; illis vero quos egregio a natura instructos ingenio et ad capessendas altiores disciplinas apto atque accomodato experti essent, praeter illa paulo ante memorata, etiam Grammatices Praecepta sedulo traderent: ita demum perpulchre eruditos expolitosque, in his inferioribus Scholis, sublimiori illa litteratura imbuendos promoverent.»

- This program surpassed, in its completeness, its organic structure and its social aspects, all other programs that preceded or coincided with the Saint[1024].
1024 I am referring in particular to the programs of Vives, of the Protestants of Germany, of Scioppio and of Comenius. All these programs, with the exception of Scioppio’s, can be found in all kinds of treatises on the history of pedagogy; as for Scioppio’s, see the aforementioned article by Camilo M. Gamba. Il poligrafo tedesco Gasparo Scioppio (1576-1649) e il suo programma di riforma degli studi (Bari 1950). Excerpt form Annuali del Corso di Lingue e Lettere presso l’Universita di Bari vol. I.

It was an Institute of organic structure with such a cultural and social program that “Scholae sunt tot officinae, in quibus comparantur diversa genera mercium litterarum secµndum voluntatem et possibilitatem emptorum”[1025]. Its real and concrete goal became truly admirably clear in the program of its classes, “multiplicatio et vulgatio scientiarum”[1026]. It fully deserved the name Campanella gave it: “Institutum Sapientiae Dei”, because “ad convivium sapientiae, quae ut dicit Salomon, aedificavit sibi domum, miscuit vinum, posuit mensam, etc.”. Piae Scholae vocant quosquumque, praesertim Pauperes: venite comedite panem meum, bibite vinum quod miscui vobis”[1027].

1025 Difesa delle Scuole Pie dell’avvocato Firmiani: Reg. Cal. LXVIII. See also the continuation of the text: «…nec coguntur enim emere plus quam possunt, qui enim potest comparare linguam latinam, comparet, qui vero non potest comparare dictam artem, comparet artem legendi et scribendi et computa faciendi et rudimenta fidei et bonos mores saltem. Nemo ex dictis pauperibus pueris cogitur plus addiscere, quam voluntas et vires eorum parentum se extendant, unde ad parentes dictorum puerorum pertinet tamdiu dictos pueros in dictis Scholis manutenere, quamdiu vires suas sufficere existimaverint.»

1026 CAMPANELLA, o.c., p.231.

1027 CAMPANELLA, o.c., p.232. See also Gioberti’s comments on this subject: «Il Cal. in un secolo molto inferiore al nostro di pulitezza, ebbe il concetto profetico di fondare e consacrare la scuola del popolo... si propose di fondare un’istituzione maestra non solo di lettere elementari, ma di abaco e di rudimenti commerciali ai fanciulli; oltre il tirocinio scientifico, e nominatamente quello di filosofia, di lingue erudite e di matematiche pei giovanetti; concetto e disegno volgare ai dì nostri, ma singolarissimo ... in quei tempi; e quasi augurio di quel genio speculativo e trafficante che è proprio del mondo moderno» (Il Gesuita moderno t.4 c.18 p.349, ed. orig., Losanna 1847).

2. The teaching staff of the Calasanctian Institute

Having seen the program and courses of the Institute, which form the skeleton, so to speak, we must now consider the part that “embodies” this skeleton and makes the entire Institute a living and effective educational body. It is an indisputable fact that the life of a school and what makes it function is its teaching staff. We have already seen the noble figure of the Calasanzian educator who, in the first Pious Schools fulfilled the sublime but arduous task of teaching and educating. Now we must see and examine this educator in his professional activity, in his function and hierarchical systematization, as a member of the overall system of the educational organization.

It is obvious and clear that from the primitive teaching staff of the Pious Schools of Trastevere or the Vestri Palace, where Calasanz was assisted by diocesan priests or by lay teachers who were also paid[1028], to the staff in the Collegio Nazareno was a long and arduous journey[1029]. Here for example, alongside the famous Portuguese priest and teacher D. Andrea Baiano and so many other enlightened Piarists, an illustrious professor from La Sapienza[1030] also taught. So, it is easy to understand why it was only rarely possible to achieve and realize the assumed ideal one hundred percent, given the not insignificant difficulties of the Order, which grew ever greater[1031].

1028 Fr. Berro’s note (Reg. Cal. LXXXIII 1,4): «Li operari delle Scuole Pie oltre il Fondatore di quella erano dieci otto o 19 nel detto anno 1604, come nel libro B, e si danno titolo di Padre a Sacerdoti e di frelli agli altri. Il P. Giuseppe Calasanzio Aragonese fondatore delle Scuole Pie, il P. Gellio Ghellini Vicentino contribuiva per sè e per un altro, il P. Gaspare Dragonetti Siciliano, contribuiva tre scudi il mese, il P. Regolo Bellotti contribuiva 4 scudi il mese che haveva per la messa e confessione delle Monache di S. Anna, e però pocho serviva. Il P. Flaminio Casella tre scudi il mese come cappellano del Monastero di S. Anna si che esso anche era occupato; il P. Martino Tavor o Tairor spagnuolo dava tre scudi il mese, il P. Andrea Basso dava la sola messa in commune et haveva vitto e vestito, il P. Gieronimo Nicotera dava et haveva come sopra, il P. Leonardo Mazentio [Daceno] il medesimo; il Fr. Nicola di Bergamo, il Fr. Giuseppe di Gregorio Messinese, il Fr. Domenico Monechini, il Fr. Michele Telerio Piemontese, il Fr. Eusebio Manente, il fratello del P. Nicotera havevano il vitto e vestito con il letto e non davano se non la loro fatica. Ventura Sarafellino Scrittore haveva la camera e vestito e ventiquattro scudi l’anno, faceva la cucina et altre faccende di casa. Il Signor Marco Antonio Delfini faceva la carità di insegnare nelle scuole et era tenuto per un uomo operario et faceva molti servizi alla casa et oppera ma non si trova che desse cosa alcuna ne che mangiasse ne dormisse in casa et perché haveva padre tengo che mangiasse e dormisse in casa sua, era un giovane molto ritirato e divoto, attese a fare questa carità sino alla sua morte che era seguita prima delli 14 marzo 1611; di tutti questi operari sopranominati che convivevano insieme nel modo detto non perseverò con il nostro Padre Giuseppe Calasanzio Fondatore se non uno che fu il P. Gasparo Siciliano da Leontini che per esser Canonico ancorché non fosse sacerdote li davano il titolo di Padre.»

Cf. also Informazione intorno alle Scuole Pie dei loro inizii sino al 1622 (L.132a, Ep.II p.170-174): «...Giuseppe della Madre di Dio quale sin all’anno 1617 col favor del Signore ha sostenuta la detta opera con operarij secolari e liberi de quali molti doppo haver imparato bene il modo d’insegnar se ne andavano a fare scuola per interesse in altre parti essendo che in dette Scuole Pie non si dava se non il mangiar et la stanza.» It is a duty of gratitude to refer here to the names of the first 15 collaborators of the Pious Schools who became religious in 1617.: «Il Sig. Card. Giust.no poi il di 25 di marzo dell’istesso anno fece a sua spesa li habiti che hoggi usano per 15 persone et vestì di sua mano nella sua cappella il detto P. Giuseppe et poi detto Padre altri 14 l’istesso dì nell’oratorio delle Scuole Pie, li nomi de quali sono Pietro Casani da Lucca sacerdote, Ottavio Bovarelli, romano; Viviano Viviani da Colle; Thomaso de Victoria, spagnolo; Francesco Perusino, romano; Giuseppe Brancatio, romano; Ansano Lentio Lucchese, chierici; Martino Ciomei, da Lucca; Simone Castiglioncelli, da Lucca; Giov. Battista Morantio, da Marciasio, Dioc. di Sarzana; Giorgio Mazza, de Rocca Vignale di Alba; Giov. Prospero, da Lucca; Antonio Bernardini, da Lucca; Andrea Martio, romano, fratelli operarij» (ibid.). Cf. G. SÁNTHA, Cuatro nuevas listas de los más antiguos cooperadores de San José de Calasanz en las Escuelas Pías que vivieron con él en el palacio de D. Octavio Mannini, in Ensayos criticos p.125-141; ID., El sacerdote Jerónimo Nicotera, maestro del distrito del Santo Ángel, de Roma, y sus relaciones con las Escuelas Pías en el palacio Vestri: ibid., p.237-241.

1029 It should be noted in this regard that, if before there was a really large number of secular people in the teaching staff of the Institute, Calasanz later wanted to eliminate almost all of them, with the exception of a very few, extremely faithful to the Institute (see n. 465). Towards these, the Saint showed himself generous (cf. n. 626).

1030 BERRO, o.c., t. I 1.3 fol.27 (cit. n.693).

1031 L.2034, Ep.V p.214: «...essendo necessaria una persona di maturità e di prudenza per Superiore e nelle Religioni nuove pochi ve ne sono: di poi vi vogliono quattro o sei per le scuole secondo la qualità de luoghi per maestri e di questi tali compitamente perfetti patiamo grandissima penuria. Si attende ad istruirne alcuni, ma non basta un anno né due per ridurgli a perfettione.»

However, it is clear from the various documents available to us[1032] that the teaching staff of the Order’s schools, according to Calasanz’ ideas, should be as follows: 1) The local minister (Rector). 2) The prefect of the schools. 3) The teachers. 4) The confessor and spiritual director of the students. 5) The prefect of Continuous Prayer, teacher of spiritual things for the pupils. 6) The corrector of the pupils.

1032 Constitutions, Common Rites, several Calasanz’ letters, relations of the visitations, Familiae Domus, etc.

In addition to these main offices, there were the following secondary offices: the hebdomadary, the librarian, the custodian of the students, the prefect of the inner courtyard, the guides who accompanied the students home, the person responsible for the common areas, the sweepers (who were responsible for cleaning), the janitor.

The treasurer was responsible for the financial part of the institute, assisted by those responsible for the collections. Some students, chosen from among the worthiest, called decurions, provided considerable assistance to the teachers and the prefect.

To this immediate staff of each house were added, as extraordinary officials, the Examiners of the teachers and the Visitators of the schools, and finally the Provincial and the General, as supreme moderators of the same[1033].

1033 According to the Common Rites (Reg. Cal. XIV 741), the tasks in a Piarist house are the following: «Gli uffici sono economo, hebdomadario, zelatore, prefetto delle cose spirituali, sacristano, prefetto delle scuole, bibliotecario, lettori della mensa, cuoco e suo coadjutore, vestiario e suo coadjutore, hortolano e suo coadjutore, cantori dui, spazzatori dui, cercatori, portinaro e suo sostituto, curatore dei luoghi comuni, curatore dei lampadini, dispensiero, custode dei scoIari, guide per acocompagnarli a casa, maestro delle cose spirituali per gli scolari, confessori per gli scolari, correttori per i lettori della mensa, infermiere.»

Let us examine them one by one according to the qualities they should have in their field of activity and in their daily school work.

The local minister, superior of the house and president of the institute

The head and father of the institute was the local minister (Rector), who carried the entire burden on his own shoulders. With his fervent prayers, his holy zeal, his prudence and his skill, he had to move the Institute forward. He was the embodiment of order and school discipline. With fatherly authority and love, he demanded that everyone, teachers and pupils, observe all school regulations as perfectly as possible. In all school matters, he was the one in charge and everyone in the Institute, teachers and students alike, had to obey him and follow his instructions[1034].

1034 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.188): «Ministri ergo officium erit in primis Oratione et sanctis desideriis Domum et Scholas Pias quasi propriis humeris sustinere; deinde curare, ut Regulae et Constitutiones ab omnibus sibi subditis observentur; illae etiam similiter, quae ad discipulos externos pertinent. See also Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «[il P. Generale nominerà] un sacerdote di molta prudenza et spirito con nome ministro e superior della casa et collegio, al quale tutti li Religiosi et alunni obediranno e porteranno quella riverenza che si deve.»

He was responsible for everything before all[1035]. Such a local minister had to be a person of “maturity”, “wisdom” and “spirit”[1036], a “man of action”[1037], “discreet”[1038], “authoritative and energetic”, but “benevolent and humane”[1039], a virtuous, exemplary and faithful man[1040]. He also had to be at least thirty years old and have been active in the Religion for at least seven years; as a priest and teacher for at least three years[1041]. His office lasted three years, but he could be reappointed for a new triennium[1042].

1035 L.1114, Ep.IV p.20: «Quanto alle scuole non vi si può attendere con tanta diligenza che non siamo molto più obbligati et sicome il merito se vanno bene et la gloria si attribuisce al superiore, cosi se non vanno bene ogni biasimo et carico innanzi Dio si attribuirà al superior però stiavi molto vigilante.»

1036 L.2034, Ep.V p.214: «...essendo necessaria una persona di maturità e prudenza per superiore...» See also Constituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «[il superiore] un sacerdote di molta prudenza et spirito.»

1037 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.186): «In rebus agendis versati».

1038 Ibid.: «Donum discretionis habeant.»

1039 Ibid. (p.2a c.2 n.111): «E contra vero meminerint superiores auctoritatem prudentia et discretione coniungere, ut hominibus se praeesse cogitantes, humanitatem potius exerceant monendo, quam iubendo severitatem.» Cf. also ibid. (p.2a c.9 n.186): «Sciant suis loco et tempore severitatem cum benignitate miscere.»

1040 Ibid. (p.2a c.9 n.187): «Sint etiam tali virtute et moribus praediti, quibus Generalis, seu de eius ordine Provincialis tuto potestatem suam commitere possit.»

1041 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV [1939) p.45): «Niss.o possa esser Ministro locale delle nostre case che non sia atto per osservar la vita commune et non habbia anni trenta di età et sette di professione et tre di sacerdotio conforme alle Costituzioni, havendo tenuto anni quattro di scuola almeno, che sia di buoni costumi essemplare et virtuoso.» See also Reg.Gen.4: Cap. Gen.1637 (22-10-1637): «Che li Superiori da eleggersi per l’avvenire siano stati anche sudditi e che habbiano fato scuola per tre anni etiam interpolati.»

1042 Thus is told in the Constitutions (p.2nd c.9 n.192): «Huiusmodi Ministri commorari poterunt per spatium trium annorum in illa domo, ubi destinati fuerin; poterunt tamen prius mutari, seu diutius confirmari, si id Patri Generali, seu Provinciali expediens videbitur.» The Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (quoted before) allow only another three years, after which they must return to teaching the little ones or have another elementary class. («et portandosi bene nel suo off.o possa esser confermato per altri tre anni. Nel settimo poi debba restar suddito con tener la scuola delli piccolini o altra di leggere o altro essercitio dove l’obed.a lo metterà et deve star in tal essercitio quanto parerà spediente al Pre Provinciale, purché non sia meno di un anno»).

Although the local minister was also the head of the religious community as such, in Calasanz’ opinion his main task was to manage the Institute of the Pious Schools. This was where he had to do most of his work, even if he left the management of the house to his deputy or vice-minister if necessary[1043].

1043 Reg. Gen. 4: Cap. Gen. 1637 p.9 (29-10-1637): «Che l’stesso Ministro della Casa, posposto ogni altro negotio e pensiero al possibile, masse. nel tempo delle scuole, a queste attenda per sé, e non per altre persone, habbia si ben il Correttore Confessore alla Costituzione.» Cf. also L.3663, Ep.VII p.392: «...et nel capitolo si resolse che li sacerdoti attendessero alle scuole et li superiori fussero come prefetti visitandole di continuo, che è questo il nostro principale istituto et il governo della casa et cose temporali si può raccomandar ad un altro come a sottoministro.»

If we go into detail, we can be sure that the local minister had various tasks in the exercise of the effective management of the institute. First of all, he had to provide the Institute - in collaboration with his higher superiors - with the necessary teaching staff and ensure that suitable teachers in spirit and in letters were in each class of the institute[1044].

1044 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.191): «Curet etiam sollicite ut in omnibus ministeriis domus sibi commissae idonei ministri sint, maxime in exercitationibus litterariis, etiam ad bonos mores pertinentibus, eosque saepius inviset et probet, an eis iniuncta diligenter exsequantur.» Cf. also ibid. n.196: «...et similiter conferet, ut magistri diversi pro diversitate, numero, et captu audientium constituantur.»

In this respect, the staff of the elementary department was to be the object of his special care in view of its great importance for the education of the poor[1045]. In the humanistic department, it was above all the teacher of the first class of grammar who was to attract his attention and paternal interest[1046]. In order to fill this position, which was so important for the good management of an Institute[1047], the local minister could do no better than to follow the wise and fatherly advice of the Father Pedagogue: to employ everyone according to their abilities and inclinations[1048].

1045 Ibid. (n.198): «Et cum in omni fere Rep. pro maiori parte Incolae sint pauperes, qui filios suos in studiis litterarum ad modicum tempus sustinere valent, curet Superior, ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti magistro, qui eos doceat recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi.»

1046 L.4146, Ep.VIII p.214: «...resta costì per maestro della prima scuola il P. Carlo di S. Ignazio et per confessore ancora pubblico, haverò a caro che si porti di tal maniera che tutti i secolari restino edificati dal suo procedere e dottrina.»

1047 Cf. L.2983, Ep.VI p.434: «...vi è gran differenza nel govemo di una casa in saper dar l’offitii».

1048 L.1226, Ep.IV p.100-101: «...et procuri di usar con tutti tal termine che a tutti faccia far quella fatica per la quale hanno talento, perciocché in quella che uno non ha talento non si può cosi facilmente applicare et conviene cognoscere l’inclinatione di ognuno, quando si può con amorevolezza fargli far l’offitio riesce meglio che con imperio...».

As for the teaching staff, Calasanz wanted the minister to take care of everyone’s health so that the intellectual and spiritual progress of the house would not be disturbed[1049].

1049 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.189): «Invigilabit etiam ab iis, quae suorum subditorum tam domi quam foris sanitati nocere possunt, eos defendere, tum praecavendo, tum remedia opportuna adhibendo, ita ut magis in virtute et litteris proficiant.» Cf. also ibid. (p.1a c.9 n.81): «Universe autem subditorum omnium a Superiore valetudinis cura adhibeatur, et invigilet ipse, ne quis in studiis, in vigiliis, abstinentiis, et aliis paenitentiis externis, et laboribus indiscretis, quae magna nocumenta afferre, et maiora bona impedire solent, plurimum temporis insumat, sed quidquid in hac parte fecerit, Superiori suo, aut Confessario fideliter detegat.»

The saint Pedagogue also wanted the local minister to ensure that the teaching staff were not hindered by other duties during the school year, but could devote themselves entirely to the school. Therefore, he should organize the time of the collections in such a way that it does not hinder the school work in any way[1050].

1050 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Archivum Scholarum Piarum. IV ,1939, 45): «A tutti li Ministri locali si ordina che quanto le forze permettano a far la provisione alli tempi debiti, non facendo debito, acciò le scuole non vengano impedite guardandosi di non far più in questo se non quanto le nostre Costituzioni ordinano e trovandosi esser trasgredito nelle sopradette cose sia come inutile privo dell’ofo per anni sei et lo mettano alla scuola di piccolini.»

After making the best possible use of the teaching staff in the above-mentioned manner, the minister should insist and closely watch that the students in every class of his Institute were taught one intellectual and spiritual tradition and used a sole teaching method[1051]. In order to achieve such uniformity, the minister should provide each teacher, in writing, with the school programme to be developed and the manner in which it was to be applied[1052]. With the same aim, he should also control and regulate the textbooks to be used in the school[1053].

1051 Constit. (p.2nd c.11 n.212); «... ab omnibus Superioribus sollicite curandum est, ut in omnibus Scholis eadem Doctrina, idemque modus eam tradendi servetur.»

1052 Ibid. (original text, fol.12v, variant) p.2nd c.9 n.191 (Reg.Cal. XI 8): «Curet etiam sollicite ut in omnibus ministeriis domus sibi commissae idonei ministri sint maxime in scholis, quibus tradet in scriptis modum quo uti debeat tum in exercitationibus litterariis quam ad bonos mores pertinentibus.»

1053 Ibid. (p.2nd c.11 n.213-215): «2. Erit ergo circa hoc quilibet localis Minister valde diligens, ut, qui pueri legere discunt, iis libris utantur, qui non solum optimis characteribus insigniti sint, sed ex quorum lectione tam pueri, quam eorum parentes, fructum percipere possint. 3. Qui vero artem scribendi discere cupiunt, praeter hos, utantur etiam libris, qui tradant, quibus litteris quaeque vox scribi debeat. 4. Qui autem ad discenda Rudimenta Grammaticae accedunt, eisdem Regulis ubique utantur, nisi de licentia Generalis in aliqua Provincia distanti aliud expedire videretur.»

It was also the minister’s responsibility to control the timetable[1054] and school discipline not only of the students but also of the entire teaching staff[1055].

1054 Riti comuni (Reg; Cal. XIV 74^1) «Dell’andare in iscola: secondo la qualità dei luoghi haveranno cura li Superiori locali di far suonare la campana per avviso degli scolari, che debbono venir alle scuole.» Cf. also Constit. (p.2a c.9 n.195-196): «11. Ad supradicta et alia necessaria ministeria tam in scholis quam in aliis ministeriis plurimum confert temporis ordo, ut scilicet constitutis horis signum detur, quo audito, omnes statim, etiam coepti apicis effigiem relinquendo, ad quod vocantur se conferant. 12. Curabit etiam Superior ut temporibus congruis signum campanae huiusmodi immutetur.»

1055 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.188): «Ministri ergo officium erit ... curare ut Regulae et Constitutiones ab omnibus sibi subditis observentur illae etiam similiter quae ad discipulos externos pertinent». Cf. also L.3191, Ep.VII p.146-168: «Se alcuno non vorrà fare la scuola V. R. l’ammonisca et non emendandosi usi la mortificazione sino a mandarli a Roma dove haveranno da trattare con li Superiori Maggiori che sarà altro che trattare col Ministro».

The most important task of the local minister was to visit the classes frequently to monitor the work of the school, expel incompetent teachers, confirm the capable ones, and encourage and admonish teachers and students[1056].

1056 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.190-191): «6. Considerabitque attente quomodo quisque suo officio fungatur, ut sic possit quemque in illo confirmare vel removere. 7. Curet etiam sollicite ut in omnibus ministeriis domus sibi commissae idonei sint ministri, maxime in exercitationibus litterariis, etiam ad bonos mores pertinentibus, eosque saepius invisitet, probet, an eis iniuncta diligenter exsequantur.» See also L.167, Ep.II p.204: «Visiti similmente spesse volte le scuole mentre dura l’esercitio litterario, che cosi li maestri daranno il debito suo, et avverta bene che il peso sta sopra le sue spalle, et non permetta in maniera alcuna cosa che sia offesa di Dio.» L.2670, Ep.VI p.214-215: «Et vi si metta un Superior che invigili sopra li scolari affinché si faccia profitto et nelle lettere et nel s.to timor di Dio... ma il principal di casa invigili sopra le scuole.» L.3663. L.262, Ep.II p.267: «...et V. R. potrà attender a riveder le scuole più spesso che importa assai per tener li scolari in obedienza che il superiore vada sempre hor in una hor in altra scuola rivedendo come si portano li scolari, dando ad alcuni diligenti alcun premio.» L.263, Ep.II p.268: «...et V. R. haverà più commodità di andar rivedendo le scuole et essortar li scolari al profitto delle lettere et della virtù.» L.1449, Ep.IV p.255-256: «Procuri di animar con paterni consigli il Fr. Giov. Battista della prima Scuola che intendo patisce di melancolia ma non ha vitio come li tre suoi antecessori et quando vederà buona correspondenza nel superiore s’animerà a fatticar con maggior diligenza et spero che si accomodaranno le scuole di questa volta.»

Another important task of the same superior was to maintain contact with the major superiors of the Institute, the Provincial and Father General. For this purpose, he had to write weekly reports about daily events (de rebus occurrentibus)[1057]. On the other hand, various letters from the Saint show that certain reports - especially after the start of the school year - often had to be sent to him immediately[1058]. This report had to include the entire state and activity of the Institute: the number of classes and students in them, the declared program, the work done, the abilities and behavior of the students and teachers, the number and functioning of the oratories, the state of the libraries and the situation of the common areas, the quality and quantity of drinking water available, etc.[1059]

1057 Constit. (p.3a c.4 n.303): «...ad quem [P. Provincialem] suprascripti Ministri locales singulis hebdomadis semel scribent de rebus occurrentibus...»

1058 L.782, Ep.III p.225: «...et a me scriva che scolari tiene et come si portano et che procuri di dar buon nome a coteste scuole...» L.787, Ep.III p.227): «...scrivetemi quanti scolari sono per classe, et chi vi attende, et se si fa profitto et danno soddisfazione al popolo.» L.117, Ep.II p.158: «Sono molti giorni che non ho lettera ne avviso di V.R. dovendo ogni settimana darmi qualche avviso del buon stato della casa et delle scuole...»

1059 L.4183, Ep.III p.240: «Mi scriva quanti sono in cotesta casa, l’età d’ognuno, l’essercitio in che si impiega, che scolari vi sono in ogni scuola et se vi si fa profitto.» L.3335, Ep.VII p.226: «V. R. mi scriva l’occasione con che si è fatto l’essercitio delli scolari in chiesa il giorno di S. Giuseppe che si soleva fare nel cortile delle scuole. Mi scriva ancora se il P. Domenico ha cominciato ad attendere alla Congregatione, et il P. Girolamo alla Scuola, acciò ognuno attenda al fatto suo, e mi scriva che scolari sono in ogni scuola e come vi si attende e quanti soggetti son in casa et a che attende ognuno.»

The information about the teachers had to be particularly detailed and include precise information about their homeland, their age, their profession (priest or lay brother), their habits, their talents and their state of health[1060].

1060 Formola per le visite et informationi da mandarsi al P. Generale; (Reg. Cal. XIII 37 (al ministro de Poli, l6-7-1635): «Confessionarii: quanti, e questi..., e quali confessori. Scuole: quante di quali scienze, et se con le cathedre e banchi necessarii, con li nomi dei maestri di ciascuna scuola, almeno incirca. Oratorio; di quanti palmi lungo e largo, se con l’altare e libretto delle meditationi et altro necessario. Quanti Oratorii sia Congregationi di Secolari e scolari, di che numero di presente, sotto quali titoli: E quali Padri o fratelli vi hanno la cura. Libraria: con l’inventario delli libri. Luoghi communi; quanti per li scolari, e quanti per li Padri, in che parte della casa sono. Se sono separati quelli delli scolari da quelli delli Padri. Acqua: se sorgente o cisterna piovana e se bastante e di che qualità. InoItre: Nomi, cognomi, patria, età, stato, lettere, costumi, talenti, sanità degli insegnanti

A copy of such a relationship is provided by the Familia domus of the house of Narni. (Reg. Prv. 42^23)

Nome

Cognome

Patria

età

Stato

Lettere

Costumi

Talento

Sanità

Fr. Camillo

Di S. Girolamo

Urbino

26

Sac.

Retorico

e Logico

Di natura alquanto risentita

Atto per qualsivoglia scuola

Di

mediocre sanità

Fr. Luca

Di S. Tom. Aquino

Traola

32

Sac.

Di poche lettere

Impatiente natura

Atto per

scole basse

Di sanità buona

Br. Oratio

Di S. Bartolomeo

Palermo

20

Chierico

Non sicuro ancora nella grammatica

Nei costumi un po’ pericoloso

Atto per una terza buona

Di buona sanità stando in patria

The local minister was also responsible for the ultimate direction of the pedagogical conferences that all teachers (priests and clerics who had already had seven years of religion) were to hold every week on pedagogical topics. The primary aim of these conferences was to advance the institute in the best possible way. With their problems and resolutions, they aimed above all at continuous pedagogical progress both in the uniformity of teaching and in the application of didactic and pedagogical methods. At the same time, they made the government itself of the local minister more objective and balanced by bringing into it the fair and prudent opinion of the entire teaching staff with effective and decisive value[1061].

1061 L.132, Ep.II p.169: «Desidero che almeno una volta la settimana al tempo della ricreatione facciano come un poco di congregatione circa le cose della scuola, come potrebbero andar meglio, e sentir il parere di tutti, che molte volte lo Sp. Santo parla per bocca di uno, che manco si pensa, et usino ogni diligenza in perfettionar le opere.» L.1172, Ep.IV p.57: «Io scrissi un tempo fa che una volta la settimana si congregassero li sacerdoti per veder di procurar sempre il maggior bene dell’ opera perciocché disse il Signore che ubi fuerint duo vel tres congregati in nomine meo in medio illorum ego sum, et il superior dovrebbe sempre dimandar alli suoi compagni che cosa si dice di me come dimandò Cristo alli Apostoli per nostro essempio et se di alcuna cosa lo avisassero V. R. lo doveria pigliar a bene però per l’avenir lo facciano come ne scrivo al Pre Diomede ancora et vi potranno ammettere il fratel Tomaso delle Mallare che è chierico antico et alcun fratello se li parerà atto et conveniente et procuri sopra ogni cosa che le scuole et servitio delli scolari vada bene.» L.1182, Ep.IV p.66: «Scrissi due o tre settimane sono che ogni settimana si facesse una giunta o Congregatione in cotesta casa per soddisfazione commune dove si trattase di quanto sarebbe più necessario fare per la buona osservanza circa le cose della casa et delle scuole, perciò che spesse volte può scordar il superior di alcune cose che così le saranno ricordate et più vedono molti occhi che uno solo, se cammineranno così unitamente et il superior non haverà a male di esser avertito di alcuna cosa l’osservanza andarà bene, ma se il superiore pensa esser assoluto patrone va molto ingannato et Dio permetterà che faccia molti inconvenienti li quali non farebbe se si humiliasse a dimandar il parere d’altri di casa. Spero che il Sig. le darà gratia a tutti di star uniti et concordi che così si farà il servitio di Dio che è quanto dovemo tutti desiderar.» L.102, Ep.II p.146: «Desidero che conferiscano insieme le cose che l’insegnano et escono in publico la qual attione sebenne suppone grandissima humiltà tuttavia ne risulta molto maggior profitto di essa tanto per sé quanto per il prossimo.» L.2341, Ep.V p.468: «Quanto poi alla Congregatione da farsi ogni settimana vi doveranno intervenire tutti li sacerdoti et li chierici et chierici operarij che sono professi da sette anni.» L.3063, Ep. VII p.58: «Et ogni cosa appartenente al governo delle scuole et della casa si risolva per Congregazione delli Sacerdoti e Professi da sette anni.» A decree issued by Calasanz on January 3, 1635, is very important in this regard (Reg. Cal. X 23): «Eisdem quoque ministris sub eodem praecepto et poenis iniungimus, ut semel in qualibet hebdomada congregationem cogant ex Sacerdotibus professis, Clericis et operariis prima saltem tonsura insignitis et a septimo anno iam completo professis. Cum quibus graviora quaeque mature discutiant, praesertim quoque si quae supra aureum nummun sit expendenda pecunia, aut aliquod circa gymnasia corrigendum vel innovandum. Quae duo praecipue sine Congregatorum voto decisivo supra medietatem ne fiant.»

In addition to these weekly conferences of an official character, the local minister also directed and controlled the course of the talks and pedagogical discussions which, according to Calasanz’ ideas, were to take place almost daily during recreation time[1062].

1062 L.1275, Ep.IV p.138: «Procuri V. R. che nelle ricreationi non si tratti se non del modo di promover meglio l ‘essercizio delle scuole che molte volte alcuno dara alcun avvertimento che sarà di molta importanza.» L.282, Ep.VI p.318: «Quanto al remediare l’imperfettione della ricreatione V. R. procurerà che alcuno nominato da Lei porti alcun dubbio circa le cerimonie della messa o circa dell’essercitio delle Scuole e farà che risponda ognuno per ordine et se i dubbi saranno di cose necessarie tutti staranno a sentire e diranno il loro parere.» The same in L.1536, Ep.IV p.318. See also Constit. (p.1st c.6 n.52): «In aliis vero communibus locis, ad focum scilicet, ad opera communia similiter sileatur, aut de promovenda Scholarum Nostrarum perfectione aliquis verba faciat...»

From what we have seen, from the many duties and responsibilities of the local minister, it is clear that his office was extremely delicate and demanding. And so that he could nevertheless fulfill his task well, Calasanz did not fail to give him wise advice on the spiritual, paternal and pedagogical nature of his ministry. The first thing he wanted to instill in him was the spirit of prayer: Only with the help of prayer will he be able to fulfill the many obligations of their ministry[1063]. Furthermore, the Saint wanted all local ministers to be aware that the position of superior does not consist so much in the patent of appointment, but in proving themselves to be truly first[1064], universal superiors in all school matters, but especially “in charity, patience and the spirit”[1065]. Only endowed with such a spirit, humble and made servants of all, in imitation of St. Paul[1066], will they be able to overcome all the imperfections of their subordinates and keep them all in agreement and in peace[1067]. The true patent of the local ministers should be their good example, the most effective means of their ministry[1068]. This had an incomparable disciplinary and pedagogical value. It drew the subjects to them and urged them to do the same, while the mistakes of the superiors, which were closely observed by the subjects, caused ruin and destruction everywhere[1069]. Precisely in order to set a good example, the local ministers were instructed to take part in the lessons or accompany the students, when the opportunity arose[1070].

1063 L.177, Ep.II p.210: «Et avverta che per fare bene l’offitio di Superior vi vuole molta oratione et molto ricorso al Sig. Et molta vigilantia con gran buon essempio il che tira dietro a sé tutti li sudditi.»

1064 L.1120, Ep.IV p.25: «Si attenda con diligenza alli scolari che vi verranno et sopra tutto che tutti diano buon essempio alli prossimi et il superior deve esser il primo in tutte le cose.»

1065 L.3672, Ep.VII p.397: «...che è cosa santa essere superiore universale in tutte le cose delle scuole...» L.3055, Ep.VII p.52: «Deve sapere V.R. che l’obbedienza dei sudditi non consiste nella patente del superiore ma sì ben nel essempio et nelle opere buone.» L.1246, Ep.IV p.118: «...et bisogna che il Superiore sia superior in charità, in patienza et in spirito et come padre sappia tener li sudditi in pace, altrimenti la colpa sarà la sua non solo in presenza delli huomini ma ancora in presenza di Dio.»

1066 L.1191, Ep.IV p.73: «...però procuri sempre di esser patiente et farsi obedire più con amorevolezza che con rigore et per guadagnar la diligenza di un suddito deve far molte diligenze il superior ma in particolar importunarne al Sig. con ferventi orationi che li dia spirito per saper ben fare l’ufficio di Superior et non si scordi di far alcuni atti di mortificatione et di humiltà per scassar se ne facesse alcuno di impatienza accomodandosi come diceva S. Paolo omnibus omnia factus sum ut omnes lucrifacerem.»

1067 L.2991, Ep.VI 441: «...et deve come Superiore con charità superare tutte le imperfettioni de sudditi.»

1068 L.3055, Ep.VII p.52: «...et il Superiore prius debet facere et postea docere, si che si può dire che la vera patente è questa che io dico.» L.1237, Ep.IV p.110-111: «...et il mezzo più efficace del superior è il buon essempio nel quale se si manca facilmente arriva a offesa grave di Dio.»

1069 L.1058, Ep.III p.433: «Il Superior deve in tutto et per tutto esser guida et insegnar col essempio alli sudditi et tirarli a poco a poco alla vera osservanza. Io credo che si fa costì e se si farà sempre non vi saranno delli sudditi ostinati.» L.424, Ep.II p.375: «Questo solo per adesso vi avverto che li mancamenti delli superiori per piccoli che siano sono conosciuti et notati da sudditi.»

1070 L.2798, Ep.VI p.292-293: «...questo atto di subintrar io in una scuola per mancamento di un maestro l’ho fatto più volte et non ho perso per questo un punto di credito appresso li secolari; ma tra li nostri religiosi come uno arriva ad essere superiore di una casa pare che diventi libero di non fare mai più scuola, et è una tentazione grande, con la quale si sono lasciati vincere molti.» See also Ordini del S. Fondatore per Narni (Reg. Prov. 42^13): «Il superiore non manchi di accompagnare gli scolari alle squadre conforme al solito almeno una volta per settimana, affinché con l’essempio di lui gli altri più volentieri vi accorrano.»

As for the day-to-day management of the Institute, they were to command with strength of character, with authority, yes[1071], but “more with kindness than with severity”[1072]; not as “absolute superiors”[1073], but with a prudent and humane regime that sought to grasp, understand and encourage everyone, but especially the weakest[1074]. They should “draw their subjects to voluntary service as sensible people, who are much more convinced by the truth proclaimed with fatherly love than by shouts and insulting words”[1075]. Those who have not mastered the art of commanding and leading people should never reach the position of local ministers[1076].

1071 L.718, Ep.III p.180-181: «V. R. è troppo indulgente et come dico essi lo conoscono et fanno a suo modo in molte cose.» L.3191, Ep.VII p.146: «Se alcuno non vorrà far scuola V.R. l’ammonisca et non emendandosi usi la mortificatione sino a mandarli a Roma.»

1072 L.1191, Ep.IV p. 73: «...però procuri sempre di esser patiente et farsi obbedire più con amorevolezza che con rigore.»

1073 L.3055, Ep.VII p.52.

1074 L.1448, Ep.IV p.255-256.

1075 L.2412, Ep.VI p.53.

1076 Ibid.: «...in somma vuol arte il sapper tirar le anime al servitio di Dio.»

To conclude our analysis of the figure and duties of the local minister of the Calasanzian Institute, we can say that he had to possess all the good qualities and virtues of the simple Calasanzian educator to a degree far above that of the ordinary one, plus the special qualities and virtues of the superiors. He had to work and pray more than anyone else, because he was the servant of all, but especially of the poor children[1077].

1077 L.1114, Ep.IV p.20: «Quanto alle scuole non vi si può attendere con tanta diligenza che non siamo molto più obbligati et sicome il merito se vanno bene et la gloria si attribuisce al superiore, cosi se non vanno bene ogni biasimo et carico innanzi Dio si attribuirà al superior, però stiavi molto vigilante.»

N. B.- Regarding the office and duties of local ministers, in addition to the respective paragraphs of the Constitutions and the numerous letters of the Saint, an important source is the Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, which have a special section, the chapter “Delli Ministri locali”. (Archivum Scholarum Piarum IV [1939] 45-47).

The Prefect of the schools

The school prefect directly followed the local minister as his assistant in the organization of the schools. If the local minister could be seen as the director and loving father of the Institution, whose reins he ultimately held in his hands, the prefect had to be seen at the same time as the representative of the executive and disciplinary power, as the guardian and guarantor of the good functioning of the schools in direct dependence on the local minister. He had to be a “religious priest with a seven-year profession” who was endowed with “human letters and great prudence”[1078].

1078 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Duo praestant. doc. p.15.

Two things were in his hands: the discipline of the pupils and the good order of the entire Institute[1079]. As far as the discipline of the students was concerned, he had to ensure through his energy, his control, his authority and his abilities that all students not only became more and more diligent in their studies, but also “humbler and more virtuous”, “obedient to their teachers and more and more zealous in their attendance at school and the sacraments”[1080].

1079 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Avvertano che il Prefetto delle Scuole non ha autorità di dispensare li maestri in cosa veruna: essendo cura di lui gli scolari, et il procurare, che l’istituto cammini con dovuto ordine.»

1080 L.267, Ep.II p.270-271: «...et lei potrà haver cura delle scuole visitandole spesso et facendo ufficio del Prefetto sotto l’obbedienza del detto Pre (ministro) che così li scolari attenderanno più non solo all’imparare lettere, ma ancora ad essere modesti et virtuosi et farà ancora che li scolari vengano con maggior diligenza alle scuole.» L.1387, Ep.IV p. 215: «...et acciò li scolari habbiano più timore haverà il carico come Prefetto delle Scuole il P. Giacomo et li farà star in timore, et V.R. li confessarà spesse volte et così l’uno col castigo et altro col amor di Padre, aiutaranno meglio cotesti giovinetti che intendo vi sono delli discoli.» L.1923, Ep.V p.199: «V.R. haverà cura come Prefetto delle scuole acciò stiano modesti e respettino alli Padri.»

As far as the good order and discipline of the whole school was concerned, he had to ensure that everyone, teachers and students and their parents, adhered to the timetable, the program and the school rules. In a word, he had to make sure that “the Institute was in good order”[1081].

1081 Riti comuni: Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1; see before n. 1079.

N. B.- After having defined in general terms the office and the figure of the prefect in the Institute of the Pious Schools, before arriving at a detailed description of his many tasks, we must state that this office was not Calasanz’s invention, nor even his innovation. The office of prefect already existed in the schools of the Society. See for example:

Ratio Studiorum, o.c., p.268: Regulae Rectoris, 2. (Praefecti auctoritas.) «Ad studia moderanda adiutorem habebit studiorum praefectum, cui omnem tribuat potestatem, quam ad rectam eius officii administrationem pertinere iudicabit.» Cf. also Ratio Studiorum vol. cit., p.276: Regulae Praefecti studiorum, 1. (Praefecti munus.) «Praefecti munus est generale Rectoris instrumentum esse ad studia recte ordinanda scholasque nostras ita regendas ac moderandas pro facultate ab eo accepta, ut qui eas frequentant quam maxime in vitae probitate ac bonis artibus doctrinaque proficiant ad Dei gloriam» ( Constit. p.4th c.17 n.2). In a letter in which the Saint speaks of the prefects, he refers to an institution similar to that of the Jesuits. L.2247, Ep.V p.392: “...è necessario che vi sia persona universale sopra tutti li scolari, come pur fanno li Gesuiti, ma e ben vero che questo tale deve esser prudente di sappersi accomodar con li capricci delli maestri”.

Incidentally, the Jesuits had taken the institution of the prefects, in turn, from the University of Paris, which had a “ginnasiarco”, with the functions of prefect; on the part of the Protestants, the German John Sturm insists in a special way on its necessity. See J. B. HERMAN, S.I., La pedagogie des Jésuites au XVI siècle. Ses sources, ses caracteristiques (Louvain 1941) p.172-173.

Now that we want to define the role and responsibilities of the Prefect of the Pious Schools more precisely, we can make the following observations on the basis of the documents available to us:

As far as his disciplinary function was concerned, one of his main tasks was to draw up the Institute’s disciplinary regulations, sign them and post them in the main forecourt for all to see[1082], so that they were easily known and carefully followed[1083].

1082 Breve Relazione (Duo praest o.c., p.8): «In oltre vi sono alcuni decreti sottoscritti dal Prefetto da osservarsi generalmente da tutti li scolari.»

1083 See Regulae Praefecti Scholarum Piarum (perhaps later than Calasanz, but reflecting his mentality and intentions); they are published in vol.Constit. et Regulae (Romae 1826): «Curabit etiam ad disciplinam in pueris conservandam, ut publice, in atrio affixae sint ob oculos eorum Regulae scolasticae.»

In addition to the disciplinary regulations of the Institute, the prefect - in consultation with the local minister - also had to determine the school timetable, the beginning and end of lessons, the time for Holy Mass, the congregation’s oratory, Christian doctrine, etc.[1084] It was also his responsibility to monitor the conscientious observance of this timetable. He gave or caused to be given the first signal to enter the school[1085] and dismissed the pupils when the morning and afternoon classes were over[1086]. He opened the schools, or make them be opened, in the morning and afternoon and closed them again[1087].

1084 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.15 «Dell’Off.o del prefetto delle Scuole): «Farà sonar li segni conforme il tempo l’hora che si è scritto di sopra.» See also Ordini per le scuole di Firenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 p.8): «Venghino a scuola all’hora che il Prefetto ordinarà, e non prima, né molto doppo.»

1085 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «...i quali (scolari) devono farsi tutti raccogliere in un luogo, finchè il Preffeto delle scuole dii il primo segno col solito campanello d’intrare in scuola, il qual segno dovriano tutti i maestri haver prevenuto per esser presenti nella scuola».

1086 Ibid., p.54: «Dovendosi levare in piedi gli scolari vedano se si può trovar maniera, che non facciano strepito con li piedi, e rumore con ragionare nel prepararsi ad uscire et inviarsi, secondoché dal Prefetto li sarà significato, e non è ufficio delli maestri il farli dirizzare e partirsi.»

1087 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.161 «Regole del Prefetto»): «Le scuole saranno serrate subito che saranno finite le scuole et quelle si apriranno al primo segno delle scuole.» See also Alcuni Ordini per le scuole di Germania, mandati adesso a Nikolsburg (Reg. Cal. X 21; 11-7-1633): «Il Prefetto delle Scuole mattina e sera deve serrar o far serrar con chiave tutte le scuole e dove non fossero porte o serrature vi si ponga senza dimora: non solo i giorni feriali finiti che sieno gli essercitij scolastici, ma ne’ festivi ancora, dopo gli Oratorii e simili.» Also Ordini per le scuole di Narni (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Finita la scuola niuno resterà in essa o in Chiesa, ne tampoco nel cortile o in altro luogho per qualsivoglia cosa senza espressa licenza del P. Prefetto.»

The prefect also held the office of secretary of the Institute; he had to admit the pupils to the school, exercising special care and charity for the poor[1088]. He had to take care of the enrollment by writing down the names of the boys, their parents and their place of residence, and after the examination he had to assign each student to the appropriate class. He presided over the entrance examinations and the promotion examinations[1089].

1088 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.15) «Regole del Prefetto»: «Il Prefetto debba con ogni charità recever li poveri ancor che fossero scalzi o di vesti stracciate et senza ferriolo, essendo che per questi è fondato principalmente il nostro Istituto.»

1089 Ibid., «Regole del Prefetto»: «L’off.o suo sarà esaminar li scolari che vengono alle scuole e li noterà in quella per la quale lo giudicherà atto consegnandolo al Maestro et notando nel libro che per tal effetto terrà appresso di sé scrivendo il nome dello scolaro, il padre et la madre et il loco dove habita et lo assegnarà a quella squadra che passa più vicina alla casa sua.»

In addition to these tasks, the prefect, as the person responsible for the good order of the Institute and the supreme guarantor of the good discipline of the pupils, had to pay attention to three points: the supervision of the teachers, the pupils and the relations of the Institute with the parents.

As far as the supervision of the teachers was concerned, it was up to the prefect to see whether they started lessons and oratory on time, whether they interrupted lessons without permission, whether they were punctual and conscientious in their attendance, whether other people entered the classrooms or not. The teachers submitted the list of absentees to the prefect, and undisciplined pupils were expelled by him[1090]. In addition, through frequent visits to the schools, he also checked the program developed and whether the texts explained by the individual teachers corresponded to the program set by the Institute»[1091].

1090 L.2816, Ep.VI p.311: «...et se V. R. eserciterà l’offitio di Prefetto rivedendo et agiutando le scuole, io ne spero profitto grande; procuri ancora che li Maestri all’hora debita si trovino nelle scuole. Et nelli giorni di festa nella chiesa per la Dottrina Christiana et se alcuno sarà negligente in questa V. R. lo mortificherà come le parerà conveniente.»

Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.16): «...volendo che li maestri vadano attenti alli suoi scolari come pastori.» L.3584, Ep.VII p.355: «Non lasci V. R. di invigilar et far in persona l’offitio del Prefetto visitando mattina e sera le scuole et procurando che li nostri religiosi non vadino per la città se non per accompagnar». Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Non può entrare in tempo alcuno che che sia nella scuola altrui, ancorché chiamato, et invitato vi sia dal maestro di quella, havendo questo da fare solo il Superiore della casa, e chi da lui haverà licenza, et il Prefetto delle Scuole». And again in Riti comuni: «Essendo chiamato un maestro della scuola durante gli essercitij scolastici vada su la porta della scuola con la dovuta licenza prima et ivi spedisca il tutto con prestezza per non mancare all’ufficio suo, scusandosi per le occupazioni della scuola». Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Di questi che mancano daranno la nota al Prefetto delle scuole». Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.15 «Regole del Prefetto»): «Castigarà li scolari che li dicano li maestri». Riti comuni: «Non percuotano alcuno in chiesa, ma notino o facciano notare alli censori gli immodesti, et essendo cosa grave, li significhino subito finita la messa al Prefetto delle Scuole».

1091 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.16 «Regole del Prefetto»): «Il Prefetto haverà cura che ogni maestro legga li libri che saranno ordinati nella sua scuola al principio delli studi.» Véase además Riti comuni (Reg. Cal: XIV 74^1): «Non devono mai chiudere gli usci [i maestri] con catenacci, ferri, bastoni, o saliscendoli, né li tengano serrati per mezzo degli scolari, in modo che non possa il Superiore o il Prefetto entrarvi a suo piacere senza bussare, per cogliere li Maestri all’improvviso.»

As far as student discipline was concerned, in addition to supervising enrolment and managing the daily tasks of the school, the prefect was also responsible for monitoring the actual attendance of the students during the explanations. The teachers themselves had to submit the list of absentees to him every day[1092], but he also had to personally visit all the classes every day, check the absences and find out the reasons for them. He was supported in this task by the decurions. And the prefect noted down the date and the names of the absentees and informed the parents of the pupils about the incident. If a pupil continued to be absent without excuse for three days after such notification, he could even be excluded permanently at the prefect’s discretion. With such control and measures, the prefect could not only reaffirm the seriousness and compulsory nature of the school and ensure homogeneous attendance of pupils without harmful fluctuations, but also exert an effective influence on pupils’ parents so that, apart from other temporary interests, they would regularly send their children to the Pious Schools[1093].

1092 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Di questi che mancano daranno la nota al Prefetto delle scuole.»

1093 Ibid.: «Di questi che mancano daranno la nota al Prefetto delle scuole, acciocché egli si informi della cagione dell’assenza di tali scolari e vi rimedii, e sappia come ha da ammettere le scuse; e per fare conoscere ai padri loro, come non imparando li figliuoli, la colpa nasce da essi e non dalli Maestri. È ufficio del Prefetto il rivedere a scuola per scuola, quali mancano usando la diligenza accurata di notargli, o col mezzo di decurioni, e trovando che alcuni mancano, ne dii avviso ai padri loro, o a chi haverà cura, con porvi il giorno della mancanza e della data della poliza e seguendo in non venire ancora per tre giorni dopo tale avviso, ritornando il figliuolo alla scuola, ordinarà che non sia accettato, come sviato e discolo; e portando legitima scusa del padre o di chi lo governa, dopo un po’ di correttione con parole lo ammetterà.» See also «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «...et haverà cura che li scolari non manchino alle scuole et tenga il libro deputato per notar chi manca alle scuole et mancando la seconda volta avisino al padre et se mancasse molte volte con la consulta sopradetta si possa cassar del libro.»

The prefect was also responsible for monitoring attendance in the oratory on feast days[1094].

1094 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Et parimente haverà cura che li scolari vengano le feste deputate all’Oratorio.» Regarding the control of student absences to be carried out by the prefect with the cooperation of teachers and decurions, see the similar dispositions of the Jesuits. (Ratio Studiorum [vol.cit., p.396 «Regulae communes professorum classium inferiorum» 38]: «Assiduitatem maxime a discipulis requirat... Si quis abfuerit, aliquem ex discipulis vel alium ad eius domum mittat, et nisi idoneae afferantur excusationes, absentiae poenam sumat. Qui plures dies sine causa abfuerint, ad Praefectum remitti, nec sine eius consensu recipi debent»).

The boy who had become an eager pupil of the Pious Schools could not escape the prefect’s charitable and educational measures at school, at home or on the street, nor could he escape his disciplinary control. The pupil of the Pious Schools had to feel his beneficent hand on every occasion of his life as a pupil, yes, but strongly and effectively. Before the lessons began and before they could enter the classes, the prefect was there to send them to the common classroom and make them read a spiritual book[1095]. During the lessons, in the classroom, in the church, in the oratory or in the schoolyard, the prefect was present everywhere in person or through a deputy who informed him of everything[1096]. The prefect checked the books, the games, the toys and the snacks. He kept an eye on the boys’ lost or found items[1097]. He also monitored order and discipline in the toilets[1098].

1095 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Mentre non sarà sonato il segno venendo li scolari li farà star in loco comodo et farà che uno legga alcun libro spirituale per impedir ragionamenti inutili.»

1096 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Castigarà gli scolari che li dicono li maestri. Andarà per ordinario per il cortile aspettando se sarà da qualche maestro chiamato per l’occorrenze delli mancamenti delli scolari mentre duranno le scuole.»

1097 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «...se fossero libri profani o di mali costumi; in tal caso devono avvisare il Prefetto delle scuole, come pure quando havranno coltelli, temperini, denari, in modo che diino qualche sospetto, o qualunque altra cosa vietata, acciocché egli tolga quelle cose agli figliuoli e proveda ai disordini.» See also Ordini per le Scuole di Firenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 p.9): «Non si portino in scuole cose da mangiare eccetto che a piccolini, meno portino gozzi o altri vasi col vino, perché se alcuno sarà scoperto che faccia della scuola osteria sarà come ubbriacone cacciato da scuola, se lo giudicherà espediente il Prefetto». See Ordine per le scuole di Narni (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 p.12): «Scriverà ciascuno il suo cognome nei libri proprii, acciò perdendosi possa sapersi di chi siano, e trovandosi nelle scuole e chiesa libri, cappelli, calamari, o altre cose, subito le portino al P. Prefetto, e similmente chi l’haveva perse ricorrerà quanto prima al medesimo.»

1098 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Tenga cura particulare mentre durano le scuole che se alcuni scolari escano col segno ordinario delle scuole per andar a luoghi communi, non si trattengano con altri scolari a parlare, né meno in detti luoghi possino ragionare et tali luoghi siano talmente fatti che l’uno non possa vedere l’altro, ma che il Prefetto possa veder se lo scolaro sta solo, acciò si tolga ogni occasione di offesa di Dio.»

None of the pupils were allowed to leave the school building without the prefect’s permission[1099], and when lessons were over, the prefect had to ensure that none of them remained in the building[1100]. The prefect was also primarily responsible for maintaining order when accompanying the children[1101] or, if this was not the case, for their disciplined return home[1102]. In addition, any extracurricular activity of the pupil had to be subject to the prefect’s control[1103]. Finally, in the case of serious breaches of discipline, the prefect and his corrector were responsible for the corporal punishment of the pupils or, in the case of the most serious breaches, for their expulsion, with the approval of the superior and other responsible Fathers of the Institute[1104].

1099 Ibid. (p.16): «Tenga cura particulare mentre di non dar licenza ad alcun scolaro di andar fuori della scuola se non con persona conosciuta da esso per evitar qualche inconveniente.»

1100 Ordine per le scuole di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Finita la scuola niuno resterà in essa o in chiesa ne tampoco nel cortile o in altro luogo per qualsivoglia cosa senza espressa licenza del Prefetto.»

1101 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Nell’accompagnare per le strade... si notino li figliuoli di mala creanza ed inobbedienti, e ne diino la nota al Prefetto, il quale trascurando alle due volte di farne la dovuta correttione, procurino di darne parte al Superiore, che deve trovarci rimedio.»

1102 Ordini per le scuole di Firenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 p. 7): «All’uscir di scuola scendano a due a due per le strade poi non si fermino, ne diano fastidio a nessuno sotto gravissime pene, tanto meno vedano di non dar noia ad alcun altro de’ scolari nel quale caso si ordina a chi per sovente sarà da altri molestato, che non si vendichi da sé, ma che ricorra subito dal Pre Prefetto, per far che chi ha fatto male si castighi e se esso non lo vorrà dire p.a che per altra via si sappia, sarà anche esso castigato.»

1103 Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.9): «Item che non vadino a Spettacoli publici, commedie, ciarlatani, giochi o altre cose simili, ne piglino parte da recitare in palco senza licenza del Prefetto.» See also Ordini per le scuole di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 n.13): «Non piglieranno parte a recitare comedie, tragedie e rappresentazioni, benché honeste e buone, ne orationi e sermoni o altre cose simili senza espressa licenza del Pre Prefetto.» Cf. ibid., n.16: «Non anderanno ad Hosterie, taverne e luoghi, dove si giochi o si facciano ridotti, se non fusse per bisogni di casa così anco se non per l’istesso anderanno in piazza, et ivi si traterranno e chi ciò non osserva sarà molto castigato.»

1104 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٥): «Castigarà li scolari che li dicano li maestri conforme alla prudenza sua et essendo lo scolaro discolo, disobbediente, ladroncello o di altro vitio notato, all’ora le darà o farà dar dal Correttor in stanza a ciò deputata con ogni honestà una spogliatura. Ma perseverando in non emendarsi si ordina che con il voto del Superiore, confessore, maestro, et di quello che accompagna la squadra o la maggior parte di essi si mandi via.» See also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Se il mancamento del figliuolo meritasse più severo castigo, ne diino avviso al Prefetto delle Scuole, il quale ponendo mano al necessario castigo non batterà mai su le carni nude gli scolari, adoprando li calzoncini di tela mentre si ha da dare una mula.» Finally, see L.2249, Ep.V p.392: «Quanto al Frel Giulio quando li suoi scolari fussero tanto modesti che non havessero bisogno di altra correttione si potrebbe star senza castigarli il Prefetto, ma se essi fuor di scuola non sono quelli che devono esser et egli non lo sa o non se ne cura è necessario che vi sia una persona universale sopra tutti li scolari, come pur fanno li Gesuiti.»

N.B. The role of punishment in Calasanz’s pedagogical system will be discussed more in detail in the chapter on moral education.

And not only the pupil’s daily and, so to speak, profane school life, but also the disciplinary aspect of his spiritual life was supervised by the prefect, such as monthly confession and communion, the good order of the Continuous Prayer and so on[1105].

1105 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Et parimenti haverà cura che li scolari vengano alle feste deputate all’Oratorio, et alli grandi et quelli che sanno legger bene farà che cantino l’off.o della B.ma Vergine et li altri scolari il Rosario pur della stessa Vergine a dui chori. Haverà nota particolare di tutti li scolari che saranno di communione alli quali farà che ogni mese si confessino et si communichino nella nostra Chiesa. Et conforme alle nostre Costituzioni haverà cura di mandare dieci o dodici scolari in chiesa con un Padre acciò deputato dal Superiore.»

Finally, the prefect was responsible not only for the discipline of the teachers and students, but also for controlling the Institute’s contacts with outsiders in general and with the students’ parents in particular. No one was allowed to enter a classroom or listen to lessons without the prefect’s permission[1106]. Parents who wanted to speak to their children’s teachers had to do so in the presence of the prefect[1107]. But in most cases, the prefect personally dealt with any matters that might arise with the students’ families. He informed them of absences and received them politely and kindly in his reception room for any other urgent matters[1108].

1106 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Non può entrare in tempo alcuno chi che sia nella scuola d’altri, ancorché chiamato, et invitato vi sia dal maestro di quella, havendo questo da fare solo il Superiore della casa o chi da lui havrà licenza, et il Prefetto delle Scuole.» See also Ordini per le scuole di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32, 1630): «Non introdurranno persona alcuna, ancorché suo fratello nelle scuole per sentire le lettioni, nemmeno per vederle senza havere prima chiesto licenza al Pre Prefetto.» Also, Breve Relazione (p.8): «P.o che nissun scolaro possi menar alla scuola alcun Parente o vicino o altro scolaro senza licenza del Prefetto.»

1107 «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٥): «Andarà per ordinario per il cortile... per dare udienza alli secolari se alcuni volessero parlar con i maestri, alli quali non permetterà parlar se non in sua presenza acciò si spedisca quanto prima et non si impediscano le scuole.»

1108 Ibid.: «...et non si mostri con li parenti delli scolari stizzoso o imprudente, ma si mostri pietoso, cortese e nel parlare in modo tale che li scolari et tutti li nostri Io riconoscano per zelante dell’honor di Dio et aiuto del prossimo.» See alsoRelazione della casa di Campi (Reg. Prov. 17^9 [1635], p.43): «Stanza nella quale solo manca il lastrico coll’intonacatura, che servirà per ragionare dei secolari col Prefetto.»

We have concluded with a description of the profile and duties of the Prefect of the Pious Schools of Calasanz. From what we have said and documented, it appears that he was the administrative and disciplinary head of the Institute, together with the local minister. Although he was the representative of rigor, discipline and order, he could not fail to show a fatherly tone, his Calasanzian heart, in all his actions. The discipline he meant was far removed from any military discipline. It was rather, as it says in the introduction to a school regulation, the reasonable and gentle discipline of the angels of paradise[1109].

1109 Ordine per le scuole di Firenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Perché dove è moltitudine ivi è confusione et per evitar la confusione della moltitudine è necessario l’ordine, perciò acciò nelle nostre scuole non nascano confusione ed inconvenienti, abbiamo giudicato espediente far i seguenti ordini da osservarsi in esse inviolabilmente acciò cosi somiglino alle moltitudini degli Angeli del Cielo ove per l’ordine essi non si confondono anzi fanno più mirabile il paradiso.»

If one were to draw a parallel between the figure of the Calasanzian prefect and that of the same office in the schools of the Society, as described in the Ratio Studiorum, it would be difficult to find a difference in the main tasks of the two prefects. The existing ones lie rather in the nuances, the manners, the general tone. The prefect of the Pious Schools, who almost always has to deal with children who are abandoned and neglected by everyone, with the “little angels” of Calasanz, seems to have a more amiable paternity, a greater sensitivity of heart.

The Calasanzian teacher

The most important person on the staff of the Calasanzian Institute was the teacher. He lived and developed his activity in direct contact with the boys, and all the pedagogical work of the Institute (both intellectual and moral) developed directly between them, that is, between the teacher and the student. Therefore, the entire Calasanzian program, the entire reform of the Christian Republic, had to be carried out by him. His multifaceted character has already been presented and described in detail in one of the previous chapters. Now it only remains to specify a little his duties as a teacher in his class and to see the, let us say, predominantly legal, administrative and disciplinary aspect of his form and activity.

According to the Constitutions, the superiors had the duty to provide each class with a suitable and competent teacher who was learned, pious and full of active and effective charity for the poor children[1110]. Such a teacher had to be - according to the Declarations to the Constitutions and after the General Chapter of 1637 - a cleric or priest[1111], a son of the country and, as far as possible, a native of the region in which the Institute was located[1112]. Before he was ordained a priest and finally took up his ministry, he had to complete at least three years of training, starting with the lowest grade and extending to the School of Humanities[1113]. He then had to undergo an examination[1114] and also make a profession of faith[1115].

1110 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.191 y 198.

1111 First, as we have already seen, the so-called “cleric brothers” (see pp.184-189) also taught, and in the early days of the Order, also priests and secular teachers. (p.359-361)

1112 L.1907, Ep.V p.129: «Et ho pensato che sono più a proposito li nativi del paese ad insegnar.» L.1739 (Ep. V p.17): «Tenga per sicuro che io desidero grandemente il mandar costì due del paese sia per esser di conditione molto quieti et ottimi servi di Dio, sia perché essendo del paese saranno meno odiati.»

1113 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.17), cit. in n.997.

1114 Reg. Gen. 4: Cap Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.17), cit. in n.997.. Gen. 1637 (fol.11 p.7): «Che si essaminino li maestri di scuola, e si approvino dalli essaminatori eletti dal Pre Provinciale in ciascuna casa della sua Provincia.»

1115 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Duo praest. doc. p.17 «Del maestro di scuola»): «Nessuno possa esser maestro di scuola che prima non faccia la professione della fede.» The General Chapter of 1637 also insisted on the profession of faith (Reg. Gen. 4 fol.12 p.23): «Che li maestri suddetti facciano la professione della fede conforme al Concilio di Trento».

His position had to be stable and he could hardly be removed or changed during a school year[1116].

1116 L.2861, Ep.VI p.342: «Quanto alle scuole per l’avvenire V. R. vederà di non mutare da una casa all’altra alcuno soggetto con dispendio e disturbo della casa.» L.1806, Ep.V p.60: «Rimando il Fr. Giuseppe di S. Thomaso d’Aquino acciò non si dica in Frascati che ogni giorno mutano di Maestri e non si dica anco che vi deve esser qualche mancamento secreto, però gli ho detto che conviene tanto per il suo buon nome come per la religione che egli serva fin alle vacanze, che all’hora senza sospetto alcuno si potrà mutare.» L.3215, Ep.VII p.159: «Mandi il P. Bernardino alle Carcare e se V. R. desidera darmi consolatione veda che detta terra delle Carcare sia provista di maestro permanente.»

As far as his official duties were concerned, he always had to be with his class, with his pupils. In the morning, he had to be the first one in his classroom, well dressed and washed[1117], and after class he was not allowed to leave them or be parted from them until he had accompanied them all home. In class, in church, in the oratory, in the courtyard and on the street, he was to guide, teach, encourage, enlighten, protect and keep them like a good shepherd. He taught them the first prayers and the first truths of faith[1118]. He initiated them into the sacraments. He formed them and brought them up in good manners and the holy fear of God. He taught them their first letters. Little by little he led them through the various stages of an ever firmer and more lived faith, through the ever-higher stages of knowledge, through overcoming the various obstacles and dangers of puberty, to a masculine maturity capable of asserting itself in the kingdom of God as well as in the kingdom of Caesar[1119].

1117 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «...si laveranno il viso e le mani prima di uscire in publico nelle scuole o in chiesa.»

1118 Regole del maestro di scuola (Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Duo praest. doc. p.17): «Si ordina che nelle scuole si insegni sempre la Dottrina cristiana conforme si ordina nelle nostre Costituzioni.» Cf. Constit. p.2a c.9 n.200.

1119 Memorandum to card. Tonti: «[Le Scuole Pie rendono i loro scolari] cittadini morigerati, obedienti, ben disciplinati, et fedeli quieti et habili a santificarsi e ingrandirsi in cielo non che inalzare e nobilitare se stessi e le patrie loro con i governi e dignità della terra.»

We now adduce the main documents, following the timetable, concerning the teacher’s daily activity as described above: Regole del maestro di scuola (Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Duo praest: doc. p.17): «Doverà il maestro ritrovarsi il primo in scuola prima che vi entrino li scolari per impedir il disturbo che sogliono tra essi fare, et quando intraranno li scolari l’insegnerà a far riverenza all’imagine deputata et da poi al medesimo et poi alli scolari che vi saranno.» Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Dovrebbero li Maestri entrare nelle scuole al primo segno se prima non vi fossero andati, usando sempre in tale atto molto silenzio e modestia, ne hanno da discorrere l’uno con l’altro senza concessione del Superiore né pure cose di studio, né di scuola.»

Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «La mattina dopo le orationi si potrebbe fare la direttione degli atti, che è nel libretto a posta degli esercitij degli scolari, con la prima virtù, e poi suonando le hore, overo di quando in quando, le altre ad una per una.»

Ibid. (l.c.): «Dato principio agli essercitij della scuola, ciascuno dei Maestri si ricordi di havere sopra di sé l’occhio purissimo di Dio vedente, e non voglia privarsi di un premio tanto eccellente promesso da Cristo, a chi lo segue nel dovuto modo.»

Ibid. (l.c., p.55): «Suonando il segno di finire le scuole... avanzando un poco di tempo si ricordi qualche istruzione di virtù da esercitare, o di vitio, o di mala creanza da fuggire, e chi havesse esempio in pronto restaria più vivamente impresso nei scolari.»

«Regole del maestro di scuola» (vol.cit., p.١٨): «Finite le scuole renderà gratia al Signore con la solita Oratione et con molto ordine et silentio accompagnarà li scolari in chiesa et se haverà squadra assegnata si metterà al loco assegnato alla sua squadra.»

Riti comuni (l.c.): «Quando vien dato l’ultimo segno per finire le scuole con la solita campanella, devono tutti li maestri accompagnare gli scolari suoi alla chiesa, o dove si raccolgono così la mattina, come la sera, secondo che sarà l’ordine. E porrano due o più censori al principio e mezzo della squadra, perché camminino gli scolari senza tumulto.»

Ibid.: «Dovendosi levare in piedi gli scolari vedano, se si può trovar maniera, che non facciano strepito con li piedi, e rumore con ragionar nel prepararsi all’uscire et inviarsi...»

«Regole del Prefetto» (Duo praest. doc. p.١٦): «Debba ancora [il Prefetto] quando sono finite le scuole star attento quando escano li scolari che vadano di dui in dui con modestia a sentir la messa volendo che li maestri vadano attenti alli suoi scolari come pastori... et poi vadano al loco assegnato alla sua squadra dove troveranno li Padri che li dovranno accompagnare.»

Riti comuni (l.c.): «Dell’ordine dell’udire la Messa. Finito l’essercitio scolastico, e dati li soliti segni, procurino li maestri di accompagnare gli scolari alla chiesa con modestia e silentio dovendo udire la messa ogni giorno tutti quelli che vengono alle scole nostre.

Pertanto e bene che li maestri istruiscano li figliuoli nel modo, che devano tenere per cavar frutto dall’assistere al santo sacrificio, e soddisfare all’obbligo suo nei giorni festivi.»

Ibid. (l.c., p.52-53): «Avvezzino gli scolari a prendere l’acquasanta nell’arrivare in chiesa e recitare con affetto quelle parole: Asperges me, Domine, hyssopo et mundabor, lavabis me et super nivem dealbabor, con fare interiormente un atto di contritione, insegandoli quanto gran frutto ne possano cavare per gli accidenti di morte repentina, e per guadagnare l’indulgenza, e simili.»

lbid. (l.c., p.53): «Non hanno li Maestri... da porsi nelle cappelle, ovvero in luogo ritirato, dovendo haver cura particolar dei figliuoli mentre ascoltano la messa, o si fa qualche essercitio in Chiesa: ma siano congiunti et uniti alle squadre assegnate ad essi, potendo stare uno dei maestri vicino alla meta della squadra per vedere quelli davanti a l’altro al fine per notare il residuo, et avvertirli, che attendino alla Messa.»

As for the teachers who accompanied the students, this will be discussed later. Until then, it will suffice to quote the following document:

Ibid. (l.c., p.52): «Li maestri ad esser pronti ad accompagnare porteranno nella scuola in tutti i tempi dell’anno il Cappello, mantello, scarpe, e quanto gli occorre adoperare nell’andar fuori di casa: affinché non habbiano da scostarsi dagli scolari nel tempo di assistergli.»

Regarding the studies: Regole del Maestro (I.c., p.17): «Procurarà svegliar nelli scolari una santa emulazione per essercitarli piu nelli studij».

In the exercise and development of his activity, the Calasanzian teacher also had to pay attention to the following:

He had to be in obedience and absolute harmony with his immediate superiors, the local minister, the prefect[1120], and respect the classrooms of others, by not entering them, and his own classroom, by not allowing anyone to enter it[1121]. During class, he was not allowed to leave his class[1122] or expel his students from it or from the school[1123] without special permission from the minister or the prefect. He had to clean the classrooms himself[1124]. He had to keep the doors during lessons in such a way that the relevant superiors could enter at any time, even unexpectedly, to inspect the class[1125]. The teacher also had to keep a record of the pupils’ attendance. To this end, he had to keep a record of his entire group and, if a pupil was absent, write his name on a separate list to inform the prefect[1126].

1120 «Regole del maestro» (vol.cit., p.١٨): «Si guardi di far resistenza al Prefetto quando andarà in scuola per castigar alcun scolaro o per altro effetto nemeno parlarli parole di poca modestia in presenza alli scolari et se farà il contrario, mangiarà tre volte in terra con la disciplina nel refettorio.» See also L.3191, Ep.VII p.146: «Et se alcuno non vorrà far scuola V.R. l’ammonisca et non emendandosi usi la mortificatione sino a mandarli a Roma dove haveranno da trattare con li Superiori maggiori che sarà altro che trattare col Ministro».

1121 See n.1106.

1122 See n.1090.

1123 See n.1099. Also Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74): «...et così li Maestri non possono mandar li scolari fuori senza saputa di lui [del Prefetto].»

1124 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1): «Vedano li maestri che la scola stij polita e la spazzino essi anche due volte per giorno, e non siano trascurati in questo.»

1125 Ibid.: «Entrando gli scolari nella scuola, quando non passassero il numero di tre, non serrino mai li Maestri la porta: e fra il giorno non devono mai chiudere gli usci con catenacci, ferro, o bastoni, o saliscendi, né li tengano serrati per mezzo degli scolari, in modo che non possa il Superiore ovvero il Prefetto entrarvi a suo piacere senza bussare, per cogliere li maestri all’improviso.»

1126 Ibid.: «Habbiano tutti li Maestri un libretto di carta bianca per ciascuna scuola, dove nel principio faranno la nota di tutti gli scolari loro; e ogni mattina e sera rivederanno il conto, segnalando a giorno per giorno, e volta per volta queli che mancano in questo modo:

A dì 7 novembre 1628, la matina mancano

P di S

così degli altri

F di N

A dì suddetto dopo pranzo mancarono

M di O

D di P

Di questi che mancano daranno la nota al Prefetto delle scuole...»

In class, he had to be equally impartial with all pupils[1127]. He was not allowed to pat or punish them[1128], but had to show them deep respect[1129]. In order to maintain his authority and independence outside lesson time, he was not allowed to chat with them[1130] or play thoughtlessly[1131]. He was not allowed to sell school materials or accept gifts from the pupils[1132]; nor was he allowed to give them anything - apart from a few religious pictures[1133].

1127 «Regole del Maestro» (vol.cit., p.١٦): «Si guarderà di non mostrare più affettione ad un scolaro che ad un altro, ma ugualmente li tratti acciò gli scolari non piglino sospetti et agiuti quelli che fanno meno profitto.»

1128 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Li maestri ovvero altri, così de nostri, come de stranieri, non hanno da toccare in modo alcuno, né pure da scherzo; o per fare carezze, o per altro rispetto in parte veruna gli scolari», etc. See also n.427

1129 See n.580.

1130 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1): «Non hanno i Maestri da trattare né ragionare con gli scolari fuori del luogo e dell’hora da insegnare. E meno lo possono fare con gli scolari di altre scuole, ancorché altra volta, gli havessero insegnato, mentre non ne hanno particolare permissione dal Superiore.»

1131 Ibid.: «...non dovendo in modo alcuno i maestri giuocare, né avere altra leggerezza con gli scolari ovvero alla presenza loro.»

1132 See n.401-403; also Riti comuni: «Non possono li maestri domandare ne ricevere cosa di sorte alcuna dagli scolari, overo da chi ne habbia cura, non solo in voce, ma neanche in iscritto, overo in niuna altra maniera ne per mezzo di qualunque persona, e sia temporale o spirituale, senza la particolare concessione del Superiore.»

1133 «Regole del maestro» (p.١٧): «...ne meno dagli scolari pigli presenti ne gli doni senza licenza del Superior se non a quelli che si portaranno bene alcuna immagine di carta.»

He had to pay special attention to the good manners, conversations, games and overall behavior of the students, without allowing swearing, rivalry or dishonest words[1134].

1134 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.201): «In scholis nostris nec iuramenta, nec iniuriae verbo vel facto illatae, nec quid inhonestum, aut dissolutum in Discipulis permittatur; sed curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere.» See also Riti comuni: «...e devono avvezzare i figliuoli stessi a tale creanza fra di loro. E per questa e per altre giovarà non poco il leggere ogni giorno nella scuola alcuna parte del libretto delle buone creanze con avvertire li particolari mentre vi mancheranno.»

To increase the eagerness to learn and, above all, the discipline of his class, the teacher had the right to choose among his pupils the “decurions” and other officials who would help him in his work[1135].

1135 «Regole del maestro» (p.١٧): «Farà li suoi decurioni et altri officiali per soddisfazione a tutti li scolari; quali decurioni haveranno ancora cura se si porteranno bene nella Messa e nella squadra, se haveranno mancato all’oratorio acciò possa riferire al Prefetto.»

He could not organize a performance without the written permission of the provincial, nor the so-called coronation of the emperor (the first pupil in the class) without that of the local minister[1136].

1136 Ibid.: «Non faccia rappresentatione senza permesso in iscritto del Provinciale ne coronatione de imperator senza licenza del Superior.»

His indispensable contact with the students’ parents was to take place either in the presence of the Prefect or at least with his authorization[1137], and he was not allowed to accept anything from them, as we have already seen.

1137 See n.1107 and Riti comuni: «Essendo chiamato un maestro dalla scuola durante gli essercitij scolastici vada su la porta della scuola con la dovuta licenza prima et ivi spedisca il tutto con prontezza per non mancare all’ufficio suo, scusandosi per le occupazioni della scuola.» Cf. also Constit. (p.2a c.3 n.113): «...et si quando alicui ex nostris magistris cum muliere aliqua colloquendum erit, non nisi praesente a Superiore deputato id fiat, atque perpaucis.»

As far as their didactic activity was concerned, they had to adhere absolutely faithfully to the institute’s pre-established programme and to the method followed by all[1138] and were not allowed to change the lessons, the books, or the exercises[1139]. To this end, their superiors generally gave them in writing the programme to be developed and the method to be used[1140].

1138 Constit. (p.2nd c.11 n.212): «...ab omnibus Superioribus sollicite curandum est, ut in omnibus Scholis eadem doctrina, idemque modus eam tradendi servetur.» See also Riti comuni: «Tutti li Maestri hanno da osservare la medesima maniera nell’insegnare.»

1139 Riti comuni: «Non muteranno le lettioni determinate, ne hanno a fare esercitij scolastici di nuovo senza conferirlo col Superiore, ed ottenere prima licenza.» See also «Regole del Maestro» (p.١٧): «Dichiarerà li libri che in quella saranno stati assegnati dal Superior...» And «Regole del Prefetto» (p.١٦): «Il Prefetto haverà cura che ogni maestro legga i libri che saranno ordinati nella sua scuola al principio delli studij».

1140 Variant of Orig. Constit. fol.12v (Reg.Cal. XI 8): «Ministri ergo officium erit..., curet ut idonei ministri sint maxime in scholis, quibus tradat inscriptis modum quo uti debeant tum in exercitationibus litterariis quam ad bonos mores pertinentibus.»

While remaining faithful to the programme, he also had to require adherence to it from the students and could not allow them to use texts that were not used in the school or to bring into the institute or read profane books “of bad manners”[1141], in whatever form. Even when teaching profane subjects, he had to pay close attention to the morality of the topics covered[1142]. When presenting his programme, he always had to adapt to the capacity of his audience[1143].

1141 Riti comuni: «Portando libri non usati nella scuola alcuno de scolari non glieli lascino adoperare, né leggere: dovendo tutti in iscuola camminare nella stessa maniera. Ne li maestri devono leggerli, ricercandovisi sempre la licenza particolare del Superiore. E tanto meno hanno da farlo, quando fossero libri profani, o di mali costumi. In tal caso devono avvisare il Prefetto delle Scuole».

1142 «Regole del maestro di scuola» (vol.cit., p.١٧): «...avvertirà di non dar volgari dalli quali li scolari possano pigliar qualche scandalo o mal esempio, ma procuri che siano tutti morali.»

1143 Cf. n.573.

Finally, we can note that Calasanz allowed his teachers to take notes for their lessons, thus aiding their memory[1144].

1144 L.598, Ep.III p.102: «Quanto poi al portar in scuola notati alcuni punti sopra la lettione si usa non solo nelle scuole private ma ancora nelle università grandi, perciocché molti non sono così ricchi di buona memoria che possano ricordarsi di ogni minutia et però non si curi che ne dicano alcuna cosa.»

With this, we seem to have exhausted the list of the most important administrative and disciplinary tasks of the Piarist teacher. This list will undoubtedly complete and at the same time clarify the picture of his very characteristic figure that we have already described in one of the previous chapters.

The confessor of the students

In view of the great importance that Calasanz attached to the enlightening, preserving, healing and admonishing effect of the sacraments in his educational system[1145], the fatherly and benevolent figure of the confessor of the students could not be missing from his teaching staff.

1145 We will talk about this later; for now, it is enough to quote the letters 471, Ep.II p.405: «Faccia ancora che si confessino spesse volte et si communichino ancora li grandi perciò che li sacramenti sogliono illuminar assai l’intelletto et frequentandosi con divotione sogliono infiammar la volontà ad abborrir il peccato et amar le opere di virtù; premma assai in questo, che è il tutto del nostro istituto.» L.1759, Ep.V p.31: «Quel loco del confessionario è un tribunale che ben amministrato deve rimediar non solo le cose passate, ma ancora preservare dalle future.» and finally, L. 1441, Ep.IV p.250: «...il P. Carlo agiutarà alla confessione che è il rimedio più utile e necessario per il servitio di Dio nei giovanetti.» See also in Breve Relazione p.3: «Si tiene cura particolar dell’honestà togliendo via strettissimamente tutte le occasioni con la qual diligenza e con la frequentia de sacramenti per gratia del Signore si conservano li scolari in gran purità...»

This confessor, who as far as possible only exercised this office[1146], had to be of a mature age, very aware of the extraordinary importance of his task[1147], learned and knowledgeable in the respective matters of conscience, of great charity and an exemplary life. He should be a respectable person with friendly and attractive manners[1148] so that he can more easily persuade young people to spontaneously and “genuinely” confess their sins[1149].

1146 At least, this was Calasanz’s intention, but the great scarcity of religious did not always allow its realization; see letter 829, Ep.III p.261: «Io sono risoluto di mandar costì per confessor il P. Arcangelo di Castiglione... acciò possa accomodar costì meglio le scuole havendo confessor continuo senza far scuola che ambedue le cose non si possono fare.» Cf. L.1571, Ep.IV p.344-345: «Non mi par conveniente che il Maestro senta la confessione delli scolari acciò per vergogna non lascino alcun peccato di confessarsi.»

1147 Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.318): «...perspectumque habeant, huiusmodi munus diligenter exercendo circa pueros, se rem Deo gratissimam facere.»

1148 Ibid., (p.2nd c.9 n.193): «Inter alios ministros sit confessarius ad confessiones scholasticorum audiendas, qui multa charitate et benignitate trahat ad Deum corda Adolescentulorum, ut ipsum omnes sicut vere Patrem et venerentur et ament.» Precisely because of the effects of this kindness, he had to abstain from any disciplinary control, from any punishment of the students. Cf. L.1421, Ep.IV p.240-241: «...usi più presto di far frequentar li sacramenti etiam al tempo che si doveriano castigar li scolari che darli delle staffillate et per questo effetto faccia che il P. Carlo non si intrighi in castigar scolari ma solo in confessarli et in ammaestrarli nelle cose di spirito che farà molto più che se facesse la scuola».

1149 Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.316): «Curabunt Superiores ut munus audiendi Scholasticorum confessiones, iis solum ab ordinario locorum admissis tribuatur sacerdotibus, qui si fieri poterit, sint provectae aetatis, et quorum charitate et exemplo pueri facile ad confitenda peccata inducantur; sint etiam eruditi in casibus, in quos ut plurimum adolescentes incurrere solent.» Cf. also L.2427, Ep.VI p.62: «...io non giudico in modo alcuno esser bene che il P. Pier Agostino confessi per haver la testa debolissima e piena di catarro, e le confessioni e per lo studio che vi si ricerca, e per l’assiduità dell’ascoltarle e parlare assai, e l’attentione a quel che si intende per giudicarlo ricercano gran sodezza di testa» (24-8-1635). See also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, «Delli confessori delli scolari con off.o» (vol.cit., p.١٧): «Et quando il Prefetto li manderà li scolari per catechizzar o confessar li riceverà con ogni amore portandosi in maniera che li scolari li portino amor come a Padre acciò li renda più facili et reali nella confessione.»

L. 557, Ep.III p.56: «Quanto al P. Antonio Maria ho gran consolatione che sia essaminato et approvato per la confessione et mi sarà caro che attenda a studiar de casi nelli quali sogliono incorrere li giovinetti che è questo il nostro principale istituto et se potrà haver l’opere del Gersone Parisiense in uno dei suoi tomi ne fa un trattato particolar molto a proposito…»; for further documentation, see p.605-607, 615-627.

In the confession itself, the confessor should have a “simple method of questioning and be particularly careful, prudent and methodical in his questions about the sixth commandment[1150]. Normally, he should confess to the schoolchildren in the confessionals set up and not look at the penitents[1151]. He should always be there for them. He should prefer them to any other lay person. At least once a month, he was to hear the confessions of all schoolchildren and also allow them to take communion[1152]. He collaborated in a certain way with the prefect of the schools and exempted the pupils from possible punishments if they made a good confession, which they generously accepted. In this way, the prefect was the winner, because the sacrament is more effective than the “staffile” (whip, scourge), and the confessor was also the winner, because the pupil, grateful for the benefit received, was better able to make an integral and sincere confession[1153].

1150 Constit. (p.3rd c.6. n.317): «Habeantque methodum facilem interrogandi eos.» See also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni; Regole del Confessore (vol.cit., p.19): «Nelli peccati dell’impurità sia il confessor molto cauto procurando a longe scuoprir il mancamento piccolo et poi con artificio scuoprir li grandi li quali scoperti procuri con ogni piacevolezza dimostrarli la gravezza del peccato.»

1151 «Regole del Confessore» (vol.cit., p.١٩): «Confessandoli sempre nel confessionario per la craticola». See also Constituciones p.3a c.6 n.318: «Ita audiant illorum confessiones, ut quantum fieri poterit, illorum aspectum fugiant.»

1152 Regole del Confessore (vol.cit., p.18): «Li confessori sempre saranno preparati a confessar più volentieri li scolari che li forastieri essendo che questo è il proprio istituto et però li scolari saranno anteposti a qualsivoglia persona.» Also Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.325): «Confessarii autem qui ad saecularium confessiones audiendas admissi fuerint, nullo modo puerorum confessiones audire recusent.» Regarding monthly confession, Regole del confessore (vol.cit., p.19): «Li confesserà almeno una volta al mese, et anco li farà communicare conforme è ordinato nelle Costituzioni.»

But the monthly confession was the minimum that was required. Cf. L.1387, Ep.IV p.215: «...le ricordo di nuovo che attenda alla confessione delli scolari che vederà bisognosi di simil rimedio chiamandoli ogni sabato, che questo è il nostro istituto.» See also L.1449, Ep.IV p.255: «...ho caro che il P. Carlo attenda a catechizzar et confessar li scolari che sarà di grandissimo profitto massime se egli nota quelli che ne hanno più bisogno et ogni settimana li fa confessar insieme con li più divoti acciò essi ancora diventino tali.»

Particularly the older pupils were object of his paternal care, as more “capaci di far offese a Dio” (the more “able to offend God”). L.557, Ep.III p.56: «...insomma deve usar tal diligenza che ogni mese siano confessati tutti li scolari massime quelli che sono capaci di far offese a Dio»

1153 Regole del Confessore (vol.cit., p.18-19): «Et sempre che potrà procuri di ritrovarsi presente quando il Prefetto castigarà alcun scolaro acciò per intercessione sua li perdoni et lo meni seco a confessarsi che all’hora più facilmente le dirà con verità tutti li peccati doppo il benefitio ricevuto.» See also L.1441, Ep.IV p.250: «...et quanto al castigo delli scolari faccia che sempre che il confessore dimandarà che uno si perdoni per farlo confessar all’hora si perdoni, per che fa maggior effetto il sacramento che lo staffile.»

With the incorrigible and scandalous, however, he had to do what he could, with all due respect for the sacramental secret, “so that they would not stink up the others and leave the Institute when the opportunity was right»[1154].

1154 Regole del Confessore (p.19): «Si alcun scolaro fusse scandaloso et incorrigibile nella confessione et tanto più se sarà di età grande et che mutasse confessore, con ogni secretezza et modestia farà che si trovi alcuna occasione senza pericolo del sigillo della confessione mandarlo fuor dalla scuola acciò non appesti li altri.»

The confessor should be as stable as possible[1155], but this should not be at the expense of the penitents’ freedom of conscience[1156]. On the other hand, the confessor should make sure that every new student of the institute made his general confession as soon as possible, so that he could guide him better in the future because he knew him through it[1157].

1155 Regole del Confessore, previous quotation; also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «Tutti gli scolari che vengono alle nostre scuole, si hanno da confessare almeno una volta per ciascun mese al suo confessore, o agli assegnati per loro servitio.»

1156 Cf. L.899, Ep.III p.314: (It refers to adult religious, but the educational principle is also valid for children): «Quanto al conferir della coscienza dia ad alcuni licenza di andar ad altro sacerdote se cosi vederà che è più utile per quell’anima, che importa assai in questo haver soddisfazione nella propria coscienza.» Cf. also Constituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «E due volte l’anno volendolo loro, se li da un confessore straordinario.»

1157 Regole del Confessore (p.19): «Ad ogni scolaro che sarà atto alla communione et cominciarà a venir alle nostre scole procurarà di farle far la confessione generale acciò possa saper per l’avvenire guidarlo nello spirito confessandoli sempre nel confessionario per la craticola.» See also Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI I 0): «Et per spatio di 4 o 6 dì sin che sarà fatto l’habito se li insegnera dal Ministro o da chi sarà deputato il modo di far la confessione generale.»

Finally, we can see that from almost all of Calasanz’ prescriptions regarding the confessor of the students, it can be deduced that the confessor should not limit himself to an almost mechanical administration of the sacrament of penance, but should become the father and guide of the students. It was therefore necessary for the new students to make their general confession so that, once they were known, they could be better guided. For this reason, he always had to show himself to them in a fatherly and friendly manner, so that the boys themselves would sincerely open their hearts and consciences to him and place their trust in him.

And as spiritual director, the confessor, who was always wise and kind, sensitive and polite, even had to be available several times a week for some of his penitents who needed more attention and fatherly words, receiving with careful affection all their confidences, all their difficulties and torments[1158].

1158 L.3055, Ep.VII p.52: «...mi pare che patisca di cervello... che un confessore che havesse carità grande lo confessasse due volte la settimana et lo visitasse spesse volte inducendolo a scoprire tutti li pensieri e discorsi che sente interiormente e dandoli il rimedio necessario et in questo rimedio caritativo durasse per due o tre mesi continui, io tengo per certo che s’emendarebbe et entrarebbe nel cor suo il dolor d’haver offeso Iddio e desiderio di far penitenza de suoi peccati.»

His method should be positive, that is, it should not be limited to the mere analysis, diagnosis and cure of the sins confessed in the past[1159], but he should lead his penitents on the path of virtue with powerful, luminous and attractive ideals, thus saving them in all probability from the falls of the future[1160].

1159 Regole del Confessore (p.19): «Il confessor non si mostri ritroso nel confessar ma sempre affabile con farli riconoscer li errori havendo errato acciò se ne emendino.»

1160 Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.317): «Habeantque methodum facilem interrogandi eos, et in laudem Castitatis, Veritatis, Religionis, et aliarum Virtutum, et similiter in horrorem aliquorum vitiorum habeant aliqua sanctorum exempla, quibus in virtutibus magis pueri instituantur.» See also L.1759, Ep.V p.31: «Quel loco del confessionario è un tribunale che ben amministrato deve rimediar non solo le cose passate ma ancora preservare dalle future senza rispetto umano; V.R. si proponga se haverà ufficio di confessar di farlo solo per indirizzar le anime al servitio di Dio.»

N.B.- Regarding the duties of the students’ confessor, in addition to the Constitutions and the Saint’s letters, it serves as a very important source a paragraph from those so often cited Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni with the title «Delli confessori delli scolari con off.o», published in volume Duo praest. doc. p.18-19 and quoted by us as Regole del Confessore.

The prefect of Continuous Prayer

The effective assistant and helper of the confessor of the Institute, spiritual director of the students in the external sphere, was the so-called “Prefect of Continuous Prayer”, an extremely important member of the teaching staff. In order to get an idea of his person and his duties, we must anticipate some details about the continuous prayer, reserving the right to speak again later. The continuous prayer practiced at the Calasanzian Institute was an uninterrupted adoration of the Most Holy Eucharist, performed daily during school hours by the entire student body, alternating between nine, ten, or twelve students at thirty-minute intervals[1161], under the direction of a very learned and zealous priest.

1161 So says the Breve Relazione (p.8); the Dichiarazioni reduce it all to a quarter of an hour (in the vol.cit., p.16): «Et conforme alle nostre Costituzioni haverà cura [il Prefetto] di mandar dieci o dodici scolari in chiesa con un padre acciò deputato dal superiore quale li farà far oratione per spatio di un quarto di hora per estirpazione delle heresie esaltat.ne etc. et vi andaranno da tutte le scuole delli latini abbasso et acciò il profitto delli scolari non si impedisca procurarà il maestro di mandar quelli che haveranno recitato; et quelli de latini e vi andaranno una volta al mese al meno.»

The primary aim of such a practice was to have the young people pray for the urgent needs of Holy Mother Church, the Christian Republic and the Institute itself. The secondary objective was to teach them there, in the presence of the Blessed Sacrament, in the most effective way possible, the most important concepts, terms and instructions regarding the holy faith, the use and frequency of the sacraments and sincere, simple and effective prayer[1162].

1162 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.194): «Erit et alius, si fieri potest sacerdos, qui praesit Orationi, quae dicitur continua, a decem, vel duodecim discipulis per ordinem faciendae mane et vespere, durante litteraria exercitatione, pro exaltatione Sanctae Romanae Ecdesiae, haeresum extirpatione, Principum catholicorum unione, et bono regimine et augmento nostrae, Congregationis; docebitque praedictus Magister quomodo se debeant ad Sacramenturn Eucharistiae parare; et modum similiter, quoad fieri poterit, facilem orandi, et alia pro ipsorum capacitate.» See also Breve Relazione (vol. cit., p.7-8): «Ogni dì dal principio della scuola al fine si fa Oratione continua da nove scolari con l’assistenza di un sacerdote litterato il quale instruisce li scolari del modo con che deve farsi l’oratione et dura mezza hora, et dippoi si muttano altri nove. Et Or.on si fa per la esaltatione della Sta. Chiesa Romana, per estirpatione delle heresie, per l’unione de Principi Catholici et in particolar per li Benefattori ordinarij di questo loco, et a questa oratione vanno per ordine tutti li scolari cominciando dalla prima classe insin’all’ultima.» And also Riti Comuni: «Si faccia l’oratione continua, mentre durano gli esserciti scolastici mattina e sera da alcuni dei scolari chiamati per ordine da tutte le scole, alla quale assisterà uno dei nostri e questo potrà anche instruire li figliuoli del modo facile e breve per fare la detta oratione, inoltre di confessarsi bene dei propri peccati e di essaminare compitamente la coscienza; e come si fanno a preparare degnamente, quando siano atti a ricevere la Santissima Eucaristia.»

It appears from the documents that the prefect had to be “of mature age”, “cultured” and “of great spirit”[1163], because his office and responsibilities were very important; there he had to teach “in mediis rebus” with an intuitive method the successive groups of students, and almost everyone personally, trying, as it were, to remedy the possible shortcomings of the simultaneous method practiced in the classes[1164], as far as the most important practices of the spiritual life were concerned. Certainly, the figure of the prefect of continuous prayer is an eloquent testimony to the great spirit of worship and teaching of the Holy Pedagogue. The practical spirit of the Pious Schools was also evident in this area: through the prefect of continuous prayer, the students were in fact instructed in spiritual matters, in piety.

1163 In addition to the documents already cited, see also a letter of the Venerable Gellio Ghellini addressed to his brother on 7-20-1602 (Voce del Calasanzio V [1932] 284-285; the Latin copy is in Eph. Cal. I [1932] 150): «...il Mons. Vestri ha fatto intendere questa cosa [il sorgere delle Scuole Pie] al Papa il quale mostrò e disse di rallegrarsi, che opera tale fosse cominciata nel suo pontificato. L’è stata data una minuta informazione di tutte le azioni e particolarmente ha posto nel Memoriale che alle lezioni ed orazioni continue è assistente un sacerdote d’età matura, di lettere e spirito grande, e perché si trattava di me lo volevo far levare, ma non volse.»

1164 CABALLERO, o.c. (ed. 1921) vol. I p.257.

The corrector

Calasanz appointed the corrector of the schools as an assistant to the prefect in his difficult task of maintaining discipline and enforcing any corporal punishment[1165]. Specifically, his task was not to determine as “ultima ratio rerum” the measure of corporal punishment to be imposed for lack of diligence or any other major disciplinary offense, “but merely to carry it out according to the instructions of the prefect or the local minister. In this office he was to conduct himself with great “prudence, “piety”, “goodness” and “mercy”, imitating “the meekness of Christ” and observing the precautions well described by Calasanz[1166].

1165 «Regole del Prefetto» (vol.cit.; p.١٥): «Castigarà li scolari che li dicano li maestri conforme alla prudenza sua et essendo lo scolaro discolo, disobbediente, ladroncello o di altro vitio notato, all’hora le darà o farà dar dal Corrector in stanza a ciò deputata con ogni honestà una spogliatura.» Véase también Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.202): «Denique propter eos, qui tam in diligentia suis studiis adhibenda, quam in his quae ad bonos mores pertinent, peccaverint, et cum quibus sola verba et exhortationes non sufficiunt, Corrector constituatur, qui pueros in timore contineat, et juxta Superioris praeceptum eos verberet».

1166 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 741): «Se, il mancamento del figliuolo meritasse più severo castigo ne diino avviso al Prefetto delle Scuole il quale ponendo mano al necessario castigo non batterà mai su le carni nude gli scolari, adoprando li calzoncini di tela, mentre si habbia da dare una mula. Si guardino tutti dal percuotere nella faccia, o nel corpo con le mani e tanto più con lo staffile o bacchetta, o con qualunque altro istromento, così nel percuotere sulle gambe o vero in altra parte sia, in modo che non vi restino i lividi. Non li tireranno li capelli, sichè gli li svellano ne facciano uscirgli il sangue dal naso, overo dalle orecchie, il che molte volte facilmente accade per haver male i figliuoli in quelle parti, come pure in corpo; fuggiranno in somma tutto ciò che non conviene alla mansuetudine di Cristo della quale devono essere particolari imitatori. Non inventino maniere nuove di castigare i figliuoli perché è poco conforme alla professione religiosa, cagiona scandalo appresso i secolari». See also L.224, Ep.II p.237-238: «Quanto al negotio del scolaro disobbediente fu bene il castigarlo ma vorrei che il castigo fussi sempre con tanta pietà e prudenza che li stessi scolari conoscessero che meritano molto più... tuttavia come dico il nostro castigo ha di esser con molta pietà, che così vuole il nome et la charità che professiamo». L.893, Ep.III p.310: «Il castigar con benignità e misericordia li scolari mi piace grandemente, perciocché conoscendo li scolari amor di Padre nel maestro, non sente tanto il castigo ne fuge così facilmente la scuola.»

And the example of the saint Pedagogue, the first corrector of the Pious Schools, given to all correctors even in this delicate matter of corporal punishment, was even more effective than his words. According to what Father Berro says, he really knew how to punish with the gentleness of Christ, with the wisdom and love of an enlightened educator. His punishment was a paternal punishment, an effective means of Catholic education, “medium efficax poenitentiae et correctionis”. It affected the body, but with his piety, his kindness, his mercy and his gentleness, with his pious exhortations, it also affected the spirit[1167].

1167 BERRO (o.c., t. l 1.2, f.86): «Et occorrendo che sentisse per le scuole qualche rumore di strilli o di pianto, egli subito vi accorreva, o se io vi ero vicino mi mandava colà per saperne la cagione. Se poi si scuopriva in qualche scolaro cosa di offesa di Dio, essendosi accertato della verità secondo l’eccesso egli stesso con proprie mani lo castigava o faceva castigare in sua presenza con ogni modestia religiosa però, e mai con le carni nude, e per tale cagione si tenevano alcune mutande, che servivano per li castighi più rigorosi, mandandoli poi all’oratorio a far oratione e dal confessore o per se medesimo erano con efficacissime esortationi disposti all’emendatione e confessione con la cognitione della bruttezza del peccato. Sicché restavano obbligati et affettionati per il castigo datoli, conoscendo che era molto meglio esser castigati dal maestro che dal Giudice o dal Demonio nell’inferno.» Cf. also the testimony of Fr. Francesco Biscia, theatine, professor of theology. (Processus ne probationes perirent: Reg. Cal. XXXI. fol.278v): «Correggendo con piacevolezza ammirabile li nostri mancamenti et errori...»

Having seen the office and duties of the corrector of the Pious Schools, and reserving the right to speak at length on another occasion on the whole question of corporal punishment, we shall now confine ourselves to examining the historical origin of the figure of the corrector in the teaching staff of the Calasanzian Institute. We must say at once that the introduction of the figure and office of the corrector in the schools is neither to Calasanz’ credit nor his detriment. In this, too, he imitated the Society[1168], which in turn had taken the system of the University of Paris as a model[1169]. At first glance, however, we can see remarkable differences between the two correctors. According to St. Ignatius of Loyola, notwithstanding some later observations, especially in the Germanic provinces[1170], the Jesuit corrector was always a person outside the Society[1171], whereas in the Pious Schools this office was always held by one of the Fathers. If the Jesuits employed a corrector from outside the Order, it was because they did not want to do anything that would be unworthy of a religious or priest, and also because they wanted to avoid any possible dislike on the part of the pupils and to act “sine ira et studio”, with the greatest possible impartiality. On the contrary, the educators of the Pious Schools took on all the responsibility, because it was precisely through their fatherly, kind and merciful intervention that they wanted to sublimate corporal punishment, which was considered indispensable by everyone at the time[1172], into a positive and truly effective means. It was never detached from the corresponding spiritual exhortations for a sincere, inner and lasting change of the less disciplined young people. It can be said without fear of exaggeration that the Corrector of the Pious Schools, in a time of harsh and even arbitrary punishments, did everything possible to make the punishment of students what it should be, a truly paternal punishment. All in all, a means that was almost more spiritual than physical, in which all exaggeration and passion were excluded and in which “the meekness of Jesus Christ” was truly at work, always present and active.

1168 MI ser.4 const.3 p.4a c.16 «De iis quae ad bonos mores pertinent» § 5 p.156: «Propter eos qui tam in iis quae ad bonos mores pertinent peccaverint, et cum quibus sola bona verba et exhortationes non sufficiunt, Corrector [qui de Societate non sit] constituatur; qui pueros in timore contineat, et eos quibus id opus erit, quique castigationis huiusmodi erunt capaces, castiget. Cum autem nec verba nec correctoris officium satis esset, et in aliquo emendatio non speraretur, aliisque offendiculo videretur, praestat a scholis eum removere, quam ubi parum ipse proficiat et aliis nocet, retinere. Hoc autem iudicium Rectori Universitatis, ut omnia ad gloriam et servitium Dei, ut par est procedant, relinquetur.»

1169 HERMAN, o.c., p.115-120.

1170 Cf. Herman (o.c., p.116): «I padri della Germania ammettono il principio del castigo corporale: ma essi si vendicano il diritto di amministrarlo essi stessi; cosi gli scolari lo accettarebbero molto più volentieri.»

1171 MI ser.3a const.4 p:496 n.2: «Ut Magistri Soc. Iesu non ipsi sed per externum correctorem pueros punirent valde cordi fuit Patri Ignatio» (with extensive bibliography); cf. Rinaldi (o.c., p.46): «Il Colegio Romano pagava 40 scudi annui al correttore.»

1172 See HERMAN, o.c., p.115-120. Cf. also the official system of the rional teachers of Rome, p.98-99 of the present work.

Minor offices

In addition to the offices already mentioned, for which a permanent person was always responsible, there were other, less important offices which were not always held by specific individuals but by the entire teaching staff according to a rotation system and which also contributed in this way to the smooth running of the entire institute.

We know from a letter from Calasanz that the prefect was assisted by the so-called “prefect of the court”[1173] to maintain discipline in the schoolyards.

1173 L.49, Ep.II p.101: «Quanto al studiar all’ora della scuola mi pare un po difficile perché il P. Giacomo è più necessario per insegnar che per far l’offitio del Prefetto del Cortile et il credito delle scuole sta in haver buoni maestri.»

A major contribution to school discipline was also made by the so-called “custodians of the students”, who had the weekly task of watching over the young people gathered in front of the Institute until the signal was given to enter the classrooms[1174]. In addition to these offices, the Common Rites also refer to the “cleaner”, the “guides to accompany the students home”, the “librarian” and the “janitor”. The same names indicate the respective purpose of the offices. It would be extremely difficult to say anything specific about any of these offices due to the lack of documentation. The office of janitor was more for the religious house than for the School[1175], as the prefect of the schools was responsible for everything. As for the “two cleaners”, it can be assumed that they were responsible for keeping the common areas of the institute in order, such as the entrance, corridors, etc., as cleaning the classrooms was the responsibility of the respective teachers. The “person in charge of the common areas” was responsible for cleaning the toilets and probably helping the prefect to control the discipline to be observed there, which was not lacking in dangers for the youth[1176]. The “two singers” were involved in the liturgical service of the church and the oratory, essential and integral parts of the institute. The librarian was responsible for the library, which in the early days was unique for the Fathers and students. He had to keep it in good order. Each book had to have its own name, reference number and place[1177], and each library had its own catalog[1178].

1174 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74): «Vi hanno da essere due de nostri, c’habbiano cura de’ figliuoli, mentre nel venire alla scuola si raccolgono tutti in un medesimo luogo sino all’hora di entrare in scuola tutti; ma si muteranno per ogni settimana, non parendo conveniente che tale ufficio si prolunghi più tempo; e questi si chiamano “Custodi dei Scolari”».

1175 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5), «Del l’off.o del Portinaro. Per questo off.o procurerà il superior di trovare un soggetto che sia di buona presenza, modesto et prudente nel trattare con chi viene et che sia sicuro che è soggetto alieno di ogni vitio e che col suo trattare muova li secolari ad edificazione.»

1176 We have already seen with what care and solicitude the Saint treated the question of school toilets when he dealt with the duties of the prefect of schools, and we will see it again when we deal with the school building.

1177 L.1532, Ep.IV p.316: «Quanto alli libri della casa faccia far per la casa della Duchesca le cartelline che dicano della libraria delle Scuole Pie della Dochesca acciò non si possano smarrire.»

1178 L.1525, Ep.IV p.309: «Quanto alli libri è bene che ogni casa habbia li suoi libri con il suo catalogo, si può bene in caso di necessità imprestar l’una casa all’altra alcun libro o libri, ma notando pero il giorno che si impresta acciò si sappia di che casa è et al suo tempo si restituisca.»

The librarian could not lend books without the permission of the responsible superiors - in Rome, Father General himself - and with a receipt from the reader[1179]. As the library also served as a study room for Fathers and students according to Calasanz’ ideas[1180], the librarian also had to swear all those present to silence[1181]. The possibility of borrowing books was extremely limited, but in justified cases it was up to the librarian to carry them out in accordance with the relevant regulations.

1179 Istruzioni del P. Bandoni (Reg. Cal. XIV 744): «Nella libraria si osservi il dovuto silenzio e niuno ardisca portar via da quella libri se non con la licenza del nostro P. Generale in Roma e fuor di Roma con licenza del Ministro.» See also an order of Calasanz (Reg. Cal. XIII 49 10): «Pax Christi! Con la presente si ordina al P. Ministro delle Scuole Pie di Narni et alli Padri et fratelli di detta casa che non imprestino sotto pena di scomunica libri della libreria se prima non vi faranno fare la ricevuta del libro o libri che impresteranno se sia per breve tempo» (Roma 13-6-1629). See also «Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni» (Archivum Scholarum Piarum V [1939] 46): «Si ordina che in tutti li conventi si faccia la libreria conforme alle nostre Costituzioni et la chiave di essa tenga il ministro o il bibliotecario a ciò eletto, et non potendosi studiar in libreria come si doverebbe far, et volendo alcun libro, si ci dia con licenza del superior et con farne nota nel libro acciò dedicato, et se alcuno rubasse alcun libro, incorra ipso facto nella scomunica maggior della quale non possa esser assoluto senza se prima non haverà fatta la restituzione.»

1180 L.2162, Ep.V 299: «Quanto al tener libri in camera sia quanto meno possibile ma vadano a estudiar in libraria.» See also a particular order of Calasanz given to the school of Narni. (Reg. Cal. XIII 49-10): «Niuno tenga libri in cella se non uno o due spirituali e quelli particolari che sogliono portare in scuola per adoperargli nell’insegnare: si vada a studiare da tutti nella libraria di giorno e di notte poiché oltre all’incomodità dei libri vi è il despendio grande di tener tante lucerne accese, potendo bastar una overo due candele al più secondo il numero degli studenti e questo ancora sia da quelli che hanno licenza di studiare doppo la dormizione ricordandosi del dovuto silenzio.»

1181 Constit. (p.1st c.6 n.51): «In Ecclesia vero, Sacrario, Bibliotheca, et refectionis loco semper sileatur, nisi necessitas aliud postulaverit; tunc enim submissa voce et perpaucis loquantur.»

And so, through these loans, a fairly intensive exchange of various books on theology, pedagogy, didactics, etc. took place between the various Calasanzian houses and institutes, with many intellectual and spiritual fruits for the Pious Schools[1182].

1182 In these changes of books, the Saint himself was, on most occasions, the intermediary, as we have already seen in the chapter dedicated to the formation of the Calasanzian educator; to the documentation of that time, let us now add the following passage from Fr. Berro (o.c., t:l 1.3 fol.18): «Prese dalla nostra libraria [di S. Pantaleo] più di cento pezzi di libri di belle lettere, perche li alunni et il loro Maestro se ne servissero nel Collegio [Nazareno].» Calasanz often ordered books for personal use; see L.110, Ep.II p.152: «...il libro che io le disse è composto da un Padre di S. Domenico sopra tutte le domeniche dell’anno; è in folio, le coperte sono di cartapecora, ma usate, lo mandi per la prima occasione»; also L.111, Ep.II p.154: «Il libro che ho scritto bisogna ritrovarlo che io mi scordai di portarlo meco quando fui costà et è molto conforme al mio genio.»

Together with the librarian, the Rector also had the task of constantly enriching the institute’s library with new, necessary and useful books. This task, especially in the early days of the Order, was taken by Calasanz - as we have already seen - as his personal duty[1183].

1183 To the above mentioned documentation, please add L.835, Ep.III p.266: «Quando arrivarà la barca si farà di quelle balle di libri come scriverà et restituiranno li libri che porto costì il fratel Gio. Battista di S. Bernardo, et se gli compraranno quelli che haverà di bisogno.» L.843, Ep.III p.272: «Havendo ricevuto le tre balle di libri ho dato il suo involto al Sig. Flavio et li altri per le altre case, penso questa settimana prossima far legar qui in Roma et poi mandarli che non hanno loro commodità per legarli cosi bene et le farò celebrar le messe ad ogni casa conforme la lista.»

The “guides” who accompanied the pupils from school to home were also important in the overall educational system of the Pious Schools. We will talk about the system itself and its value later; for now, we will limit ourselves to listing the main tasks of these guides. For the accompaniment, the entire student body was divided into different groups, each made up of students who lived in the same “rione”. Each of these groups had two guides who, with the help of the decurions, ensured good order among the students. These guides had to be precise, punctual and ready for the moment of the march[1184]. One guarded the first half of the group, the other the second half, and they had to go home praying the rosary in a low voice. They accompanied the pupils without “staffile” (lashes) and did not punish them, except in some cases where, for practical and pedagogical reasons, an immediate punishment seemed the most opportune. In any case, they or the decurions wrote up those who were less disciplined to be reported to the prefect later. The office of guide was not a fixed position, but was held by everyone in turn, including superiors and teachers[1185].

1184 Dichirazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5 p.18): «Chi non si trovarà all’accompagnar essendo destinato per alcuna squadra et non impedito dal Superior mangi pane et acqua il primo pasto seguente.»

1185 Ibid., «Di quelli che debbono accompagnare: Debba il Ministro eleggere due de nostri per andar ad accompagnar li scolari per ogni squadra guardandosi di non moltiplicar squadre se non tanto quanto sarà la pura necessità.

Quelli che saranno assegnati all’accompagnare alli scolari si debbano subito trovar in chiesa al segno della campanella come si è detto di sopra, et debbano andar, uno doverà haver cura della mettà della squadra del principio et altro della metta verso il fine procurando che li scolari vadano con la corona in mano dicendo il rosario ogn’uno da per sé.

Si ordina che non portino staffile quando accompagnano, ne alli scolari per strada diano schiaffi ne tirino li capelli o le orecchie ma facciano che li decurioni notino quelli che non anderanno quieti.

Accompagneranno le squadre finchè all’ultimo restino sette et all’hora daranno la cura a chi le parerà più a proposito. Ritornati a casa riferiranno tutto quello che le sarà successo et detto d’alcuno al superiore acciò possa rimediar a quanto sarà necessario et la lista delli decurioni fatta per le squadre la farà dar al Prefetto.

Si ordina che il Superior et tutti li altri siano pronti ad accompagnar conforme si dice nelle Costitutioni». See also Riti comuni (fol.52-55): «Li maestri per essere pronti nell’accompagnare porteranno nella scuola in tutti li tempi dell’anno il cappello, mantello, scarpe, e quanto gli occorre adoperare nell’andar fuori di casa: affinché non habbiano da scostarsi dagli scolari nel tempo di assistergli. E se gli occorresse qualche bisogno di necessità corporale, lo provengono almeno al primo segno per non perdere il frutto di accompagnare ed evitare qualche sproposito nei figliuoli; e torneria bene avvisare il Prefetto, che ne havesse, o facesse haver cura in tempo tale.

Quelli che devono accompagnare gli scolari, per ogni modo si trovino in chiesa, overo al luogo determinato per raccogliersi, prevedendo che non vi facciano strepito e la mattina e la sera.

Quanto fosse commodità di persone nella casa, si potrebbano esentare li Maestri dall’accompagnare gli scolari per ordinario. Onde finiti gli essercitii scolastici si ritirassero alle celle loro, ovvero a compire altre funtioni assegnateli dall’ubbidienza, oppure allo studio.

Nell’accompagnare per le strade si astengano affato dal percuotere li figliuoli e nascendo qualche caso di rumore, per reprimere il quale fosse necessario di presente castigo, si concede, ma sempre con quiete e modestia, in modo che si conosca essere fatto per necessità, e non restino scandalizzati li secolari, che vedessero.

Si notino li figliuoli di mala creanza, ed inobbedienti, e ne diino la nota al Prefetto, il quale trascurando alle due volte di fare la dovuta correttione, procurino di darne parte al Superior, che deve trovarvi rimedio; avvertendo di non farvi notare le semplici bagatelle, e le leggerezze proprie, e come naturali dei figliuoli.

In tali attioni non si porranno li maestri a ragionare con gli scolari né si separaranno dagli altri con uno overo con più scolari, né con altri, se non fosse per avvertirli di qualche errore. E chi vede separarsi dalla squadra, o ragionare il suo compagno con altri, è obbligato a fare consapevole il Superiore.

Essendo ingiuriato o percosso alcuno de scolari per le strade nell’accompagnarli procurino li maestri modesta e religiosamente di difendergli, astenendosi però dal contendere e dal dire parole ingiuriose, e aspri a quelli tali; e molto più fuggiranno il venire alle mani; se non fosse qualche ragazzo, che con minaccie si puo far cessare.

Nel ritornare a casa per osservare il dovuto silenzio, e modestia religiosa, possono la matina fare l’esamine della coscienza: o se fossero andati lontano, recitare il rosario, ovvero qualche loro divotione, non portando però in mano l’ufficio per la città e castelli, come si può fare fuori dell’habitato, et avanzandoli tempo, esamineranno la coscienza. La sera possono prepararsi all’oratione mentale e tanto più nell’estate. Finalmente vedano di non havere a render conto di quel tempo malamente speso, havendo obbligo di un minimo momento.»

The decurions

They were still students, but in a certain sense they were part of the teaching staff and contributed greatly to the effectiveness of the work of the Fathers, especially in the disciplinary, but sometimes also in the didactic area. They were good young people, characterized by piety and literacy, who were selected from among their peers with the approval of the majority of the class and their teachers, so that they could contribute to discipline and the best academic performance[1186]. They were assistants to both the prefect and the teacher. The prefect was assisted by them in monitoring the good disciplinary progress of the entire institute. Their contribution to school discipline was particularly valuable in controlling pupil absences and, more generally, in supervising pupils at communal events, going to the church, in the church itself, going back to the houses, in the yard, etc.[1187]

1186 «Regole del maestro» (vol.cit., p.17): «Procurarà svegliar nelli scolari una s.ta emulazione per essercitarli più nelli studii; farà li suoi decurioni et altri officiali per soddisfazione a tutti li scolari, quali decurioni haveranno ancora cura se si porteranno bene nella Messa et nella squadra, se haveranno mancato all’oratorio acciò possa riferire al Prefetto.»

1187 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XlV 74): «È Ufficio del Prefetto il rivedere a scuola per scuola quali scolari mancano usando la diligenza accurata di notargli, o col mezzo dei decurioni...» «Quando vien dato l’ultimo segno per finire le scuole con la solita campanella, devono tutti li maestri acompagnare li scolari suoi alla chiesa, o dove si raccolgono, così la mattina come la sera, secondo che darà l’ordine. E porranno due o più censori al principio e mezzo della squadra perché camminino gli scolari senza tumulto.»

«Non percuotano alcuno in chiesa, ma notino o facciano notare alli censori gli immodesti, et essendo cosa grave, la significhino subito finita la messa al Prefetto delle Scuole.»

«Regole delle guide» (vol.cit., p.18): «Si ordina che non portino staffile, quando accompagnano, ne alli scolari per strada diano schiaffi ne tirino li capelli, le orecchie, ma facciano che li decurioni notino quelli che non andaranno quieti»

In addition to the disciplinary aspect, they also helped the teachers with the didactic task in that the said decurions, under the direction of the teacher present, themselves checked their fellow pupils in the faithful fulfillment of their daily duties and tested them in the recitation of the daily lessons before the start of the actual and proper teaching of the teachers[1188]. However, since most of the documents - with one exception - say nothing about the cooperation of the decurions in the didactic work, it can be assumed that their help in this area was not of great importance for the whole system. That was the situation in the time of Calasanz[1189]. In any case, their involvement in these tasks was - at least in the early days - much less important than in the schools of the Society[1190]. It was only later that the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1694 accepted the Jesuit method in its entirety[1191].

1188 Ordini da osservarsi dalli maestri poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, p.2 (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Che posti tutti inginocchioni comminci l’oratione, Veni S. Spiritus et assista mentre li Decurioni recitano le lettioni agli altri, la prima delle quali in tutte le scuole sia quella della Dottrina Christiana ogni mattina.»

1189 Neither the Breve Relazione nor the Istruzioni per i maestri, nor the Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni speak of them; it may be that the declarations that, without having previously dealt with other duties of the decurions, begin with an “ancora” when dealing with their disciplinary duties, with this way of expressing already have as evident the didactic duties of the decurions.

1190 In the Society, the decurions had the following missions:

Ratio Studiorum, p.394 «Regulae communes classium inferiorum» reg.36: «Decuriones etiam a Praeceptore statuuntur, qui memoriter recitantes audiant, scriptaque praeceptori colligent, ut in libello punctis notent, quoties memoria quemque fefellerit, qui scriptionem omiserint aut duplex exemplum non habuerint, aliaque si iusserit praeceptor, observent.»

1191 Cf. Constit. et Regulae (ed. Roma 1826, p.136c): «...Idem interea Praefectus attendat, ut discipuli modeste se gerant in classibus, donec magistri accedant: ad quorum praescriptum Adolescentes promant ex memoria lectiones decurionibus; qui singulorum errores, scripto notatos, dabunt magistris, pro diligentiae seu negligentiae punctis unicuique pro merito statuendis. Imo ad fraudes adulescentulorum avertendas, at ad memoriae periculum, ab aliquibus discipulorum inopinato lectiones memoriter exigantur.» Cf. with what Fr. Caballero says in this regard (o.c. I p.264-268).

N. B.- As for the historical genesis of the decurion system, we should note that Calasanz had borrowed it from the Jesuits, who in turn were inspired by the University of Paris, by the Fratres Vitae Communis and by the urban schools of Germany (Stadtschulen). Cf. HERMAN, o.c., p.113-115- PAULSEN, o.c., p.343: the whole system is of medieval origin. It was introduced by Phereolus, bishop of Narbonne (553-581); cf. M. SCHOENGEN, o.c., p.70 n.3.

In the Pious Schools, the decurions were already present from the origins; the Venerable Glycerius Landriani had called them “normatori”; (cf. Caputi [o.c. I 3 fol.363-364]: «...li fu detto d’alcuni Normatori, che cosi chiamava quelli che li davano le relationi...» It is worth noting the fact that Calasanz, even though he was so inspired by the Jesuit teaching system, did not want to introduce the system of “syndics” in his Institute. Such a “syndic” - one of the students - would have had the duty of secretly observing his companions and of denouncing him immediately and secretly to the competent superiors. (MI ser.3.3 constit.4 mon.43 «Regulae circa bonos mores scholasticis externis servandos» reg.20 [p.155]: «Sit in unaquaque classe syndicus, qui exploret omnes omnium conversationes et referat ad praeceptorem; syndicus secretus sit et secrete deferat»). Cf. also MI ser.3. a constit.4 mon.65 p.282; lnstructiones seu Monita pro Collegiis Italiae (1551-1552) p.32: «...et che delli scolari siano sindici fra di loro [pro Collegio Napoletano anno 1552 a Patre Ignatio].»

Father Provincial, Father General

Although a Piarist house was quite autonomous, it was not independent of the major superiors: the Provincial, the highest moderator of the Piarist Province in whose territory the Institute was located, and the General, the highest moderator of the entire Order. Therefore, these two superiors must also be counted among the teaching staff of the Calasanzian Institute. Let us now leave aside the fact that, as the supreme superiors of the religious community, they exercised paternal rule over their subordinates in all areas of community life, and let us consider their form and office only from the pedagogical point of view.

What were the pedagogical factors par excellence among them? We can immediately see that the top management of the various schools was also in good hands from a pedagogical point of view.

According to Calasanz’ plans, no one could hold the office of Provincial who had not devoted six years entirely to teaching and had not been a local Superior at one of the schools for at least three years[1192]. He had to be at least thirty-five years old and possess the art of ruling with «charity», «gentleness» and «kindness”, inspiring everything more by the example of his life than by the effectiveness of his words[1193]. He proposed to Father General the local ministers of the different schools, and in the last instance - at the suggestion and proposal of the local ministers - he would also make the final systematization of the teaching staff of the different schools[1194]. He also appointed the teachers’ examiners[1195] and was also responsible for the ultimate control of each school, whether in terms of discipline or the spiritual and intellectual performance of the students[1196].

1192 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, «Del Provinciale e del suo offitio» (Arch. Scholarum Piarum IV [1639] 43-44): «...non possa esser eletto provinciale chi non haverà tenuto scuola anni sei, sia stato ministro un triennio.»

1193 Ibid. (p.44): «...haverà almeno trentacinque anni, dodici di religione.» See also Constit. (p.3a c.4 n.283): «Similiter et Provinciales ab eodem constituentur, qui bene eas regere possint; qui in gubernatione charitatem, mansuetudinem et benignitatem Domini nostri Jesu Christi imitentur, non ut dominatores, sed forma facti gregis ex animo, exemplo magis quam verbo subditos ad perfectionem dirigant.»

1194 Constit. p.3rd c.4 n.302.

1195 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni p.44: Il provinciale eleggerà li essaminatori per le ordinazioni, confessioni et altre cose necessarie...» Also Reg. Cal. IV (Cap. Gen. 1637 p.11 § 7): «Che si essaminino li maestri di scuoia e si approvino dalli essaminatori eletti dal P. Provinciale in ciascuna casa della sua Provincia.»

1196 Constit. (p.3rd c.4 n.289): «Curabit vero diligenter, ut in omnibus suae provinciae scholis debitus ordo in classibus omnibus, in libris praelegendis et in exercitiis spiritualibus servetur quas omnes per se ipsum singulis annis visitet, nisi legitima causa impeditus fuerit, tunc enim aliquem idoneum suo loco substituat.»

He took particular care to ensure that the teaching of Christian doctrine ran smoothly[1197]. In order to exercise this vigilance effectively, he visited all the schools in his Province every year[1198]. In addition, the local ministers of each school had to send him a detailed report on the school’s progress every week[1199].

1197 Ibid. (p.3rd c.4 n.292): «Interrogabit superiores... an exercitium Doctrinae Christianae tam in Scholis, quam publice in ecclesiis diligenter exsequantur.»

1198 Ibid.: «...quas omnes [scholas] per se ipsum singulis annis visitet...»

1199 Ibid.: «…ad quem supradicti ministri locales singulis hebdomadis semel scribent de rebus occurrentibus.»

And finally, although he was Provincial, he had to be ready for every school activity: visiting the schools frequently, replacing sick teachers, hearing pupils’ confessions[1200]…

1200 L.2798, Ep.Vl p.292: «Al P. Provinciale di Napoli. Intendo che ha mancato un maestro nella scuola di Porta Reale et se V.R. havesse supplito in luogo suo haverebbe dato grandissimo essempio ai secolari et non haverebbe perso niente della dignità di sacerdotio né di Provinciale et haverebbe superata la superbia di tutti li nostri religiosi. Questo atto di subintrar io in una scuola per mancamento di un maestro l’ho fatto più volte et non ho perso per questo un punto di credito appresso li secolari.» Cf. también L.2791, Ep.VI p.287: «Al Provinciale di Napoli. V. R. sia il primo a rivedere et aiutare le scuole et in caso che mancasse alcun maestro subintrarvi intanto che ve ne sia a proposito; il che io più volte, ho fatto senza perdere punto del esser mio.» Also, L.727a, Ep.III p.186-187 (15 nov.1627): «Acciocché il profitto delli scolari che concorrono alle nostre scuole della Duchesca e di Porta Reale vada sempre di aumento s’ordina con la presente che il P. Provinciale faccia la residenza ordinaria nelle scuole della Duchesca dove è molto maggior il numero delli Padri e fratelli et pigli licenza di confessar in chiesa e tra li scolari alli quali attenderà solamente le domeniche e le feste di mattina et un giorno la settimana che li parerà più conveniente acciò abbia ancora tempo di attendere al profitto delli nostri Padri et fratelli et per li negotii di trattarsi con li secolari...»

Through the Provincials and the provinces, Father General was the supreme moderator of the entire Order. He had to be of a mature age, of unusual virtue, of great charity and even greater patience[1201]. He was elected for life so that he could lead the entire Institute with his experience of people and things and with ever greater certainty[1202]. All the activities of the Order were concentrated in his hands. He had to be informed about everything. The provincial superiors had to send him a detailed report of current events every month and a detailed catalog of all the schools and all the people every year[1203].

1201 Constit. (p.3rd c.2 n.258): «Erit ergo provectae aetatis ad gubernandum idoneus, in quo omnium virtutum exemplum eniteat, studeat charitate multa et patientia subditos regere, eandem cum caeteris servet normam disciplinae.»

1202 Ibid. (n. 260): «Et cum electio Ministri Generalis duobus modis possit fieri, videlicet ad tempus aliquod definitum, vel ut eius vita durante Congregationi praesit: tamen quia experientia, et in gubernando exercitatio, et hominum particularium notitia, et erga eosdem auctoritas magnopere confert, ut bene hoc munus obeat, ad vitam et non ad tempus aliquod erit elidendus»

1203 Ibid. (n.262): «Habebit Minister Generalis Catalogum unum omnium Domorum Congregationis et alterum personarum, quae in quavis domo et provincia versantur, non solum Professorum, sed etiam illorum, qui in probationibus exercentur ubi eorum nomina et qualitates fideliter scribantur, quem catalogum singulis annis renovandum curabit.» Also, ibid. (p.3rd c.4 n.303): «…et ipse Provincialis ad Generalem semel saltem in quolibet mense [scribet de rebus occurrentibus]».

He was responsible for appointing the Provincials from the three names proposed by the respective Provincial Chapters. He was also responsible for confirming the local ministers of each school. Finally, he watched over the good morals of the individual masters and, if necessary, expelled heretics and libertines from the Order[1204].

1204 Ibid. (n.272): «Et. quia huiusmodi Congregationis Institutum Operarios et Ministros, ut supra diximus, omni virtute praeditos requirit, et inimicus humani generis nunquam cessat insidias religiosis tendere, eis praecipue, qui scandalum in republica maximum praebere possunt, ne alicuius culpa Congregatio detrimentum patiatur, statuimus, ut si aliquis etiam Professus, quovis tempore in crimen haeresis seu vehementem haeresis suspicionem inciderit, aut vitio carnis nostro instituto valde contrario notatus fuerit, seu uti inquietus in Congregatione aliquos ad schisma, seu contra aliquam Constitutionem, tamquam iniustam, sollicitaverit; possit eo casu Pater Generalis, seu etiam Provincialis de eius ordine, a voto Paupertatis et Oboedientiae eum, si Sacerdos fuerit, absolvere, et si Frater Operarius fuerit, etiam a Voto castitatis, et ne alios inficiat Doctrina sua et Exemplo, a Congregatione secreto [quoad fieri poterit] expellere.»

In order to get to know his Order even better and to be able to lead it with greater competence and efficiency, he had to visit the entire Order in the six years that separated one General Chapter from the next[1205].

1205 Reg. Gen. 4 fol 6 § 7: «Futurus Generalis teneatur personaliter visitare ab uno Capitulo ad alterum integram religionem.»

Normal business, including school business, were settled in the weekly meetings of the entire General Curia, which were presided over by the same Father General[1206].

1206 Acta Cap. Gen. 1637 (Reg. Gen. 4 fol.13 § 4): «Che si tenga congregazione ogni settimana dal P. Generale et Assistenti circa le cose della religioni, dell’istituto et ogni altra occorrenza.»

N.B.- To these duties of the office of Father General, Calasanz added his personal care for every task, even of minor importance, of his Institute, a care that could truly be called “sollicitudo omnium scholarum et cunctorum magistrorum scholariumque”. From the foundation of the Pious Schools until his death, he wanted to be precisely informed of everything: the school, the teachers, the students, the program followed, the feasts, the congregations, etc., and he gave advice and orders to each house and to each religious. In his vast collection of letters we can see how the immense school building, the “Istituto” as a whole, rested on his shoulders: See, for example, L.801, Ep.lll p.240: «Mi scriva quanti sono in cotesta casa, l’età d’ognuno, l’essercitio in che si impiega, che scolari vi sono in ogni’ scuola et se vi si fa profitto.» L.3022, Ep.VII p.25: «Con la lettera di V. R. ho ricevuto l’avviso particolare di ogni scuola et di quanti scolari vi sono in ognuna et se ben tutte mi pare che vadino bene in quella pero di piccolini hanno disordinato di pigliarne più 190 senza quelli che stanno per venire in detta scuola, per li quali sono necessari quattro maestri, et non farà poco un maestro se vi insegnerà bene 50, però non potranno bene esser insegnati essendo in tanto numero e cosi si perderà il buon nome. Si metta rimedio per l’avvenire in questo». L.1074, Ep.III p.445: «Sono molte poste che il fratel Lutio non mi ha scritto ne dato avviso circa la fabrica et se ha finito li istromenti suoi per tornire, però le dirà che mentre sta costì mi scriva ogni settimana et V.R. ancora avvisandomi in particolare delle cose di ognuno et se insieme li sacerdoti consultano le cose di casa una volta la settimana acciò le scuole vadano ben ordinate et similmente le cose di casa...» L.4183, Ep.VIII p.231: «Haverei a caro sapere quanti scolari tiene, che ingegno hanno, che cosa imparano et in che termine stanno...» L.187, Ep.III p.227: «...scrivetemi quanti scolari sono per classe, et chi vi attende et se si fa profitto et danno soddisfazione al popolo.» L.1164, Ep.IV p.52: «Usino ogni diligenza nelle scuole et mi dia avviso di come si porta ognuno in particolar et a che attende acciò io possa pigliar resolutione di quello che si doverà fare». L.3355, Ep.VII p.226: «V.R. mi scriva l’occasione che si è fatto l’essercitio delli scolari in chiesa il giorno di S. Giuseppe che si soleva fare nel cortile delle scuole. Mi scriva ancora se il P. Domenico ha cominciato ad attendere alla congregazione et il P. Girolamo alla sua scuola; acciò ognuno attenda al fatto suo, e mi scriva che scolari vi sono in ogni scuola e come vi si attende e quanti soggetti sono in casa et a che attende ognuno».

The Visitators

They were representatives of the Minister General or the Provincial and represented them in the visitation of the schools if the former were unable to attend. They were also to be counted among the teaching staff of the institute. Although their specific task was to supervise the religious observance of each house, given the fact that in an educational order par excellence, even linked to the fourth vow of teaching, religious observance and academic performance are difficult to separate (via facti), they also inspected and supervised the smooth running of the school, the furnishings, the teaching, the program, the transmission of Christian doctrine, the functioning of the oratories and the congregations.

They also took care of any suggestions made by the Fathers regarding possible changes to achieve the best academic performance[1207]. If they noticed any irregularities in the schools, they would immediately remedy the situation on the spot[1208]. They would send a detailed report on the results of the visitation to Father General or Father Provincial on a case-by-case basis[1209].

1207 Constit. (p.3rd c.5 n.305): «Ut summae paupertatis inter nos semper vigeat observantia, Pater Generalis Visitatores, quos ad huiusmodi munus idoneos iudicaverit, eliget, ut Provinciam integram, seu aliquas domos particulares, quoties Generali bene visum fuerit, visitet.» Constit. (p.3rd c.5 n.310): «Sciscitetur singillatim ab omnibus, an suum quisque officium recte faciat; an regulae et Constitutiones nostrae exacte observentur; an pax et concordia inter eos vigeat; an circa exercitationes Scholarum Piarum debita ab omnibus Ministris servetur diligentia; et an aliquo modo melius Adolescentes erudiri possint.»

Ibid. (n.311): «Videat an omnia ita sint constituta, ut nullus sit locus, in quo discipuli invicem soli versari possint, et an frequentent Congregationes seu Oratoria diebus festis, similiter et exercitationem Doctrinae Christianae et quae diligentia circa hoc adhibeatur a nostris.»

1208 Ibid. p.3a c.5 n.314-315. See, for example, letter of Fr. Giuseppe Fedele to Fr. General, Frascati 11-3-1633 (EHI p.930-931): «In risposta della verità di quanto V.P. desidera circa la scuola non posso dire altro che le cose infrascritte.

La scuola fu trovata da me ripartita in quattro classi. La prima haveva una lettione di 4 ó 5 versi delle Selette Familiari; la seconda la sola grammatica, e la declinatione de verbi, la terza declinatione de nomi e verbi e cominciavano a fare concordanza, la quarta al principio delle declinationi de nomi solamente. Queste quattro classi da me non immutate ancora sono quattro, come prima, con questa differenza.

La prima: Ode [Eclogae] Virgilii e l’Epistole Familiari e la grammatica con la prosodia ancora delle quali si sono dichiarate tutte le regole. Uno de’ questi detto Marco Antonio Mediante è andato a Core. Perché dicono (a me non ha detto mai niente), perché voleva intendere la rettorica. V.P. consideri se un giovane esercitato solo in sentire una lettione delle Selette e non altro, con un latinuccio, è habile ad udire li precetti della rettorica.

La seconda: le Epistole Familiari e la grammatica col latino separato; due di questa classe sono andati a Core, l’uno corese, l’altro frascatano, e di Core non v’era altro che uno, e non sono andati più di tre a Core, due dei quali i più ignoranti, e l’altro che faceva del dottore ma sapeva, e sa molto poco.

La terza hora fa i latini separati dalla seconda classe, attivi, passivi, neutri, communi e deponenti.

La quarta fa già latini bene attivi non lasciandosi mai la ripetizione delle regole dichiarate a nessuna classe, e la declinatione tanto de verbi, quanto de nomi alle tre classi infime et a tutte le classi si dichiarano e danno lettioni separate, e latini ancora.»

1209 The module of such a relationship was made by the Saint himself. Formola per le Visite et informationi da mandarsi al P. Generale (To the Superior of Poli, 16-7-1635· Reg. Cal. XIII, cit. in n.1060).

In order to have some idea of what were the most controlled points during the visits, we transcribe here two reports made on the occasion of the visit to the house of Narni:

Visitatio domus Narniensis, 1628 (Reg. Prov. 42^11): «A dì 5 maggio. Si visitano le scuole dove trovai numero mediocre di scolari, e pare vengano ammaestrati mediocremente. Quelli dell’abbaco danno segno di esser li più negligenti.

Visitai le celle, e trovai molti libri a ciascuno, ancorché la libreria sia sempre aperta di giorno e di notte, volendo ad uno per uno le sue commodità, e la notte studiano separatamente dopo la benedittione potendo farlo in commune e risparmiare le spese di molte lucerne, come lo fanno in Roma.

Si lamentano che non si sono passati scolari alle vacanze e meno a Pasqua dalla seconda di grammatica all’ultima superiore.

Revisore delle scuole è il fratello Giov. Tomasso e il Superiore mi ha detto di farlo secretamente anche egli.

Il fare recitare agli scolari varie rappresentazioni impedisce gli essercitij di scuola e li maestri deboli ancora perdono tempo.

Alla seconda dove attende il P. Girolamo fanno quasi niente di profitto, non dichiarando esso le lettioni, scusandosi di non haver tempo. Egli tiene troppo gran famigliarità con essi: è trascurato in rivedere le compositioni, pasando errori gravi. Poche volte da la emendatione.

Nella Congregatione nella quale egli ha cura, pare si patisca rilassamento. È aspro nel castigare: e già soleva tenere un filo di ferro allo staffile. Attende a molte brighe e trascura lo studio.»

Visitatio domus Narniensis (Reg. Prov. 42^12): «Dottrina Christiana si recita ogni giorno due volte nelle scuole. Et in chiesa si recita e disputa.

In chiesa per gli scolari si usa di cantare il canto figurato.

Luoghi communi sono un po’ sospettosi.

Scuole sono frequentemente visitate.

Posi ordine che si debba preparare la mattina da ragionare per scuole.»

5-7-1629. «Cantando nella chiesa con gli scolari, usano il canto figurato, e la musica ancora si fa loro e cantano de nostri su l’organo.

Incommodità grande nell accompagnare mancando li nostri. Nell istruire li scolari nelle cose divine pare negligenza. E molti scolari fuggono di confessarsi dal P. Ciriaco.

Pochi vengono agli Oratorii e Congregazioni.

Condussero donne per la rappresentazione nel coro.»

6-7-1629. «Non si rivedono li libri per gli scolari mancanti alla congregazione e Oratorio.

Giov. Tomasso percosse uno scolaro nel volto con la staffile.

Cantando per ordinario con gli scolari si usa il canto fermo dei secolari»

From these reports, which they had to draw up about the visitations, it is clear that the office of the visitator was very important for the pedagogical organization of the Pious Schools. On the one hand, the visitator insisted that the instructions regarding the organization of the school were followed meticulously everywhere and thus prevented any deviation from the Calasanzian orientation. On the other hand, he listened to the pedagogical and methodological suggestions of the visited Fathers and proposed them to Father General to ensure that he could draw on the experience of his best teachers in his future instructions.

The teaching staff of the Calasanzian Institute also included the examiners appointed by the Provincial for each school of the Province, who had the task of examining the future teachers and confessors of the schools[1210]. Their office, which they carried out conscientiously by admitting only those candidates who were well prepared for the work and rank of teachers, encouraged them to an ever more adequate preparation for their scholastic apostolate. Certainly, his contribution to raising the intellectual level of the entire teaching staff and consequently of the entire Calasanzian Institute was very considerable. The examinations, which had to be taken according to a fixed program, ensured a minimum common intellectual and spiritual heritage for each teacher and eliminated the danger of any dilettantism.

1210 Cf. n.1195.

In a certain sense, the teaching staff also included the treasurer, those responsible for the collection and the various lay brothers who, under the direction of the local minister, ensured the material upkeep of the institute with their economic vigilance and manual labor, providing for the maintenance of the educators and the expenses for the administration of the entire Institute. This was certainly no easy task given the extreme poverty that Calasanz and his Order professed and the fact that, as a result, the Institute had no fixed property or income. The local minister, the treasurer and the so-called “cercatori”, the quaestors, had to beg year after year to provide the minimum for the upkeep of the institute. Their “cerca” (collection), which they collected from the offerings, had to be raised at a time when, at least as far as possible, no damage could be done to the work of the school[1211].

1211 Cf. n.1050.

The profession of the “cercatori” was well organized. Each of them was specialized. According to the documents available to us, there were “cercatori” for firewood, bread, oil, wine, etc.[1212] In their work, they did not pass by the houses of the poor schoolchildren[1213].

1212 Reg. Cal. XI 6. The house of San Pantaleo: «Il fratel Pietro della Natività, cercante di pane; il fratel Giovanni Antonio, cercante di legna.»

1213 Riti comuni: Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1, cit. n.402.

In addition to the “cercatori”, the other working brothers were also of great value to the Institute, who contributed in a certain way to the school work with their manual labor, such as bricklayers, carpenters, shoemakers, tailors, cooks, nurses,[1214] thus making the Institute financially independent, based on divine providence and the free collaboration of men with apostolic life and zeal. As a self-sufficient Order with great freedom and spiritual independence, the Order was able to devote itself to the only necessary thing: the Christian education of the youth.

1214 Cf. catalog of San Pantaleo (Reg. Cal. 6) and the houses in Nikolsburg, Strassnitz and Leipnik. (Reg. Prov. 51, 15).

If we now want to give a general, synthetic judgment on the entire systematization of the teaching staff of the Calasanzian Institute, reviewing in a brief overview what we have said on this subject, we can state that it met all the requirements of a modern educational institute with its main representatives, with its happily created offices, which skilfully combined the so-called administrative technique with the paternal charity that is indispensable in any true education. He took the organization of the Society as a model and adapted it in a happy way to its requirements and special circumstances, to its purely charitable and social orientation.

The staff was complete; the administration was simple; the procedure was paternal but efficient; the regime was understanding and prudent; although somewhat centralized, it never suppressed the personality of the subjects, but left the local superiors and the teachers a very wide scope of action. The aim of this organization was sincere and clear: not the boys for the teachers, but the teachers one hundred percent for the boys. The paternal figure of the confessor of the students and that of the prefect of Continuous Prayer, together with that of the corrector, the priest and the religious, can be considered Calasanz’ own creation, supported by the “cercatori”, who were also born from the paternal heart of the holy Founder of the Pious Schools. Finally, it is not difficult to see that the driving principle that had to operate in all the teachers was charity, towards Christ and towards the children, especially the poorest.

We cannot ignore the fact that during the Founder’s lifetime the entire school organization could not always function as Calasanz would have wished because of the lack of suitable subjects and also because of long internal disturbances. But the holiness of the Father Founder and Pedagogue present everywhere, as can be seen in his correspondence, always tried to fill the gaps that existed here and there through his personal intervention.

3. The school timetable

Now that we have become acquainted with the various classes, the program, the teaching staff and the various offices of the Calasanzian Institute, it is good to get to know the timetable according to which the entire school runs. Such a timetable is a very important factor in the life of an educational institution. The entire academic performance of both teachers and pupils depends on its careful design and distribution, and on its more or less strict adherence. Modern pedagogy could say how important it is to start and finish lessons on time, to manage the time available well, to vary the subjects taught so as not to tire students and teachers too early, not to harm their health and to achieve the best possible results with a discreet commitment to work without untimely excesses.

We can confirm that in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, great care was taken from the beginning to have a well-structured timetable that was as precise as possible[1215]. Classes were held in the mornings and afternoons and lasted two and a half hours both in the morning and in the afternoon[1216].

1215 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.195): «Ad supradicta et alia necessaria ministeria tam in scholis, quam in rebus domesticis plurimum confert temporis ordo, ut scilicet constitutis horis signum detur, quo audito omnes statim, etiam coepti apicis effigiem relinquendo, ad quod vocantur se conferant.» Ibid. (n.196): «Curabit etiam Superior, ut temporibus congruis signum campanae huiusmodi immutetur.» In his instructions, Father Bandoni also insisted a lot on the timetable (Reg. Cal. XIV 744); at least this can be deduced from the various titles that have been preserved: «Dell’ordine e modo di principiare e terminare le Scuole e delli Segni da darsi distintamente per l’hore scolastiche». «Del tempo che si deve cominciare le scuole.» «La mutatione de tempi e dell’hore, che si devono spendere nelle scuole così la mattina come la sera nelle Congregationi et Oratorii.» See also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «In ogni casa delli nostri è necessaria la distribuzione delle hore affinché si possano fare li dovuti essercitii in ordine, e massime delle scuole.»

1216 Except for the summer months, when afternoon lessons could be shortened at the discretion of the local minister. See the Constitutions of the Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Durerà l’essercitio delle Scuole due hore e mezza tanto la mattina, quanto la sera, e nei grandi caldi alquanto meno come ordinerà il Superior. According to the Riti comuni, probably prior to the Dichiarazioni (1628) - which are from 1637, and speak of two and a half hours in the morning and equal time in the afternoon - the evening classes lasted three hours (Riti comuni [Reg. Cal. XIV 741]: “Durerà l’essercitio delle scuole la mattina due ore e mezza senza la messa, et il dopo pranzo tre”). Also the Ritus communes, that is, the first Latin version of the Riti comuni (perhaps from 1634), speaks of three hours both in the morning and in the afternoon (Ritus communes c. “De scholis”: Reg. Gen. 92). Such oscillations are a sign of the first uncertainties, since after 1637 the timetable remained fairly stable and fixed.

The start of lessons, both in the morning and in the afternoon, varied according to the time of year and adapted to the Roman calendar used that time[1217].

1217 According to the Roman usage of the XVI and XVII centuries, the point of reference for the computation of the hours of the day was the sounding of the bells of the Angelus in the evening; now, since this changed according to the setting of the sun, generally followed by about half an hour interval, the whole timetable of the day varied according to the seasons, adapting itself to the different times of rising and setting of the sun. According to this calculation, the timetable of the Pious Schools in Rome was as follows (Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI 5 p.18): «De Gubernatione Gymnasiorum sive Scholarum Piarum, etc. Curabit etiam Superior ut temporibus congruis, etc.

Per dichiarazione delle sopradette parole si ordina che si debba osservar l’infrascritto modo:

1o Si ordina che nel principio delli studi che sarà al principio di nov. l’oratione della mattina si comincierà a hore 12 alle scuole si sonarà la campanella a hore 14,30 et si cominciaranno le scuole a hore 15 et finiranno a 17,30; l’essamine della coscienza 18,30.

Alla sera la campanella sonarà a hore 20 si entra a hore 20,30 et si finisce a hore 23. L’oratione della sera a tre hore di notte. Dormitione a hore cinque et cosi seguitarà sin a mezzo febbraro.

Dalli 15 febbraro sin a 15 di marzo campanella a hore 13,30 et l’oratione si anticipa un’hora dal solito. A di 15 marzo oratione a hore 11, campanella 12,30, essamine 18. Doppo pranzo campanella hore 20. Oratio a due hore, dormitione a hore quattro.

Aprile sino a mezzo maggio oratione a hore 10. Campanella a hore 11,30, essamine a hore 17. La sera campanella a hore venti, l’oratione a hora una di notte. Dormitione a hore tre.

Maggio, oratione a 8 hore. La campana a hore 10,30 sin a mezzo agosto. Esamine a hore 14,30. La sera la campana a hore 19,30, l’oratione a hore 22,39; dormitione a hore 2.

A dì 15 agosto sin a mezzo settembre oratione a hore 9, campanella 11,30; essamine a hore 15,30; la sera la campanella a hore 20, oratione 23. Dormitione a hore 2,30.

A dì 15 settembre sin alle vacanze oratione a hore 10; campanella 12,30. Essamine a hore 16,30. La sera la campana a hore 20, oratione a hora 1 di notte, dormitione a hore 3,30’».

See also the timetable of Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10):

“Della divisione del tempo:

Dal primo novembre sino alli 15 Gennaio la mattina:

A hore 12 si leveranno per vestirsi: hore quarti 2

“ “ 12,30 faranno oratione: “ “ 2

“ “ 13 studiaranno: 2 “

“ “ 15 anderanno in scuola: 2 “ 2

“ “ 17,30 udiranno messa: “ 2

“ “ 18 pranzeranno: “ “ 2

“ “ 18,30 ricreatione: 1 “

“ “ 19,30 ripetitione: “ “ 2

“ “ 20 anderanno in scuola: 2 “ 2

“ “ 22,30 accomodar li letti, littanie: “ 2

“ “ 23 ripetitione: “ 2

“ “ 23,30 studio: 2 “ 2

Di notte a hore due a cena hore “ 2

A hore 2,30 ricreatione: 1 “

“ “ 3,30 oratione essame di coscienza “ 1

“ “ 3,30 andaranno a letto: “ 1

“ “ 4 dormire sino alle dodici: 8

Di 15 gennaio sino a 15 febbraro, e conseguentemente tutto l’anno conforme cresceranno i giorni, si anderanno mutando le hore.»

From the beginning of the school year - early November - until mid-February, school lessons started between eight and nine o´clock, and afternoon lessons between half past one and half past two. From mid-February to mid-March, morning lessons began between eight and half past eight and afternoon lessons between half past one and half past two. From mid-March to mid-April, morning lessons began between half past seven and eight o´clock and afternoon lessons between three and half past three. From mid-April to mid-May, lessons began between a quarter to seven and a quarter to eight and between a quarter to four and four fifteen. From mid-May to mid-August, between half past six and seven fifteen and between three and a half and a quarter past four. From mid-August to mid-September, the start of lessons varied between half past six and a quarter to seven and between a quarter to four and four and a quarter. Finally, from mid-September until the start of the new school year, the start of lessons in the morning fluctuated between a quarter to seven and seven and a quarter and in the afternoon between three and a quarter and four. The pupils were almost always warned three quarters of an hour before the start of lessons - depending on the environmental conditions of the place where the school was located - by the ringing of the bell, which lasted a quarter of an hour[1218].

1218 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Dell’andare in scuola: Secondo la qualità dei luoghi haveranno cura li Superiori locali di far suonare la campana per avvisar gli scolari che debbono venire alle scuole, e dovrà durare così la mattina come doppo pranzo un quarto d’hora.»

At the same time, the two “guardians of the pupils” gathered them in a comfortable place where a spiritual book was read to them[1219]. This reading lasted until the first signal to enter the school[1220]. Fifteen minutes before the start of classes, the prefect of the schools gave the usual signal to enter the classrooms[1221]. At this time, all teachers had to be at their posts as quickly as possible to maintain discipline among the students. Once in the classroom, they greeted those present and performed their short private prayer in order to complete their homework until the second ringing of the bell, a quarter of an hour later[1222]. This ringing marked the beginning of the lesson[1223]. Then all teachers, without exception, had to be present in their classes[1224]. Prayed the customary prayers and performed -particularly in the morning- the acts of virtues[1225], the two and a half hours of school lessons[1226] - both in the morning and in the afternoon - were devoted to very serious study, with the exception - especially in the afternoon - of the last quarter of an hour, which was almost always devoted to practical lessons on a religious subject[1227].

1219 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, «Regole del Prefetto» (vol.tit., p.16): «Mentre non sarà sonato il segno venendo li scolari li farà star in un loco commodo et farà che uno legga alcun libro spirituale per impedir ragionamenti inutili.»

1220 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «...et al principiare di sonare si possono aprire le scuole e mandarvi alcuno de nostri, o due, secondo la moltitudine degli scolari. I quali devono farsi raccogliere tutti in un logo, finche il Prefetto delle Scuole dii il primo segno col solito campanello d’intrare in scuola.»

1221 Ibid.: «Quando sia tempo di entrare nelle scuole per il primo segno si suonerà la campanella assegnata a botti con sette colpi adagio.»

1222 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni «Regole del maestro» (vol.cit., p.17): «Doverà il maestro ritrovarsi il primo in scuola prima che vi entrino li scolari, per impedir il disturbo che sogliono tra essi fare et quando intraranno li scolari l’insegnerà a far riverenza al l’immagine deputata et da poi al medesimo et poi alli scolari et che vi saranno et poi s’inginocchi et dica un Pater Noster et un Ave Maria et poi se ne vada al suo loco et attenda a riveder quello che doverà recitare.» See also Riti comuni: «Dovrebbero li Maestri entrare nelle scuole al primo segno, se prima non vi fossero andati, usando sempre in tale atto molto silenzio e modestia...» «Il qual segno dovriano tutti li maestri haver prevenuto, per esser presenti nella scuola, ed impedire i molti spropositi, che correndo come pazzi sogliono fare i fanciulli.» Also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5 fol.18): «Chi non anderà al primo segno della campana alla sua scuola sia privo del vino.»

1223 Riti comuni: «...e passato un quarto di hora si suonerà il secondo segno a lungo con tre colpi nel fine.» Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, «Regole del Maestro» (vol.cit., p.17): «...al 2o segno dirà il Veni, Sancte Spiritus.»

1224 Dichiarazioni alle Costit. (Reg. Cal. XI 5 fol.18): «…et chi non anderà quando sarà sonato il secondo perda la pietanza et il vino quella mattina o sera et se il venerdì il giorno seguente.»

1225 Riti comuni: «Dato il secondo segno in tutte le scuole si porranno in ginocchioni voltati all’immagine ivi accomodata (dovendo haverne una ogni scuola) e dirà uno scolaro, overo il maestro, quando non ve ne fossero degli atti, formandosi il segno della croce, In Nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Veni, Sancte Spiritus. (Tutti seguiranno nella stessa voce.) Reple tuorum corda fidelium, et tui amoris in eis ignem accende. Emitte Spiritum tuum et creabuntur. Resp. Et renovabis faciem terrae. Oremus: Deus qui corda fidelium etc. Resp. Amen. Salve, Regina con la sua Oratione, quando si recita nell’ufficio, e in altri tempi si dira quell’antifona et oratione, che si dice nell’ufficio. Ultimamente si raccomandano all’Angelo Custode con dire: Angele Dei, qui custos es mei, me tibi commissum pietate superna, hodie illumina, custodi, rege et guberna. Amen.

La mattina dopo queste orationi si potrebbe fare la direttione degli atti, che è nel libretto a posta degli essercitij degli scolari, con la prima virtù: e poi suonando le hore, overo di quando in quando le altre ad una per una.

L’oratione per il dopo pranzo è la medesima, se non che si può lasciare la direttione, o pure rinnovarla e seguire nelli atti delle virtù nel imprimerli nelli animi degli figliuoli et avvezzarveli con frutto, e non solo nelle scuole di leggere, ma di abaco e di grammatica e finalmente in tutte.»

1226 From the Breve Relazione and from the timetable of the Dichiarazioni it is clear that the lessons, both in the morning and in the afternoon, lasted two and a half hours; also from the timetable of the Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10) it is the same. The Riti comuni, on the contrary (Reg. Cal. XIV 741), admit three hours in the afternoon; moreover, the first Latin version of the same (Reg. Cal. 92) speaks of three hours in the morning and three in the afternoon. This situation must have been a provisional phase, since the Ratio Studiorum of 1694 again speaks of two and a half hours both in the morning and in the afternoon (Const. et Reg. [ed. Rome 1826] p.136 D); otherwise, two and a half hours in the morning and two and a half hours in the afternoon was what the Jesuits also taught. (cf. Ratio Studiorum voL l p.382: Regulae Communes Professoribus classium inferiorum 14: «Divisio temporis.» «Divisio temporis quod in Rhetorica binis minimum horis, in Humanitate et caeteris vero scholis duabus et dimidiata mane, itidemque a prandio, binis item minimum die vacationis definitur, eadem semper esse debebit, ut certum sit, quae horae quibus exercitationibus impendantur»).

1227 Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.5): «Et se finiti di recitar tutti, avanza di tempo alcun quarto d’hora, prima che suoni la campanella, che da segno per mandar la scuola, trattiene il maestro li scolari la mattina con farli compitar a mente alcune parole latine del Saltero, dimandando quante sillabe sono in quella parola, come si compita, facendo emendar l’uno l’altro, et alli più diligenti da alcuni santucci di stampa. Et il doppo pranzo finito il recitare se gli insegna in voce alta il principio della Dottrina Christiana et le orationi necessarie.» See also Riti comuni: «Avanzando un poco di tempo, si ricordi qualche istruzione di virtù da esercitare, o di vitio, o di mala creanza da fuggire, e chi havesse esempio pronto restaria più vivamente impresso nei scolari.» Also, Dechiarazioni alle Costituzioni: «Regole del maestro» (vol.cit., p.17): «Procurerà all’ultimo della scuola che li avanzi un poco di tempo qual spenderà in insegnar il santo timor di Dio, il giuditio terribile et le pene dell’inferno affinché abborriscano ogni sorte di peccato.» Finally, Vita P. Melchioris (Reg. Ser. 60^12): Sonato il segno della scuola per due ore continue sempre le spendeva in servitio de scolari nelle lettere humane, mezz’hora poi li faceva sedere su li banchi in modo di teatro, imprimeva il timor di Dio ne gli animi di figliuoli con catechizarli sopra la confessione in maniera tale, che l’età di quelli giovinetti vicina più a perdersi por la mala inclinatione di tempi che corrono, era una santità et un stato angelico.» Cf. with all this the disposition of Ratio Studiorum pro exteris de 1694 (vol.cit., p.137): «Nec ultimo solum quadrante scholastico magistri aliquid ad pietatem pueris explicent...»

At the sound of the bell signaling the end of class, all the teachers immediately stopped teaching, and all the pupils, without exception, even if they had already heard Mass elsewhere[1228], prayed the usual prayers and performed the act of contrition[1229], went from the school - in order and in silence - to the church or oratory. In the morning to hear Holy Mass, and in the afternoon to pray the Litany of the Blessed Virgin and the “Twelve Star Chaplet”[1230]. After Holy Mass in the morning[1231] or the Litany and Chaplet in the afternoon, the students returned home as quickly as possible, accompanied by the teachers assigned to their respective groups[1232], and none of the students were allowed to remain in the church or school for any reason[1233].

1228 Ordini per le Scuole Pie di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Udiranno Messa ogni mattina nella chiesa nostra dopo la scuola non ostante che altrove vi fusser stati presenti.»

1229 Riti comuni: «Sonando il segno di finire le scuole, stiino avvertiti li maestri di non istrapazzare gli essercitij scolastici non finiti ancora, ma segnano fino ad havere compiti, ricordandosi del’obbligo, c’hanno da renderne conto a Dio per la promessa fatta. Dovendo dunque finire, dirà uno scolaro pratico, overo il Maestro: Tu autem, Domine, miserere Nobis; Resp. Deo Gratias. lnsegnandogli a percuotersi il petto, e fare un atto di contrizione con dimandare perdono a Dio degli errori commessi particolarmente in quel giorno. Poi soggiungasi: Agimus tibi gratias pro universis beneficiis tuis. Qui vivis et regnas ... Amen. Si potranno recitare le litanie della Madonna in voce temperata per non distonar molto, e far ridere chi sente di fuori.»

1230 Ibid.: «Quanto vien dato l’ultimo segno per finire le scuole con la solita campanella, devono tutti li maestri accompagnare gli scolari suoi alla chiesa, o dove si raccolgono, così la mattina come la sera, secondo che sarà l’ordine.» «Finito l’essercitio scolastico, e dati li soliti segni procurino li maestri di accompagnare gli scolari alla chiesa con modestia e silentio dovendo sentire la messa ogni giorno tutti quelli che vengono alle scuole nostre.» The same is prescribed in «Regole del maestro» (Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni vol.cit., p.18): «Finite le scuole renderà gratie al Signore con la solita oratione et con molto ordine et silentio accompagnara gli scolari in chiesa et se haverà squadra assegnata si metterà al loco assegnato dalla sua squadra.» That in the afternoon the litanies of the Virgin were recited, is also seen from the schedule of the Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): “...a hore 22 e 2 quarti (subito dopo la scuola) accomodar li letti, lettanie.” As for the “Crown of the twelve stars,” see L.755b, Ep.III p.206-207, and particularly the end of it: «Questa devozione verso la Beatissima Vergine desidero che sia abbracciata da tutti li nostri scolari ogni giorno.»

1231 It should not last more than half an hour; see L.1286, Ep.IV p.145: «Et inoltre dirà al P. Giuseppe che se tiene la messa più di mezza hora sarà mortificato molto bene, pero vi faccia tener l’horologio; et per la prima volta se gli toglierà il vino et se non si emenderà se li accresceranno le mortificazioni che deve conformarsi con una mediocrità onesta acciò li secolari et li scolari possano star a sentir la sua messa però da parte mia lo avvertirà ad emendarsi come io spero lo farà.»

1232 Riti comuni: «La mattina dopo la messa, e la sera nella chiesa non si occupino gli scolari con moltitudine di orationi, ma solamente se li faccia dire un Pater Noster, un Ave Maria per la Santa Chiesa Romana e per il profitto delle Scuole Pie. Dopo questo soggiungerà il Prefetto delle Scuole: Agimus Tibi gratias pro universis beneficiis tuis qui vivis et regnas ... Amen. E subito li licentiaranno.» «Quelli che devono accompagnare gli scolari per ogni modo si trovino in chiesa, overo al luogo determinato per raccogliersi, provvedendo che non vi facciano strepito e la mattina e la sera.»

1233 Cf. n.1100.

The pious practice of Continuous Prayer was also part of the daily schedule. The prefect of the schools had to ensure that groups of nine to twelve students went to the Blessed Sacrament one after the other for the above-mentioned purposes[1234].

1234 See the duties of the prefect of Continuous Prayer, p.392-393.

Here is the timetable for a typical day:

The schedule for Thursday, sometimes Wednesday in Rome, deviated slightly from the usual, as there were no classes in the afternoon and in the summer months, from Pentecost onwards, Thursday was a complete vacation day[1235].

1235 Riti comuni: «Ogni giovedì di ciascuna settimana, mentre non vi sia alcuna festa di osservanza così di precetto come di devotione, et avvenga prima o dopo il giovedì, si farà vacanza per il dopo pranzo solamente dal principio degli studi sino alla festa della sacratissima Pentecoste. E dopo tale solennità si usa per tutto il giorno intero. Quando in alcuni paesi tornassi meglio, e più comodo fare le vacanze il Mercordì come in Roma si può usare, stando avvertiti li Superiori in questo per li mercati; acciocché non si habbiano perdere dui giorni.» See also the decision of the General Chapter of 1637 (Reg. Gen. 4 p.11 § 17): «Le vacanze particolari tra settimana nell’inverno siano di mezzo giorno, nell’estate di un giorno intero. E cuando sarà festa il lunedì o sabbato se si debba dare il giovedì vacanza si rimetta alla dichiaratione da farsi quanto prima dal P. Generale.» Later on this matter was solved in Regola generale che si usa nelle nostre case, 1654 (Dom. Gen. l p.26): «...la vacanza fra la settimana dalli principij di studij sino alla Pentecoste si dà il doppo pranzo et ordinariamente il giovedì e la mattina si fanno sole due hore di scuola; se il sabbato è festa la vacanza si suol dare il Mercordì, purché nella settimana non vi sia altra festa. Dopo la Pentecoste la vacanza fra settimana è tutto il giorno nel tempo d’estate, essendo il martedì festa la vacanza si da il Giovedì et essendo la festa il venerdì si da il Mercordì.» This is also stated in the definitive edition of the Riti comuni (Reg. Gen. A 89): «Feriae concedantur a renovatione Studiorum usque ad Pentecostes media tantum die post prandium sicut etiam in pervigilio Nativitatis Domn, Pentecostes, et Corporis Christi; et inde ad vacationes autumnales die integra singulis quintis feriis nisi incidat tertia aut sexta feria aliquod festum, et hoc hiemali tempore. Aestivo vero poterit permitti eadem vacatio quarta feria si festum incidat sextam feriam, 5 feria si in 3 inciderit nisi aliter ex causa rationabili cum consensu Rectoris Praefectus Scholarum judicaverit.»

Apart from that, every Tuesday and Saturday afternoon - as stated in the Breve Relazione - there was half an hour of spiritual talk[1236] after lessons for the older students and separately for the younger ones.

1236 Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p. 7): «Ogni martedì sera et ogni sabbato sera finita la scuola si fa mezza hora di essortazione spirituale nell’oratorio a tutti li scolari grandi et in altro Oratorio o appartamento alli scolari piccoli a ognuno secondo la sua capacità.» Later, these exhortations were made only on Saturdays. See the orders of the holy Founder for the schools of Florence in 1630 (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): “Interverranno tutti i sabbati all’esortazione dove saranno con somma attenzione e silenzio”. See also the orders of the holy Founder for Narni. (Reg. Prov. 4213; 21-7-29): «L’essortazione, che per l’addietro era uso costì di farsi ogni sabbato in comune a tutti gli scolari, si torni in più dì e vi si avvezzino i maestri a vicenda potendo trarne gran giovamento a poco a poco a cose maggiori.» The Ratio Studiorum of 1694 also speaks only of the Saturday exhortation (vol.cit., p.136-137 D.): «Scholae duarum horarum cum dimidia spatio, tam de mane quam de sero, non plus nec minus, concludantur; diebus vacationis semihora detrahitur. Quod etiam singulis sabbatis ad vesperas fit pro concione ad omnes discipulos a Scholarum Praefecto, seu aliquo deputato per rectorem, ante litanias Lauretanas habenda de more».

Every Saturday, in addition to the regular timetable, there were also disputations by the students on the topics they had studied and learned during the week[1237].

1237 Programma di Narni (Reg. Prov. 42^6): «Sabbati diebus cum lectiones hebdomadarias de more recitabunt adolescentes, tum mutuis se altercationibus lacessent, ex omnibus quae intra hebdomadam praelecta, dictata sive a regulis collecta fuerint.»

There were no major differences between the morning and afternoon lessons, except that - as can be read in the Breve relazione - the easier subjects and the practice of what had been learned were given priority in the afternoon. The division of the morning and afternoon classes was also intended to separate the different didactic units in terms of time, either to give them more meaning or to avoid confusion in the pupils’ understanding or memory.

The timetable for Sundays and the holy days of obligation[1238] was as follows: In the morning, everyone had to go to the oratory at a certain time, where they first had a short spiritual reading; then one of the Fathers gave a short exhortation, after which the older ones sang the Office of the Blessed Virgin and the younger ones prayed the rosary in another oratory[1239]. At the end of the oratory, everyone went to Holy Mass accompanied by the Fathers, after which all the students were escorted home as on work days[1240].

1238 Regarding these festivities, the most detailed regulation that we have, which dates back to 1654, is the Regola generale che si usa nelle nostre case (Dom. Gen. 1 26): «Tutti li giorni di prima e seconda classe festivi con le Domeniche dell’anno si fanno nelle nostre scuole la Congregatione et Oratorij. Eccettione: Il giorno della Natività del Signore, benché venga in domenica; li Santi Innocenti, San Silvestro se vengano in domenica vi è l’Oratorio, l’Epifania del Signore per esser Pasqua, la domenica della Santissima Pasqua di Resurrettione; il giorno dell’Ascensione per la beneditione che da Sua Santità, la domenica della Pentecoste, il giorno del Corpus Domini, la domenica infra octavam Corporis Christi, SS. Pietro e Paolo, benché venghino in domenica; la domenica di Carnevale, la domenica infra. oct. dell’Assunta per la festa della Congregatione; nell’anniversano della coronatione del Papa vacano gli Oratorii.

Feste ordinarie e straordinarie da darsi a Scolari notate a mese per mese.-Novembre: 4, S. Carlo; 11, S. Martino, festa di devotione vacano gli Oratorii; 21, Presentazione della B. V. Oratorio e vacanza tutto il giorno; 25, S. Caterina festa di devotione senza oratorio.

Dicembre: 6, S. Nicolò, vac. senza Oratorio; 8, Concettione della B. V., vacanza, si fa Oratorio; 13, S. Lucia, festa di devozione senza Oratorio; 21, S. Tomaso Apostolo, si fa Oratorio; 24, Vigilia di Natale, vacanza il dopo pranzo, se viene in lunedì, il sabbato antecedente si fa scuola tutto il giorno; l’istesso si osserverà nella vigilia di SS. Pietro e Paolo; 25, Natale di N. Signore, senza Oratorio; 26, S. Stefano, si fa l’Oratorio; 28-30 SS. Innocenti, S. Silvestro, senza Oratorio se non vengono in domenica

Gennaio: 1, Circoncisione del Signore, Oratorio; 6, Epifania del Signore, senza Oratorio; 17, S. Antonio Abate; 20, SS. Fabiano e Sebastiano, feste di devotione senza Oratorio.

Febbraro: 2, Purificatione della B. V., Oratorio; 24, S. Mathia Apostolo, Oratorio. Li giorni di Carnevale dopo pranzo non si accompagna e si fa mezz’ora di scuola meno. Li ultimi tre giorni di Carnevale come anco la mattina delle ceneri vacanza.

Marzo: 9: S. Francesca Romana, festa di devotione, vac. senza Oratorio; 19, S. Giuseppe, giorno principale della nostra Religione, Oratorio; 25, Nuntia. della B. V., vacanza; l’Oratorio si fa la Cavalcata. Li Venerdì di marzo e verso doppo pranzo far mezz’hora meno di scuola per andare a S. Pietro. Il Mercordì santo si da la vacanza dal doppo pranzo sino al Martedì di Pasqua inclusive.

Aprile: 25, S. Marco, vacanza senza Oratorio, festa di devotione.

Maggio: 1, SS. Giacomo e Filippo, Oratorio; 3, S. Croce, Oratorio; 10, SS. Alfio e Compagni mm., vacanza tutto il giorno, festa della Congregatione. Li altri Oratori vacano. Vigilia della Pentecoste, dopo pranzo vacanza; domenica della Pentecoste senza Oratorio, le due feste seguenti Oratorio.

Giugno: 24, S. Giovanni Battista, Oratorio; 28, Vigilia, dopo pranzo vacanza, se viene in sabbato la vigilia e la festa in Lunedì si fa scuola intiera tutto il giorno; 29, SS. Pietro e Paolo, senza Oratorio.

Luglio: 2, Visitatione della. B. V., Oratorio; 22, S. Maria Maddalena, festa di devotione, senza Oratorio; 25, S. Giacomo Ap., Oratorio; 26, S. Anna, senza Oratorio. Il giorno doppo S. Pantaleo si comincia per il sole in Leone a fare due ore di scuola il doppo pranzo sino all’ultimo di Agosto inclusive.

Agosto: 1, S. Pietro in Vincula, vac. senza Oratorio; 5, Dedicatione di S. M. della Neve, vac. senza Oratorio; 10, S. Lorenzo martire, Oratorio; 15, Assuntione di Beata Vergine, Oratorio; 16, S. Rocco, festa di devozione, senza Oratorio; 25, S. Bartolomeo Apostolo, Oratorio; 29, Decollatio di S. Giovanni Battista, festa di devozione, senza oratorio.

Settembre: 1, Si tiene la scuola a due ore e mezza a doppo pranzo; 8, Natività della B. V., Oratorio; 21, S. Matteo Apostolo, Oratorio; 29, S. Michele Archangelo, Oratorio.

Ottobre: 4, S. Francesco Oratorio. Si è osservato di darsi le vacanze alli tre alla prima di grammatica e abbaco, alle sei alla seconda e terza di gramatica, 9 alla quarta di grammatica, 12 alla seconda dell’abbaco e terza di leggere e scrivere, alli 15 alli piccolini.

Regole generali. La vacanza fra la settimana delli principii delli studii sino alla Pentecoste si da il doppo pranzo et ordinariamente il giovedì e la mattina si fanno sole due hore di scuola, se il sabbato è festa, la vacanza si suol dare il Mercordì, purché fra la settimana non vi sia altra festa. Dopo la Pentecoste la vacanza fra settimana è tutto il giorno nel tempo d’estate, essendo il Martedì festa, la vacanza si da il giovedì, et essendo la festa il venerdì, si da il mercordì. Quando le feste di devozione vengono in domenica, si fanno gli Oratorii.

Li scolari di communione devono confessarsi e commumcarsi una volta il mese, gli altri è solito confessarli otto o nove volte l’anno incirca. Il giorno per Palme non si eccettua scolaro alcuno sia di che conditione dall’Oratorio per farsi da tutti li scolari la processione delle Palme che circonda tutta la nostra casa e piazza di S. Pantaleo.»

1239 Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.7): «Ogni domenica e festa di mattina si congregano li scolari nell’Oratorio et p.a sentono un poco di lettione spirituale di poi se li fa un poco di essortatione, la quale finita li più grandi dicono l’offitio della Madonna Sma. et li Piccoli in altro Oratorio dicono il Rosario della Beatissima Vergine a due chori con assistenza di dui Operarii il che finito sentono tutti la santa messa et si mandano a casa.» See also, «Regole del Prefetto» (vol.cit., p.16): «Et parimenti haverà cura che li scolari vengano le feste deputate all’oratorio, et alli grandi et quelli che sanno leggere bene farà che cantino l’ufficio della Beatissima Vergine et li altri scolari il rosario pur della stessa Vergine a dui chori.» Riti comuni: «Gli scolari nostri hanno da frequentare nei giorni festivi gli oratorii nelle case nostre.» According to Ritus communes, previous to 1655 (Reg. Gen. 89), the whole oratorio could not last more than one hour.: «Absolutis officiis brevem aliquam et exemplis facilem exhortationem Praefecti habebunt ad discipulorum captum, non tamen cum officiis ultra horam progredientur.»

1240 Breve Relazione: «...il che finito [l’oratorio] sentono tutti la messa et si mandano a casa.» Riti comuni: «...et udito che habbiano la Santa Messa, si vi condurranno alle case loro, come nei giorni feriali, nei quali pure si attenderà che assistano al santo sacrificio della messa divotamente, trovandosi presenti li maestri alle squadre assegnate.»

Every absence had to be justified[1241]. In the afternoon, Christian instruction was held and then vespers were sung[1242].

1241 Ordini per le scuole di Campi e Narni (Reg. Cal. XI II 32; 1630): «Tutte le domeniche, feste della Beata Vergine, apostoli, et altre conforme li sarà ordinato, verranno la mattina alla Congregatione, o Oratorio, et interverranno dopo pranzo alla Dottrina Christiana et al Vespro e mancando doveranno portare scusa legittima dei loro Padri.»

1242 Riti comuni: «Dopo pranzo nelle feste s’insegnerà la dottrina cristiana in chiesa nostra, overo nelle altre, secondo che lo stimerà spediente il Superiore locale, e mentre si vanno radunando, dovrebbe assistervi uno dei nostri, e se fosse sacerdote riuscirebbe con maggior gravità, il qual cercherà di trattenere gli figliuoli con qualche discorso spirituale e con raccontare alcuni essempii, e particolarmente dei santi occorrenti e de’ fanciulli, o fargli studiare la lettione; così il medesimo stara vigilante ancora nel tempo dell’esercitio della dottrina che non nasca in parte veruna scandalo. Quando si esserciterà la dottrina cristiana nelle nostre scuole ovvero dove li nostri soli ne habbiano la cura, si adopri l’horologio, fatta che sia l’oratione del principiare.»

After vespers, there was a modest free time in the open air, at the end of which the pupils were dismissed[1243].

1243 Ibid.: «Finita la Dottrina si trattenghino gli scolari al vespro, dopo il quale se li può concedere un poco di ricreatione secondo il luogo e la qualità del tempo e sempre col consenso del superiore della casa, il quale haverà consideratione a quello che convenga al paese et alle persone.»

Having seen the timetable for each day and each week, we must now look at the timetable for the whole school year. This began, as contemporary documents show, at least in Rome and Italy, on November 3, the day after the commemoration of the faithful departed, and ended a fortnight before that date the following year.

The summer vacation therefore only lasted fifteen days. Only in the Collegio Nazareno in Rome were they extended to a whole month[1244].

1244 Ibid.: «Si fanno le vacanze degli studi per quindici giorni avanti di ritornare a cominciarli. Queste si assegneranno conformandosi alla qualità dei luoghi particolari, dove saremo, per la diversità delle faccende, e vendemmie e simili occupationi, per le quali gli scolari non sogliono venire alle scuole.» See also a provision of the General Chapter of 1637. (Reg. Gen. 4.a Cap. Gen. 1637 p.11 § 17): «Che le vacanze generali delle scuole siano in ogni provincia e luogo di quindici giorni e non più, e non si alterino senza licenza del P. Generale o P. Provinciale». For Collegio Nazareno see its Constitutions (Reg. Cal.10): «Haveranno parimente le vacanze generali una volta l’anno e sarà il giorno di S. Francesco dicendo la messa cantata del Santo per ringratiar il Signore, delle scuole finite sino al giorno dei morti». Only later, as appears from a school timetable of 1654 (Dom.Gen. I 26), were the autumn vacations regulated as follows: «Si è osservato di darsi le vacanze alli tre alla prima de grammatica et abbaco, alli sei alla seconda e terza di grammatica, 9 alla quarta de grammatica, 12 alla seconda dell’ abbaco e terza del leggere e scrivere, alli 15 alli piccolini.» Likewise, the Ritus communes prior to 1665 speak in the same sense. (Reg.Gen.89 c.13 «De feriis scholasticis» § 2): «Autumnales feriae inchoentur (nisi aliter locorum ratio requirat) a die festo S. Francisci incipiendo a Superiori classe, mox triduo semper interposito, usque ad ultimum ordinem descendant».

N. B.- In this way of granting vacations to the different classes, following a gradation, the influence of the Jesuits is already very clear. (Ratio Studiorum p.264; Regulae Provincialis 37 «Vacatio generalis»: «Anniversariae vacationes generales classium superiorum breviores non sint uno mense, nec longiores duobus. Rhetorica, nisi mos Universitatis aliud exigat, mense vacet, Humanitas tribus hebdomadis, Suprema Grammaticae duabus, una tantum reliquae»); it is also known that Calasanz followed, in a certain way, the Jesuits, granting in Collegio Nazareno, where there were only superior classes, a month of vacation. Moreover, also because of the prescription of the General Chapter of 1637, it is assumed that prior to this date there were not always and everywhere only fifteen days of vacation in the autumn. On this matter see L.513, Ep.III p.21: «Quanto alle vacanze delli scolari della prima classe essendo così pochi se li può dare vacanze la vigilia di S. Francesco et alli altri de lattini poco doppo et alli piccoli un altro poco doppo, acciò vi resti tempo di imbiancar le scuole et accomodar li banchi». Perhaps that is also why the autumn vacations were longer for the upper classes, because there was a need for more time to prepare for the general examinations, which were usually held at the beginning of the school year.

During the school year, in addition to Sundays and other holy days of obligation or devotion[1245], there were vacations from the afternoon of Holy Wednesday until the Wednesday morning after Easter and during Carnival the whole of Monday and Tuesday as well as the morning of Ash Wednesday[1246]. The general examinations for promotion to the new course took place in the fall. In a first period before the fall vacations, i.e. at the end of the school year[1247]. In a second period, in the first days of November, i.e. at the beginning of the school year[1248]. The same happened with the Easter exams for promotion, which took place first before Easter and then after Easter[1249].

1245 Cf. Dom.Gen. I 26; cit. p.419-421.

1246 Riti comuni: «...il medesimo si farà [vacanza] nel doppo pranzo del mercordì Santo, dovendo poi ripigliare le scole in mercordì mattina dopo la Pasqua della Resurrezione. Nel Carnevale si faranno le vacanze per li tre ultimi giorni, cioè la Domenica e li due seguenti e si ricominceranno li studii il doppo pranzo del mercordì primo di quaresima.»

1247 Ritus communes, antes del año 1665. (Reg.Gen. 89 c.2 «De scholis» 12): «Examen generale fiat per decem dies ante vacationes autumnales in quibus intersit cum praefecto etiam rector, qui si id expediens iudicaverit alium substituat peritum et expertum in huiusmodi exercitio; idem servari debet in examine quod fieri solet ante Pascha ut profectus discipulorum innotescat et qui sint apti ad superiores classes.»

1248 Regulae communes, from year 1655 (Reg. et Const. p.247 «Regulae Praefecti Scholarum» § 2): «Bis in anno examen discipulorum fieri curabit, nempe post Kalendas Novembris et post Sollemnitatem Paschatis, quo diligentes ad superiores Scholas gradum faciant.» The sources of Calasanz’ time do not provide us with precise data; thus, for example, Reg. Prov. 4211 (Vis. Dom. Narn., 1628) uses only general terms when speaking of the examinations. «Si lamentano che non si sono passati scolari alle vacanze e meno a Pasqua dalla seconda di grammatica all’ultima e superiore».

1249 See documents quoted previously.

To what we have said and documented about the timetable, we must add that Calasanz wanted this timetable to be rigorously adhered to by all. The passages quoted from the Constitutions and the Common Rites clearly state this[1250], and some of his letters also assure us of this[1251].

1250 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.196; Riti comuni, «Avvertimenti da osservarsi nelle nostre Scuole Pie» c.26 fol.45; cf. n.1215.

1251 L.203, Ep.II 225: «Procuri che puntualmente si osservino li tempi nel suonar la campanella della scuola mattina e sera dandone la cura ad alcuno che vi usi ogni diligenza imitando al possibile il modo di Roma.» See also L.2341, Ep.V 468: «Quanto poi al suonar della campanella per la città per convocare li scolari no si doveva mutare senza la consulta nostra che semo tanto vicino et all’hora si sarebbe fatto con darne parte alli Sri Priori et prima a Mons. Vescovo.» Also, L.2138, Ep.V p.278: «Faccia che nelle scuole si usi ogni diligenza et che tutti vi attendano all’hore debite.»

It should also be noted that the precise and exact timetable for the school year was displayed on a blackboard in the entrance hall so that all students could take note of it and thus feel more obliged to adhere to it[1252].

1252 Costituzioni dell Colegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Et acciò tutti li essercitii vadino ben ordinati si faccia la distribuzione di tutte l’hore del giorno di estate come d’inverno e si scriva in una tavoletta distesamente la quale stia in luogo che possa esser letto da tutti, e si suoni la campanella ad ogni hora, come sarà ordinato, acciò imparino così li alunni la virtù dell’obbedienza, humiltà, modestia.»

If we want to summarize the daily or annual timetable of the school, we can say that it was extremely demanding for the circumstances of the time. The pupil in the Pious Schools, with his five hours of lessons, one hour for Holy Mass and other pious practices of devotion, another to be accompanied home twice by his teachers, and another to wait for lessons to begin, was under the control and direction of his teachers, who taught and educated him, for almost eight full hours every day[1253]. Even on Sundays and holy days of obligation -- 72 days a year -- he was with his teachers for about five hours each time, whether at oratory, teaching, vespers or recreational activities together. There were only 31 days in the whole year without oratory and Christian instruction, albeit with morning mass, and only 13 working days in the fall without any school activities.

1253 Fr. CASTELLI, Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 603): «Commandano due ore e mezza di scuola per volta, che fanno cinque al dì, senza la Messa, PP. Nostri, litanie, aggiustamenti di luoghi e squadre; che non l’accompagnarli, et avviarli dalle scuole alla chiesa e dalla chiesa alla casa ne portano da due a tre altre al meno, se non più tra la mattina e sera, che fanno da otto il giorno d’occupatione con scolari, e per conseguenza tra gridi e rumori».

During the entire school year, there were 194 days with lessons in the morning and afternoon and 55 days only in the morning. All vacations, Sundays, holy days of obligation, public holidays, Carnival, Easter vacations and autumn vacations together amounted to only 116 days[1254].

1254 Today, in most Western countries, vacations last about 150 days.

All in all, on the basis of the timetable just described, it can be said that the Pious Schools of Calasanz sought with very serious commitment to achieve what the Piarist Institute of Litomysl wanted to instill in its students: “tempore nihil pretiosius”[1255]. It should therefore come as no surprise that in some countries, such as Bohemia, such a timetable appears extremely strict and meticulous compared to that of the Jesuits[1256].

1255 Reg. Prov. 52^5: «Quicunque discendi gratia Scholas Pias frequentare cupiunt ... haec duo pectori suo alte imprimant. Videlicet: «Initium Sapientiae timor Domini», et «Tempore nihil pretiosius».

1256 Mons. GRAMAY, Monita (Reg. Prov. 51^8): «In scholarum ordinaria directione omnino expediens creditur sequi PP. Societatis, longo rerum usu, minutissimarum etiam Germaniae rerum usum adeptos ideoque etsi in speciem laudabile videtur pluribus horis et rarioribus feriis in scholis retineri primoque diluculo puerulos ad studia compellere et longe citius quam alibi scholas aperire, tamen experientia incipit iam docere, quid inde damnum iam patiantur Scholae Piae».

Incidentally, the timetable was designed for Italy and not for the Nordic countries, where such changes in the school timetable were not generally accepted with pleasure, following the rhythm of the seasons. Therefore, in Strassnitz they wanted a single timetable for the whole year, both in winter and summer, which, however, proved to be almost impossible because of the darkness of the early winter mornings. See letter of Fr. Glicerio Mazzara to Fr. Giovanni Stefano Spinola, Strassnitz 22-7-1643 (EPC p.1780-1781): «Ho poi qui trovato non so se buon uso o abuso ... et che tanto l’inverno quanto l’estate i segni della campana grande de scolari tutti si danno ad un hora et ad un istesso tempo. E perché ho fatta l’esperienza che per il sonar della campana l’inverno a quella medesima hora e medesimo tempo che si sona l’estate, avviene che hor tre quarti et hor un hora bona si perde di tempo in scuola non essendovi luce naturale salvo che qualche volta qualche scolaro vi porta un po’ di candele accese non già sufficiente a rimediare il difetto di tal disordine, e dico disordine, poiché alle volte sono andato a visitar le scuole e ho ritrovati i maestri allo oscuro: a me è parso strano onde d’inverno ho mutato, una sola mezza hora e fatto si che poco vi voglia a farsi giorno e che altresì poco di tempo si perde in scuola.»

4. Orders, school regulations

A timetable as demanding and scrupulously adhered to by teachers and students as that of the Pious Schools contributed significantly to the smooth running and good discipline of the entire Institute. But it only regulated the time factor in school life, without extending to the behavior of the students inside and outside school. The various regulations were intended to fulfill this task. They first contain the general norms that apply to every school and then some specific rules for the specific environment of a particular school. These regulations will be the subject of our particular study in the chapter dealing with moral education in the Pious Schools. However, we cannot avoid speaking of them here because, together with the codified texts, they have an objective existence and a legal value, a legislation specific to the institute that regulates its disciplinary, moral and legal aspects.

These ordinances were largely written or approved[1257] by Calasanz himself, and their prototype can already be found in the Breve relazione and the Constitutions[1258]. To this prototype, the other ordinances and regulations from the time of Calasanz that are available to us, which in all probability were also written or at least approved by Calasanz himself, only add a few special features[1259].

1257 Breve Relazione (p.8-9): «In oltre vi sono alcuni decreti sottoscritti dal Prefetto da osservarsi generalmente da tutti li scolari et sono li seguenti: P.o che nissun scolaro possi menar alla scuola alcun parente o vicino o altro scolaro senza licenza del Prefetto.

Item che ogni scolaro debba confessarsi almeno una volta al mese et quelli che sono di communione, si communichino tutti insieme nell’oratorio della Scuola una volta al mese.

Item che tutti vengano a hora ogni mattina che possino udire la Messa nel detto Oratorio.

Item che ogni Domenica e festa vengano tutti all’Oratorio sotto pena che li inobbedienti saranno cacciati dalla Scuola. Item che tutti siano obbedienti al Prefetto et al maestro che li sarà deputato dalla Congregatione et mostrino parimente gran riverenza a tutti gli altri Operarii.

Item che quando l’Oratione continua toccherà ad una classe debbano andar prontamente e con ordine a detta oratione.

Item che tutti li Scolari stiano con modestia nelle sue Scuole et con silentio et non vadino da una scuola all’altra, né li grandi possono praticar con li minori.

Item che non disprezzino ne diano fastidio ad alcuno et non siano scandalosi ne inmodesti per la strada ne entrino nelli palazzi.

Item che nissun scolaro possa restar nelle scuole per conto alcuno sonate le ventitre hore et mezza.

Item che nissun scolaro possi portar alla scuola sorte alcuna di arme, ne coltelli, ne temperini, ne punte di calamari estraordinarie, o altre cose simili.

Item che li scolari non si debbano offendere con pugni, schiaffi o saccocciate, né fare sassatte, né tampoco usino parole disoneste, con dir villanie, o ingiurie, o darsi delle mentite.

Item che nissun scolaro possi uscir dalla sua classe senza licenza del Maestro.

Item che li scolari non imbrattino ne facciano segni alcuni nelle Mura, nelli banchi, nel pulpito, nelle finestre, o porte, né ci scriva col temperino.

Item che tutti li scolari si astengano di leggere libri dannosi et disutili et chi sarà trovato con alcun libro simile sarà gravemente castigato.

Item che non vadino a spettacoli pubblici, comedie, ciarlatani, giochi o altre cose simili, ne piglino parte da recitare in palco senza licenza del Prefetto»

1258 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.201:): «In scholis nostris nec iuramenta, nec iniuriae verbo vel facto illatae, nee quid inhonestum, aut dissolutum in discipulis permittatur, sed curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere...»

1259 These orders or regulations are: Leges quas accurate observare debent, qui Scholas Pias Littomysslii frequentare desiderant ( 1644): Reg. Prov. 52^5 (printed). Bando contra chi disturba li Scolari e Scole Pie della Congregazione Paulina delli Poveri della Madre di Dio, nella città di Frascati (Frascati 1620): Reg. Prov. 33^6 (printed) (cf. BARTLIK, o.c.: Eph. Cal. VI [1937] 140-141). Ordine per le Scuole Pie di Campi (1630): Reg. Cal. XIII 32. Ordine per le Scuole di Firenze (1630): Reg. Cal. XIII 32. Ordine per le Scuole Pie di Narni (EHI p.529-531). Ordine per le scuole di Napoli (1638): Reg. Cal. XIII 32. The Costituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno occupy a preferential place among the various Piarist regulations: Reg. Cal. XI 10, but we will speak about them when we deal with the Calasanzian boarding school.

The purpose of these various ordinances and regulations was to bring order to the multitude of students so that there would be no confusion, but that the students would “resemble “the hosts of angels in heaven, where they are not confused by order, but make paradise even more admirable”[1260]. They extended to the student’s entire life, not just school life, but life outside of school as well. They regarded the student, as soon as he became a student of the Pious Schools, as a subject of them. Only in the parental home did school sovereignty cease.

1260 Ordini per Firenze: Reg. Cal. XIII 32.

These ordinances or regulations primarily governed the pious life of students, prescribing morning and evening prayers, regular attendance at oratories, Christian doctrine, Holy Mass and exhortations, diligence in constant prayer, confession and monthly communion, as well as particular modesty in all their actions[1261]. In all these regulations, special care is taken to educate for purity[1262].

1261 Ordini per Firenze: «S’avvezzino tutti i nostri scolari a non far passar giorno che non facciano qualche poco di orazione la mattina in alzarsi e la sera nel coricarsi.»

See also Breve Relazione and Ordini para Litomysl (Leitomischl).

1262 Breve relazione (vol.cit., p.8): «Si tiene cura particolar dell’honestà togliendo via strettissimamente tutte le occasioni con la qual diligenza et con la frequentia de sacramenti per gratia del Signore si conservano li scolari in gran purità, moltissimi delle quali quando sono di età si vestono religiosi in diverse religioni.» In order that a comparison may be made with the orders of the Breve Relazione, we publish the Ordini per le Scuole Pie di Narni, made in 1618 (letter of Fr. Pietro Casani, Narni, 7 novembre 1618: EHI p.529-531).

«...Terminata l’oratione mentre si davano l’orationi porsi a Francesco che ancora stava in cathedra un foglio degl’Ordini da osservarsi dagli scolari, quali lesse distintamente con molta attentione del popolo e molta approvatione da poi li fece attaccare alla porta delle scuole.» The orders were these:

«Ordini da osservarsi dalli scolari delle Scuole Pie:

1. Riverischino et ubbidischino a tutti i maestri, ai Padri et agli offitiali delle scuole.

2. Procurino d’esser in scuola prima che passi un quarto d’hora dopo finito di sonar la campana.

3. Niuno ardisca portar in scuola arme di sorta alcuna così offensiva come difensiva, ne pure i temperini, nemeno i calamari con le punte di ferro o vero acciaio.

4. Non portino ancora in scuola istrumento alcuno né da giocare, né da sonare, né fiori, né frutti, né altra leggierezza, che possa dar loro occasione di distrarsi dallo studio.

5. Non vi mangeranno senza espressa licenza del Maestro.

6. Non sia lecito donarsi cosa alcuna tra di loro né riceverla in dono.

7. Useranno ogni sorta di buona creanza e modestia nel conversare, e principalmente non tocchino mai alcuni anco per scherzo.

8: Non sia lecito mai ad alcuno in qualsivoglia luogo di giocare alle carte né a dadi né a qualsivoglia altro gioco per lecito et honesto che sia di denari (quali né pur converrebbe, che alcuno d’essi ne tenesse appresso di sé) né per le publiche strade e piazze.

9. La mattina finita la scuola udiranno in chiesa nostra la Messa che si dirà communemente per tutti loro et tutti staranno con attentione e divotione non parlando insieme, né facendo baie, e dopo anderanno modestissimamente alle case loro nella squadra assegnatali accompagnati da Padri.

10. Non sia lecito lor andarsi a trovar a casa l’un l’altro se però non fossero parenti, o non havessero espressa commisione da alcuno di padri nostri, o da lor Padre, madre, o altri, che li possono commandar.

11. Non piglino mai cosa alcuna da recitare, né intervenghino mai a comedie, tragedie, o rappresentationi senza espressa licenza del Vicerettore delle Scuole. Fermarsi poi a sentire ciarlatani, o saltimbanchi sia loro omninamente prohibito.

12. Ogni giorno di festa verranno la mattina all’oratorio il giorno dopo pranzo alla Dottrina Christiana, Vespro e Sermone quando si faranno nella Chiesa nostra, e dopo anderanno in Compagnia de Padri a ricreatione, come ancora i giorni di vacanza.

13. Non tenghino pratica di giovani, che non venghino alle nostre scuole, se non fossero parenti.

14. Si confesseranno almeno ogni mese una volta e quegli di communione si communicheranno sempre che saranno avvisati, se pero il confessor loro non gli ordinasse altramente.

15. Non ardischa alcuno uscir dalla propria scuola dopo cominciato l’essercitio senza espressa licenza del maestro.

16. In scuola nessuno pretenda honore, preminenza o maggioranza sopra gli altri per alcun altro titolo, che per valor d’ingegno o integrità di costumi».

They then prescribe the students’ behavior at school, to which they must always be punctual and from which they must never be absent without excuse. Once they are at school, they are not allowed to leave early without the prefect’s permission. No one, neither relatives nor friends, were allowed to accompany them inside the school. They had to be quiet, orderly and disciplined, modest and obedient at all times and everywhere on the school grounds. In particular, they were not allowed to carry weapons, knives or other instruments with which they could harm themselves or others. Elders were also not allowed to carry food or wine with them, so as not to turn the school into an “inn”. Their discipline should also extend to keeping their school books in good order, writing their names on each book so that they could be found if they were lost. They should be respectful and obedient in their dealings with their teachers, polite and well-mannered with their classmates. They should refrain from all verbal or actual insults, swearing and lying. They should keep away from all less suitable books and take care not to damage the furniture and the school building. Every student, whether rich or poor, noble or of humble origin, should feel equal to the others and have as their only glory to be more diligent and more advanced in virtue[1263]. The older ones could not and should not communicate with the younger ones[1264]. To ensure good academic performance, they were to use the notes as well as the books, and if they did not understand something, they were to consult the teacher, disdaining any false shame[1265].

1263 Ordini per le scuole di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Niuno pretenda nelle nostre scuole preminenza o maggioranza fra gli altri se non per integrità di costumi o maggior diligenza e profitto nello studio.»

Ordine per gli scolari di Narni (o.c.), pto.16: «In scuola nessuno pretenda honore, preminenza o maggioranza sopra gli altri per alcun altro titolo, che per valor d’ingegno o integrità di costumi.»

1264 Breve Relazione (p.8): «...ne li grandi possino praticar con li minori.»

1265 Ordini per Litomysl (Reg.Prov. 525): «Quod si quid non bene perceperint aut si de quo dubitaverint, Magistrum adeant, interrogent, consulant, abiecto rustico pudore. Quae vero retinere memoria nequeunt, in libello quopiam chartaceo annotent. Multa et multum scribant, chartis et atramento non parcant».

At school and at home, they should always follow the method indicated by their teachers in their daily studies[1266].

1266 Ibid.: «Modum studendi ab illo (magistro) praescriptum tum in scholis tum domi quam diligentissime servent.»

The third part of these regulations related to the behavior of the young people outside school and prescribed that they should not be on the street or enter other people’s houses on the way to school. They were to greet all superiors respectfully and not play cards or dice with money or go to wine cellars, the theater or the river to bathe or swim in their free time[1267]. These orders also stipulated that pupils should only speak to their fellow pupils, that they should not go to other people’s houses but only to those of close relatives, that they should avoid pupils expelled from school and that they should not actively participate in performances outside school. And finally, everyone should know that persistent recalcitrants would be expelled from school after three or four unsuccessful warnings.

1267 Ordini per le scuole di Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32 § 18): «È proibito l’andare a nuotare oppure vedere nuotare sotto qualsivoglia pretesto et in qualsivoglia luogo o tempo sia di giorno come di notte.» See also Riti comuni: «Ad ogni si procuri di levarli l’andare a nuotare e dagli altri esercitii dove intervenga qualche immodestia et indecenza.»

N. B.- The prohibition of baths existed only in Italy, where the customs used in such entertainment were considered by the Saint as indecent. In Litomysl’s ordinations there is in fact no mention of baths.

These orders of the Institute were posted by the prefect[1268] in a well-frequented place in the atrium of the school, so that everyone knew them and their ignorance could not be used as an excuse for possible misconduct. Often these orders were printed[1269] so that everyone, parents and students, had a copy and knew what to expect.

1268 Cf. n.1082-1087; also, EHI p.529-531 «Ordine per gli scolari di Narni» (1618).

1269 Thus, for example, in Litomysl (Reg. Prov. 525), in 1644, and much earlier the Bando di Frascati, in 1620. (Reg.Prov. 33^6)

All in all, we can say that such directives contributed not a little to the good disciplinary and moral education of the Calasanzian students. The guidelines were presented to them with great firmness and clarity. None of them were to act blindly or according to the whims of an educator who was not really “educated”. The ideal was clear and attractive. Each had to strive to attain it with his eager, conscious and spontaneous contribution; neither alone nor left to himself, but always and everywhere supported by his teachers and encouraged by the inspiring force of a holy and prudent legislation suited to his own capacities and appropriate to his own world.

And the Institute itself had gained not a little by these regulations. Indeed, it was precisely in this way that it definitively achieved its physiognomy, its appearance that is both paternal and maternal. Paternal for the older ones, maternal for the younger ones. It was not just a lifeless building that gathered its students within its walls for just a few hours, but it became an alma mater in the truest sense of the word, protecting and guiding the entire lives of its students in all their manifestations. In truth, the written words of the precepts remained not only as dead words in the souls of the students, but, animated by the love, paternal care and priestly example of their educators, they penetrated their consciences, however sensitive and tender, and laid therein the first foundation stones between the not yet precisely defined boundaries of good and evil.

One may be surprised at the great interference that the Pious Schools claimed in the whole life of the pupils, even outside school, by regulating their friendships, games, amusements, excursions and activities even outside school. But considering that most of the students of the Pious Schools were small and poor, whose parents for various reasons paid little or no attention to the good education of their children, it was quite natural for the Institute to be concerned and to keep an eye on its students right up to the threshold of their parents’ homes.

Of course, it would be an exaggeration to assume that these orders and regulations were entirely new. If one compares them with those of the Society of Jesus, especially with the Regulae externorum alumnorum Societatis[1270], one finds that the most important points are the same[1271]. However, there is a certain difference between the regulations of the two orders, as the Pious Schools that had the “piccolini” were much more insistent in their regulations on preserving their innocence, especially in the area of purity. Moreover, the rules and regulations of the Pious Schools supervised and controlled to a greater extent the life and extracurricular behavior of the students, trying to protect them from the adults of the bad life, from the bad companions of the street, from the indecent shows and from the licentious actions. All this was desired and done by the Fathers, who were aware of their responsibility and fatherhood and of the fact that without their care and vigilance the pupils, especially the poorest, would have been left to themselves and perhaps lost forever.

1270 Ratio Studiorum vol.cit., p.458.

1271 This is particularly true for the ordinations of Litomysl (Reg. Prov. 525), where only the order of the various paragraphs is different and some sentences are expressed in a different way. But these ordinations were made in 1644 in Bohemia, that is, at a time and in a country in which the Pious Schools, already showing a preference for the higher classes, and far from their center of origin, were imitating the schools of the Society. We reproduce here the text of Litomysl’s ordinations. (Reg.Prov. 52^5): «Leges quas accurate observare debent qui Scholas Pias Littomisslii frequentare desiderant.

1. Quicumque discendi gratia Scholas Pias frequentare cupiunt, illud sibi diligenter praestandum noverint, ut non tantum nomine, verum etiam reipsa Virtutum ac bonarum Litterarum Studiosi existant; atque haec duo pectori suo alte imprimat, videlicet: Initium sapientiae Timor Domini et Tempore nihil pretiosius.

2. Ad eam sedulo quisque itabit scholam quae illi a scholarum Praefecto fuerit attributa, neque facile ab ea se absentabit, nisi obtenta ab eodem Praefecto vel Magistro suo facultate.

3. A Sanctissimo Spiritu Sapientiam assiduissime efflagitent. Beatissimae Virgini Deiparae et Sanctis Patronis frequenter ac ferventer in precibus se commendent. Angelorum etiam opem, praecipue vero Angeli Custodis saepe implorent. Meminerint Dei Opt. Max. ubique praesentis. Modestiam tum in omni loco, tum vel maxime in templo atque in Gymnasio prae se ferunt.

4. Singulis saltem mensibus singuli peccata confiteantur et ad Sacram Sinaxim accedant. Missae sacrificio quotidie constituta hora pie ac reverenter intersint. Diebus festivis mane in Oratorium convenient in quo qui maiores fuerint, officium B. Virginis; minores vero Rosarium devoti persolvent, attentasque praebebunt aures de rebus piis verba facienti. A prandio vero ad Doctrinam Christianam seu Catechismum se conferent, neque vesperas quoad fieri poterit, negligent.

5. Abstineant omnino a iureiurando, a contumeliis, iniuriis, detractionibus, mendaciis, a ludis vetitis, a libris perniciosis et inutilibus legendis, a locis noxiis vel a Praefecto Scholarum interdictis, a Sociis etiam perversis et discolis, denique a rebus omnibus quae morum honestati adversantur.

6. Magistrum non secus ac parentem colant; ei oboediant; modum studendi ab illo praescriptum, tum in scholis tum domi, quam diligentissime servent. Sint in scholis, mature frequentandis assidui, in audiendis et repetendis praelectionibus diligentes, in disputando strenui; inque ceteris exercitiis scholasticis gnavi ac semper parati.

7. Quod si quid non bene perceperint, aut si de quo dubitaverint, Magistrum adeant, interrogent, consulant, abiecto rustico pudore. Quae vero retinere memoria nequeunt, in libello quopiam chartaceo annotent. Multa et multum scribant, chartis et atramento non parcant.

8. In scholis ne hac illuc divagentur sed in suis quisque locis modeste ac silentio suis studiis vacent; ne dormiant, ne garriant, ne nugentur, ne contendant, ne ullo modo magistrum perturbent.

9. Ne scamna, chatedram, parietes, ianuas, fenestras, neque aliud quidpiam pingendo scribendo etc. deturpent seu notent, neve gladios, caeteraque arma secum deferant.

10. Perpetuo inter se latine loquantur.

11. Finitis scholis cum ad templum se conferunt silentium quam stnctissime custodiant, sociumque sibi adjunctum habeant, quod etiam cum e templo ad aedes proprias (ut moris est) a Magistris deducuntur, observare debebunt.

12. Postremo intelligant in iis quae ad mores ac studia litterarum pertinent, cum sola minus proderunt verba, Magistros verberibus usuros, qui autem poenas detractaverint, aut spem emendationis non ostenderint, aut caeteris studiosis molesti, sive pravo exemplo pernitiosi fuerint, nullo modo tolerandos sed ex nostris scholis protinus dimittendos esse.

Littomislii excudebat Matthaeus Venceslaus Brzezyna anno Domini MDCXLIIII.»

5. The school building

Having established - at least in the main points - all that constituted, so to speak, the soul of the Calasanzian Institute as such, it is useful to consider, at least briefly, the body, the seat of that soul, that is, the school building as Calasanz wanted it, and its main guidelines in terms of its location, its construction and its design. We must immediately note that if Calasanz was concerned about the physical health of his educators, he was equally or even more concerned about that of the students, since he was convinced that only physically healthy boys would be able to perform their school duties well[1272], both in piety and in letters.

1272 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.189): «Invigilabit etiam ab iis quae suorum subditorum tam domi, quam foris sanitati nocere possunt, eos defendere, tum praecavendo, tum remedia opportuna adhibendo, ita ut magis in virtute et litteris proficiant.»

Calasanz’ conviction naturally gave rise to all his zealous and fatherly care. For this reason, the Pious Schools were to have a seat everywhere that was suitable for their work, their scholastic apostolate. It was precisely for this reason that he made it a key condition when accepting new foundations that the founder provided a building that was suitable for the work of the Pious Schools.[1273] Regardless of whether it was a question of adapting old buildings for new school use or constructing a new building, Calasanz made the following basic demands on school architecture:

1273 Ibid. (c.8 n.178): «Qui autem lnstituti nostri operam postulaverint, Ecclesiam in primis cum necessaria, sed quae paupertati conveniens sit, suppellectili, ut supra dictum est, et Scholas Pias ad discipulos instituendos et Domum ad nostrorum habitationem cum vili suppellectili, et Bibliothecae necessaria, et hortum contiguum ad evitandum otium parabunt.»

If it was a completely new building and the location had not yet been decided, he preferred it to be in a fairly central part of the city, or at least in a place that was suitable for all pupils[1274].

1274 L.780, Ep.III p.223: «Ho letto la sua lettera et quanto alli siti che mi scrive sono tutti lontani et non fanno a proposito per le scuole, io vedo che ognuno in questa occasione venderia il loco o sito suo, ma non essendo più appresso della citta della casa del Rosolino non fanno a proposito et io dubito che non ci accordaremo perciocché pochi guardano il bene comune che sarebbe il procurar tirarci appresso le mura della citta già che dentro non vi è loco; V. R. procuri che ci dia loco vicino alla città per la commodità delli scolari et facia che non risolva il Signor Arconio loco particolar senza la consulta del Signor Auditor ma che porti diverse piante delli luoghi che averà visto acciò il Signor Auditor possa dire il parer suo et di ogni loco porti anche la lontananza o vicinanza della città.» L.2164, Ep.V p.300: «Il viceré di Sicilia non solo ha ammesso l’opera nostra ma ha fatto pigliar un sito nel meglio della città et ha pagato per esso contanti de suoi denari tre mila scudi offerendosi a far più ... essendo capo di regno dove altre religioni hanno spesso decine di anni per havervi ingresso.»

He never wanted it outside the city. He often chose the center of the poorest parts of the city, as in Rome and Naples[1275]. On the other hand, he also wanted the school to have a garden with running water for the pupils[1276].

1275 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.552-554; also L.4185, Ep.VIII p.232.

1276 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg.Cal. XI 5 f.15): «Et perché nel principio sono molto infervorati nelle fondationi perciò si procurino che il loco sia in parte dove vi possa essere giardino et acqua corrente se vi è, et non essendovi che vi procurino cisterne sufficienti o pozzi, per causa delli scolari mass.e nell’estate.»

As for the building itself, Calasanz wanted it to be “simple, not expensive, but well ordered”[1277]. Although he was very frugal with his spending, he was not concerned with the health or comfort of the entire building[1278]. In order to competently direct and control the construction of the new foundations, houses and schools, Calasanz acquired an unusual knowledge of building issues from the books of architecture[1279]. Being informed about the small details of the work in progress[1280], he often prepared the project and the design according to which the building under construction was to be completed[1281].

1277 L.3758, Ep.VII p.448: «...Io vorrei la fabbrica semplice, di poca spessa, ma bene ordinata.» See also Constit. (p.2nd c.8 n.181): «Forma autem et modus aedificiorum pro nostro instittito exercendo construendorum, ut in eis vera paupertas conservetur, ad P. Generalem mittetur, qui in eis observare faciat paupertatem cum simplicitate.»

1278 L.241, Ep.II p.252: «...et penso ancora che il Sig. Sebastian Mangonia non la pigliava troppo bene che si facesse simil spesa ma per la sanità et haver buon’ acqua si deve fare anco maggiore.» L.911, Ep.III p.326: «...vorrei sapere che speranza vi è nel negotio della casa dei Signori Carditi perché importarà da tre milla scudi, ma se si havesse sarebbe la total commodità per le scuole et per la casa.» Cf. also Memoriale pre tecto latius tollendo et lacunari faciendo in Scholarum Piarum beneficium, 1626 (Reg. Cal. XII 44):

«Ilmo. et Revmo. Signore:

L’ estate passata si ammalarono nelle nostre scuole moltissimi scolari per la strettezza delle scuole, si ammalarono ancora molti delli nostri operarij quali (secondo dicono li medici) è per dormire sotto le tegole per non esservi tante stanze in casa che bastino per tutti, hora per riparar a questo inconveniente desiderano alzar un poco il tetto da una parte et farvi il soffitto senza farvi finestre se non ad lumen pero supplico a V. S. Illustrissima si compiaccia di concederci licenza per alzare un poco il detto tetto che si riceverà per gratia singolare di V. S. Illustrissima quam Deus», etc.

1279 L.40, Ep.II p.91: «...il libro del Vignola di architettura non me l’hanno mandato mai, lo mandino quanto prima.» In letter L.814, Ep.III p.248, the Saint gives a surprising proof of his unique competence in this matter.

1280 L.3758, Ep.VII p.448: «…Il detto Padre doveva prima di dar principio alla fabbrica mandarmi la pianta col disegno di tutte le officine ecc. acciò si vedesse se stanno a proposito secondo il nostro istituto.» See also Constit. p.2nd c.8 n.181. Also, Dichiarazioni alle Costitazioni (Arch. Scholarum Piarum IV [1939] 46): «Perché nelle fabbriche per esperienza si vede che ogni ministro vuol fare a suo modo con grande scapito della Religione e scandalo delli secolari si ordina che da qui avanti conforme alle nostre Costituzioni si faccia il modello et conforme a questo si fabbrichi et se alcun ministro o altro presumerà di fare etiam una finestra senza licenza in iscritto del Provinciale e Architetto della provincia sia privo del officio et voce attiva et passiva per tre anni et perciò i Provinciali si elegeranno il più pratico in detto magistero di fabbrica et sempre lo conducan seco nella visita come si è detto in altro loco.» Cf. Reg. Cal. XII 227, where the title of a folio: “Piante di diverse case nostre”, assures us that Calasanz had collected several plans of various houses and schools; see also Reg. Prov. XII: Duchesca, 1, which contains more than 10 designs of the house and school of the Duchesca, of Naples.

1281 L.993, Ep.III p.388: «Ritorna costì il fratel Lutio per accomodar la volta che si deve fare nella scuola che già sono fatti li muri o fondamenti la qual volta deve venire al piano del corritore vecchio già fatto di maniera che bisognerà riempire di più la terra; il sesto comminciato si riempia acciò venga tutto ad un piano et così stesso il sesto dell’altra scuola che si farà di poi si proseguirà nell’opera conforme al disegno che io manderò et secondo esso starà informato m.ro Gioseppe et se proseguirà così nell’altro edificio del refettorio, V. R. sia più diligente in far portar sassi et far a tempo le provvisioni necessarie acciò quelli che lavorano habbiano sempre quello che li bisogna, et quanto al sentir il parere di quelli che vengono li senta tutti et da poi se lo conferisca con li maestri et così haverà sentito le due parti et risolverà quello che più parerà conveniente.»

As far as the details are concerned, we can gather the following from various letters: First of all, for the reasons already mentioned above, he wanted the school building, or at least the classrooms, to be separated in some way from the Fathers’ room[1282]. At the same time, the building should have a connection, as simple as possible, with the church, for the convenience of the students[1283], and it should have a suitable and wide doorway intended exclusively for the students[1284]. To reach the different floors, there should be a “good and wide” staircase. The floor of the different classrooms and corridors should normally be tiled[1285]. In addition to the classrooms, of which there should always be a free one available for the additional teaching of Christian doctrine[1286], the building should normally also have an oratory and a hall for lectures, academies and other literary exercises[1287].

1282 Cf. n.422. Also, L.2256, Ep.V p.404: «...perché io le vorrei in tutti i luoghi separate dal commercio delli nostri.» See also L.2908, Ep.VI p.346: «...mi scrive che hanno fatto due scuole nel primo piano e quattro di sopra, le quali quattro in nessun modo hanno d’haver correspondenza con l’appartamento dei padri. Ma li maestri vadino per il piano da abbasso e salischino come li scolari alle quattro scuole.»

1283 As it was done in San Pantaleo Cf. BARTLIK, Annales, annus Christi 1615 (Eph. Cal. IV [1935] 5): «...[membra capituli S. Eustachii] consenserunt, etc., quod ad maiorem commoditatem discipulorum ad dictas Scholas Pias accedentium possit aperiri in muro sive Ecclesiae S. Pantaleonis, versus domum dictarum Scholarum ostium sive porta una, altitudinis palmorum octo cum dimidio ex qua scholares possint ingredi in dictam ecclesiam ad audiendum Sacrum...» See also a letter of Fr. Luca Bresciani addressed to Fr. General, Fanano 29-11-1629 (EHI p.455): «Per questo anno si patirà qualche incommodità per causa della messa perché non si potrà celebrare nella nuova cappella per non essersi potuto tirare a fine per il mancamento della materia, perlochè saranno sforzati li scolari a fare alcuni passi per le messe, come i maestri ancora per venire di sopra alla chiesa. Ma con qualche poco di tempo vi sarà ogni commodità e per quelli di casa e per li scolari ancora.»

1284 L.1003, Ep.III p.396: «Quanto al far la porta per l’intrata delli scolari deve saper che non doverà servire per altro che per li scolari et le some penetreranno per altra parte, né in questa né in altra cosa si pigli resolutione costì diversa dalla mia. Quanto poi alla longhezza della chiesa a me pare bastantissima come io l’ho disegnata et non si deve mutar questo disegno ma se il Sig. mi dara sanità vi verro al tempo buono che non piove et quieteremo le diverse opinioni che ogn’uno ha nella fabrica d’altri» (29-11-28). See also a letter of Fr. Giacomo Bandoni addressed to Fr. General from Frascati on 12-11-1629 (EHI p.159): «Il P. Giuseppe mi ha detto che avvisi a V. P. di che maniera vuole la porta che si ha da fare per la porta delli scolari; se ha da essere in quella medesima forma che è il portone nostro, o altro modo».

1285 L.1428 (Ep.IV p.241): «Potrà far lastricar le stantie et il corritoro con un lastrico sotile et batuto due o tre volte come si usa in Napoli o come hanno fatto nelle scuole nuove...»

1286 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Si procuri in tutte le case nostre di havere una scuola particolare disoccupata dove si provi dalli maestri a ciò deputati, se gli scolari imparano e sanno le cose necessarie per la salute dell’anima conforme all’obbligo della nostra santa fede.»

1287 L. 2908, Ep.VI p.377: «...ne mi scrive se vi è qualche Oratorio grande, o salone per recitarvi alcune Orationi o Poemi o altri essercitij letterarii.» See also Berro (o.c., t. l 1.2 fol.3 «Fondazione di Savona»): «...et il sopradetto signore Abbate [nobile savonese] donò alla nostra religione il suo palazzo... et un Oratorio particolare accanto al Palazzo accomodato con le scuole sufficienti per il nostro istituto, un giardino, un dormitorio di 20 stanze, et l’andò poi sempre meglio accomodando con bellissimo salone dove si recitarono elegantissime Orationi e Poemi et’ altre opere dottissime in progresso di tempo che vi aprirono le scuole che fu per quanto mi ricordo nell’autunno del 1627 con tanto concorso e soddisfazione di tutti, che era una meraviglia vedere come e li nobili cittadini, e tutto il resto della città faceva a gara di mandare li loro figliuoli alle Scuole Pie.»

The prefect of the schools had his office to receive the parents of the pupils[1288]. The school rooms included - for understandable reasons - the writing room, which was particularly dear to Calasanz. He was interested in everything in this room: its spaciousness, the size of the desks, the distance between the desks... And once he had found the right dimensions, he wanted them to be adopted everywhere[1289]. Every classroom had its crucifix[1290].

1288 Cf. n.1108.

1289 L.1785, Ep.V p.46: «Il frel Giov. Battista che è stato qui et ha pigliata la misura della scuola dello scrivere che mi avvisi della misura della scuola settima vecchia et quanti palmi per parte occupano li banchi.» L.1820, Ep.V p.71: «...et mi avvisi quando sarà finita la scuola con li banchi di scrivere al modo di Roma et dovevano restar cinque palmi in mezzo delli banchi per camminarvi il maestro.» L.1802, Ep.V p.57: «Quanto alli banchi scrivo al Frel Giov. Battista come deve farli.»

1290 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Dato il secondo segno in tutte le scuole si porranno in ginocchioni voltati all’imagine ivi accomodata [dovendo haverne una ogni scuola].»

The condition and arrangement of the classrooms was very important to Calasanz. On the occasion of the canonical visits, he always asked for a detailed report on them[1291]. During the fall vacations, the classrooms were whitewashed and the benches repaired[1292]. And these classrooms were not only spacious, healthy and well protected from the atmospheric elements[1293], but at Calasanz’ suggestion they were always well decorated, sometimes painted, sometimes adorned with various posters, calligraphic designs by the schoolchildren, drawings, pictures, inscriptions, hymns and epigrams in honor of the saints, and so on.[1294]

1291 Visita di Frascati 1627 (Reg. Prov. 33): «Scuola: Banchi per le scuole di scrivere, n.19. Sedie di legno, n.20. Sedie di herbe, n:8. Cassa del pane. Cattedra da scuola n.2.» In a revision in 1629, the inventory changed like this: «Scanni, 19; banchi, 15; seggi, 14; cattedre, 2.» See also Formola per le visite et informationi da mandarsi al P. Generale 1635 (Reg. Cal. XIII 37): «Scuole, quante e di quali scienze, et se con le catedre e banchi necessarii.»

1292 L.513, Ep.III p.21: «Quanto alle vacanze delli scolari della prima classe essendo così pochi se le può dare vacanza la vigilia di S. Francesco et alli altri de latini poco doppo et alli piccoli un altro poco doppo, acciò vi resti tempo di imbiancar le scole et accomodar li banchi.» See also Libro di uscite, 8-10-1637 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Baiocchi, 30, per chiodi per accomodare le banche delle scuole.»

1293 L.1278, Ep.IV p.140: «Quanto alle scuole è necessario che stiano di maniera che non vi si piova...»

1294 L.876, Ep.III p.298: «Quanto alle cartelle ne potrà dare alcune al Sig. Luogotenente et alli Signori Priori et alli Padri delli scolari che ne hanno fatti restandone pero per adornar, la scuola prima et l’Oratorio...» L.456, Ep.II p.397: «...mando ancora delle figure molto a proposito per attacar nell’introne della porta et dove li parerà che stiano bene et altre cose.» L.1425, Ep.IV p.240: «...le mando un fiaschetto di acqua di S. Pantaleo, 8 o 10 imagini per premij se però si farà l’imperatore, alcuni altri libretti e fogli di attacar al muro...» L.867, Ep.III p.291: «Si mandano le cartelle dipinte le quali si conservano finita la festa per adornare le scuole et l’Oratorio et in nissuna maniera si concedano come li anni passati.» See also a letter of Fr. Luca Bresciani addressed to Fr. General from Fanano on 29-11-1629 (EHI p.455): «Le scuole sono molto a proposito e sufficienti per qualsivoglia personaggio, onde questi di Fanano, che le vengono a visitare si stupiscono della bellezza e commodità che è in esse e sono allettati a mandar i loro figli più volentieri a scuola... Il P. Francesco non mi ha mai mandato li versi per mettere in scuola... qui non vi essendo ne il Fr. Martino ne il Fr. Bartolomeo non vi e chi sappia adoperare ne colore ne pennelli per abbellire un po’ le nuove scuole: tuttavia ci andaremo affaticando per fare qualche cosa per tirare con questa esca li scolari a frequentare le scuole a gloria di Dio.»

In the atrium of the school or in another place frequented by all, in addition to the normal decoration, the regulations of the Institute should be displayed. Also “the list of spiritual exercises that each student must do daily at home, so that everyone can take a copy with them, the manner of examination of conscience and the acts of virtue that must be done every morning”[1295] were placed in a public place.

1295 Breve Relazione vol.cit. p.8.

The careful systematization of the toilet facilities available to the students was also an important concern for Calasanz. He was aware that physical and moral hygiene played an equally important role. Therefore, for moral and psychological reasons, he wanted the Fathers’ toilets to be separate from the students’[1296] and the older students’ from the younger ones[1297]. In the toilets, each place was completely separate in terms of visibility[1298]. Furthermore, for hygienic reasons, Calasanz wanted the toilets to be, above all, in sufficient numbers and located in the part of the house and school where they were least conspicuous, with the greatest possible cleanliness and the healthiest air[1299].

1296 Formola per le visite, 1635 (Reg.Cal. XIII 37): «Luoghi communi: quanti per li scolari e quanti per li padri et in che parte della casa sono. Se sono separati quelli delli scolari da quelli delli Padri.»

1297 Relazione della casa di Campi, 1635 (Reg.Prov. 179): «47, Luoghi comuni dei figli piccoli. 48, Luoghi per li grandi.»

1298 «Regole del Prefetto» vol.cit., ١٦: «...e tali luoghi siano talmente fatti che l’uno non possa veder l’altro, ma che il Prefetto possa vedere se lo scolaro sta solo acciò si tolga ogni occasione di offesa di Dio.»

1299 L. 1016 (Ep.III p.405): «Dovera ancor trattar del loco più opportuno per far li luoghi comuni per li scolari, che a noi ci bastano quelli che havemo in casa et per li scolari tocca alla communita di veder la commodità migliore per detti fanciulli però li ne parlerà M.ro Gioseppe et vederanno se sarà conveniente pigliare dui o tre palmi della strada bassa per far fuor della casa detti luoghi et di quando si risolverà me ne danno avviso.» (Frascati). L.253 (Ep.II p.261): «...non mi risponde circa il loco commune come sta e come può star meglio senza dar mal odore alla casa che importa assai si per la sanita come per la pulitezza della casa...» (Carcare). L.946 (Ep.III p.351); «...et non è bene che stiamo cosi nell’aria in quel loco di porta Reale correndoci tanto interesse et stando come V. R. dice tanto scommodi di acqua e di luoghi communi con si poco buon essempio delli scolari che vanno a far li suoi bisogni in piazza pubblica pero ne tratti con detto pre Provinciale et facciano pratica di questo quanto prima.»

The absolute cleanliness of the toilets was also extremely important to Calasanz. For that purpose, there was a lay brother who held that special office[1300], but often the saint himself cleaned[1301], and he asked the others to do the same[1302].

1300 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 741): «Gli uffici sono ...Curatore dei luoghi communi»

1301 Processus inf. (1650) p.393 «Deposizione di Vittoria Gracchi» (Reg. Cal. XXX): «lo ho inteso dalli Padri delle Scuole Pie che il Padre Giuseppe della Madre di Dio visitava le sette chiese di notte, e prima che vi andasse nettava i luoghi communi.» Berro (o.c. 1, 1): «...però si essercitava in tempo di notte in nettare anche i luoghi dei ragazzi con tanta humiltà e diligenza che faceva confondere.»

1302 L.55 (Ep.II p.107): «Quanto alla disgratia di colui che è cascato nella necessita ne ho havuto gran compasion et si procuri di far in maniera che altra volta non possa succedere cosa simile et se sarà possibile si voti per la scuola di piccini di notte al meglio che si possa».

An extremely troublesome problem for him was the provision of drinking water for the school institute. In this regard, Calasanz wanted every school to have plenty of pure and fresh drinking water available for the students[1303]. To achieve this, he spared no expense[1304] or effort in making complicated inquiries and requests[1305].

1303 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI fol.15; cit. p.352 n.5. L.454 (Ep.II p.395): «Quanto all’acqua che ci concede la Signora Olimpia le ha di supplicar che havendo di servire per bevere li scolari mass.e nel gran caldo non è bene che sia del ritorno della vasca ultima della villa del Signore Roberto Primi, ma che si faccia gratia di facerla dar della vasca prima dove non si lavano li panni ne’ vi si pongono a mollo li vinci et altre cose che guastano l’ acqua si che non si puo bevere et noi l ‘havemo bisogno come si è detto per rispetto delli scolari per bevere pero la supplichi con gran istanza a farci questa grazia.»

1304 L.241 (Ep.II 252): «Io scrissi più volte che si pigliasse per 10 scudi di piggione quel poco di casa che bisogna dove è il pozzo o cisterna et orticello del vicino Stella di maniera che non vi possa intrar alcuno che noi al detto pozzo et mi pare che all’hora non si contentava il detto Patron di darla, et penso ancor che il Signor Sebastian Mangonio non la pigliava troppo bene che si facesse simil spesa ma per la sanità et haver buon’acqua si deve fare ancor maggiore.» Also, Libro delle uscite della casa di S. Pantaleo, 4-9-1624 (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per nove cancelli di ottone per la fontana grande per tener li scolari, scudi 3.» Referred to Frascati, see L.1344 (Ep.IV p.185): «Io mi informarò del condotto quanto potrà importar di piombo et avisarò» (20-3-1630).

1305 Cf. Concessio Aquae Aldobrandinae Patribus Scholarum Piarum Tusculi: Reg. Prov. 338. But see especially the concession of the Acqua Vergine made by Paul V. (BARTLIK, o.c.: Eph. Cal. IV [1935] l 02): «Ill.mo Cardinale Camerlengo. Habbiamo fatto gratia alle Scuole Pie di mezza oncia di Acqua Vergine per servitio delle loro scuole da pigliarsi dove a lor sarà ordinato da Monsignore Biscia. Pero spedirete a loro la solita patente, non ostante il nostro motu proprio ed ogni altra cosa che facesse contrario, alle quali tutte per questa volta sola deroghiamo. Dato da Monte Cavallo di 2 augusto 1616. Paulus Papa V.»

It should also be mentioned that Calasanz always wanted a courtyard or garden in the institute for the students’ recreation[1306], and he wanted the air to be pure and healthy[1307].

1306 Cf. p.435 n.1276.

1307 L.563 (Ep.III p.64): «...ci sono offerti altri luoghi in diverse parti della città e tra altri il Sig. Titta Picelli che è l’eletto del popolo vuole che il secondo loco sia nella sua ottina che [è] in loco di bonissima aria et si sono offerti tutti li complateari a contribuire largamente per darci un loco commodo al nostro istituto.»

The daily cleaning of the entire school (classrooms, stairs, corridors...) was entrusted to two “cleaners” and the teachers of each classroom[1308].

1308 See p.396; also, Reg. Cal., XII 47. Declarationes ad Constitutiones: «Declaravit propter munditiam unumquemque nostrum tertio saltem die vel quarto quoque die verrere cellam suam. Idem facere mundandae domus munere fungentes saepius tamen ecclesias et scholas a sacrarii Praefectis ac magistris.»

Finally, if we want to make a critical judgment of all that Calasanz did or at least wanted to do in the field of school construction and hygiene, we can assure, without wanting to unjustifiably exaggerate his merits, that his way of working also meant a remarkable progress in this field. It is true that other pedagogues before him or contemporaries of his had also attached no small importance to these points[1309] and that the Jesuits, for their part, had taken various hygienic measures[1310], but the projects and plans of the pedagogues almost always remained in an ideal plan and the measures of the Jesuits related only to the middle and high schools. Only Calasanz thought of the little ones in the middle and elementary school, only he wanted and ensured that their environment was modest and simple, yes, but at the same time healthy and attractive. And this at a time when the structural and hygienic conditions in schools left much to be desired - everywhere in Europe.

1309 Before Calasanz, e.g., Vives (ZIEGLER, o.c., p.105); in his time, the great contemporary of the Saint, Amos Comenius (BARTH, o.c. p.414).

1310 J.B. HERMAN, o.c. p.123-125.

6. Cooperation with the parents of the pupils and with the ecclesiastical and civil authorities

Having examined the Institute in its main parts and functions, it remains to explain what we know about the Church, the Oratory, the Parish and the Piarist Library, all of which are integral parts of the Institute. But we leave this investigation to the respective chapters on intellectual and moral education. Now let us immediately turn to the relationship between the school and the parents of the students and, on this subject, to the practice of accompaniment, giving an adequate analytical description.

Calasanz knew that the school, however perfect it may be, cannot neglect the collaboration with the student’s home if it wants to ensure a stable and lasting success of the student, whether in the field of intellectual or moral education. Therefore, he wanted the closest possible relationship between the Pious Schools and the parents of the children. And he wanted this despite knowing that the parents of these poor and abandoned students paid very little attention to the good education of their children; and despite they themselves often needed a good education, or rather re-education. But because he respected the natural right of parents to educate their children, he collaborated with them in the education of the little ones and at the same time, thanks to the little ones, worked on the re-education of the parents.

The first point in which Calasanz wanted the collaboration of parents with the school and the school with parents was the daily attendance of the children at school and the control of their diligence. In the case of frequent absences or poor academic performance, which could raise doubts about their behavior and diligence, the school prefect admonished the parents of the children, letting them know “that it was their fault and not that of the teachers if the little ones did not study”[1311]. In the case of illness or other forced absences, it were the parents who had to provide the prefect with the justification[1312]. In addition to this mutual control of the students’ attendance, Calasanz said, it was the parents’ responsibility to supervise their studies so that the children did not waste time at home but worked seriously and methodically[1313] according to the method taught by the teachers[1314]. Parents had to watch over their children’s good behavior - together with the school prefect[1315].

1311 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1); also letter L.4147, Ep.VIII p.214: «Quanto alle scuole, se li scolari non mostrano affetto ad imparare e mancano spesse fiate alla scuola, V.R. dia il carico ad alcuno scolaro, che frequenti la scuola, il quale in un libretto scriva ogni giorno chi manca si la mattina che la sera acciò nel fin del mese possa mostrar alli padri loro che se non fanno profitto li scolari, non viene il mancamento dal maestro, ma dalli scolari, che non frequentano le scuole.»

1312 See n.1093.

1313 Ordini per Litomysl p.6 (Reg. Prov. 525): «Modum studendi ab illo (magistro) praescriptum, tum in Scolis, tum domi quam diligentissime servent.»

1314 L.1631, Ep.IV p.381: «Quanto alle cose dette al Sig. Vicario le può assicurar che sempre alcuni si sono lamentati anchorché vi fussero ottimi maestri, ma li Padri delli fanciulli non corrispondono come doverebbero et Dio sa che essempio danno alli figliuoli et l’impiegano per l’ordinario in molti servitij et le lettere vogliono tutto l’ingenio et tutta la fattica se si deve far profitto presto et semo sicuri che il mancamento non viene da noi.» L.859, Ep.III p.286: «Il figliolo del Sign. Felice poco profitto fece nelle nostre scole et ne ha fatto poco ancora nelle altre perché non studia et nella scuola non sta attento et in casa non lo solicitano niente, tuttavia se havesse perseverato nelle nostre scuole haverebbe forse fatto assai più profitto che fuori.»

1315 Cf. L.796, Ep.III p.234: «Quanto alli scolari che si fanno mascare con scienza e permissione de suoi Padri toccarà la pena dell’errore, a noi basta ammonirli che conoscano, e detestino la sciocchezza, e dissolutione dei mondani, e pregar il Sig. per essi e per farli fare qualche hora di oratione inanzi al Smo. Sacramento per dimandarli perdono e proponer di non offenderlo più in simili vanità.»

In addition, parents were to receive the necessary information on their children’s academic performance from the school prefect, who had his own office for this purpose; they could also speak to their children’s teachers in the presence of the prefect[1316].

1316 n.1007 and n.1137.

On the other hand, the school’s collaboration with families was extremely close on the difficult problem of choosing the students’ vocation. In the writing school, the teachers had to decide, together with the parents, which direction the student should take, whether to send him to what we would today call a vocational school or to let him continue in the school of humanistic culture[1317].

1317 Cf. n.968 and 970.

A not inconsiderable contact was also established between the Institute and the student’s family through the school books, which, according to Calasanz’ intentions, were to be designed so that the families themselves could also benefit from them[1318]. Such contact - it is clear - sought to extend the cultural and apostolic mission of the Institute to the parents themselves[1319]. Moreover, this mission, this intellectual and moral apostolate towards the parents and relatives of the students, was exercised more directly by the Institute in its churches - which they attended - and through the congregations founded for this purpose[1320]. This apostolate was particularly effective in Protestant countries, where parents were often converted by their children.

1318 Constit. (p.2nd c.11 n.213): «Erit ergo circa hoc quilibet localis minister valde diligens, ut qui pueri legere discunt iis libris utantur, qui non solum optimis characteribus insigniti sint, sed ex quorum lectione tam pueri, quam eorum parentes fructum percipere possint.»

1319 Cf. letter of Fr. A. Leailth to Fr. General; Nikolsburg 29-1-1632 (EEC p.628): «...adesso si trovano parecchi scolari ammalati; quando io vado a visitare non sento altro che si lodano dei figliuoli che dicono a casa quello che sentono alla dottrina o nelle scuole.»

1320 Cf. Congregation of Santa Ana, in Roma (BAU, Biog. crit. p.115); that of «Complateari» and artists in Naples (L.1064, Ep.III p.4438; L.1118, Ep.IV p.23); of the Asunta, in Norcia (Reg. Cal. XII 146), and of the Mother of God, in Frascati (Reg.Cal. XII 17: «Notitiae circa ingressum et principium Scholarum Piarum Tusculi et circa Congregationem Saecularium» ).Cf. also BAU, Biogr. crit. p.370. Regarding the Congregation of Norcia, see the following letter of Calasanz, (L.2993, Ep.IV p.443): «Giacchè V. R. ha pigliato l’assunto d’aiutare la Congregazione senza però fare mancamento alle scuole procuri portarsi di tal maniera che tutti cotesti Signori della Congregatione facciano profitto spirituale et insieme piglino affetto alla Religione...»

On the other hand, the various festivals, concerts, solemn academies and the various performances that took place within the Institute also contributed not a little to making the relationship between the school and the families more intimate and closer.

In this context, we must also note that Calasanz wanted total independence from the students’ parents in the delicate matter of the economic development of the school. The Institute, due to its absolutely gratuitous nature, did not demand anything from the families. Moreover, Calasanz did not even want the quaestors to visit the homes of the poor students[1321].

1321 Cf. n.402.

For disciplinary reasons, the Piarist teacher was not allowed to visit the homes of the students unless one of them or his parents were seriously ill, to bring him his help and the consolation of religion[1322].

1322 Cf. n.439-441. Además, Constit. (p.1st c.4 n.38): «...sed saeeularibus saeeularia relinquantur, nec eorum domos, nisi pro re gravi, et de licentia expressa superioris, socio ab eodem illi designato, adire praesumat». Constit. (p.2nd c.4 n.135): «In domibus vero saeeularium vel parentum intra Urbem, aut etiam ruri degentium nulli comedere liceat, nisi de licentia in scriptis, a Superiore obtenta, quae tamen raro concedi debet; sed curent omnes ad horam prandii Domum reverti, raro etiam externi, quoad fieri poterit, nobiscum vescantur.» Constit. (p.2nd c.3 n.114): «Si vero occasione infirmitatis alicuius discipuli, vel alterius personae, aut alia urgentissima causa aliquis nostrum ad Domum saeeularium ire teneatur (quad tamen raro fiat) non sine aliquo sacerdote sene, aut moribus exemplari a Superiore deputato comite ibit, et simul semper se breviter expedire curent; nec ibi aliquo modo comedant vel bibant, cum extra nostras domos id facere non liceat.»

Finally, we must note that Calasanz wanted to respect the legitimate criticism of the families regarding the progress of the Institute[1323], but he never let the community listen to whims and inept observations[1324].

1323 L.1287, Ep.IV p.146: «Io ho inteso che molti del popolo non hanno la soddisfazione che si doverebbe et senza dubbio vi sarà nelle scuole qualche mancamento quando li secolari non le sentono così bene come si soleva; spero che questo anno vi si attenderà con ogni diligenza.»

1324 Cf. n.551.

The Accompaniment

To continue with the relations between the Institute and the families, the practice, already introduced in the first Pious Schools, of accompanying home the students, in groups in the morning and afternoon deserves a special section. Saint Joseph Calasanz called this practice “accompaniment”. This Piarist custom is the first example that we find in the history of European pedagogy. While in ancient times it was the parents who provided their children with a “pedagogue” who accompanied them from home to school and vice versa, thus protecting them from all evil and all physical and moral dangers[1325], in modern times the Calasanzian Institute ensured that its students were accompanied from school to home by their respective teachers or other religious entrusted with this task.

1325 MARROU, o.c. p.197.

The origin of this practice does not coincide with the origin of the Pious Schools. In fact, it is not mentioned in the Breve Relazione of 1610-12, nor in the letter of Father Ghellini (20.7.1602)[1326] nor in that of Landriani (29.9.1612)[1327]. Even the author of the Discouse on the Pious Schools (Father Castelli) rejects the hypothesis put forward by some that, certain initiatives by Protestant teachers in Germany had led Calasanz to introduce the accompaniment of students. This did not happen because it is not known whether Protestant teachers in Germany practiced accompaniment at that time. Father Castelli, the most probable author of the “Discourse”, knew nothing about it.

1326 See Voce del Calasanzio V (1932) 285.

1327 Cf. Monumenta Hist. Scholarum Piarum. III. «Subsidia Hagiographica» 2. Il Ven. Glicerio Landriani p.12-13. See also Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^3): «Questo accompagnamento veramente non è dell’istituto, come può vedersi nel Breve dell’Erettione, ma aggiunto nelle Costituzioni et introdotto al tempo de Maestri secolari, dicesi per haver inteso costumarsi da maestri heretici in Germania, o altrove, il che non si verifica, e in ogni caso non v’è occasione alcuna di imitare le loro ipocrisie.»

One of the first historians of the Order, Father Caputi, attributed the noble initiative to the Venerable Glicerio. Having learned from his decurions, whom he called “normatori”, that many of the students, after leaving school, were seduced by certain adults with bad conduct[1328], and that others, instead of going home, devoted themselves to playing in the streets or indulged in all kinds of debauchery, because he wanted to put an end to these conditions at all costs, he brought the situation to the attention of Calasanz and with him, after previous prayers, decided to use the accompaniment of the students by the teachers as a remedy that both considered very appropriate. The students were divided into different groups according to their place of residence and accompanied to their parents’ homes by their teachers as “guardian angels”. Among the first accompaniers were Calasanz and the Venerable Glicerio Landriani[1329].

1328 The morality of the Rome of that time is clearly shown by P. Pecchiai (o.c., p.375).

1329 CAPUTI, o.c., t.l p.3a p.92 pto.363-364: Glicerio e l’accompagnamento. «Gli fu detto da alcuni Normatori, che cosi chiamava quelli che li davano le relationi che alcuni scolari usciti dalla scuola erano chiamati d’alcuni dentro i Palazzi e facevano del male, altri si mettevano a giocare per le strade et altri davano mal esempio, conferì il P. Abbate il tutto con il Fundatore et li disse che si trovasse il modo di levare l’offesa di Dio, et imbevessero gli scolari corrottivi consegli et essempi e che mentre l’istituto era fondato nella mortificatione et humiltà, li desse licenza, che li voleva accompagnare con un altro sino alle proprie case o poco lontani, acciò se partono dalle scuole vadano diritti alle case loro, che li facesse una conferenza, lui medesimo; poi gli facesse tutti confessare et i capaci communicare, et poi dar principio ad accompagnarli e così le cose s’anderiano a maggior gloria di Dio. E si levariano molte offese che si fanno a S. M. D. Piacque molto al Fondatore questo pensiero dell’abbate, che come vedeva esser illuminato da Dio andava pensando di secondarlo et animarlo nei suoi santi proponimenti. Ne faceva oratione, et Iddio l’ispirò che s’accompagnassero, per il che il P. Fondatore fece una conferenza a tutti i padri e fratelli che abbracciassero volentieri a far la carità ad accompagnar quei poverelli et avessero l’ufficio d’ Angeli Custodi et esercitassero nell’humiltà di Cristo, che ne haveriano riportato gran merito appresso Iddio e lui saria il primo a metterlo in pratica, ne voleva che nessuno ne fusse assente tanto i Superiori, come i Confessori, almeno una volta la settimana facessero quest’ atto di pietà et humiltà insieme. Cominciò il P. Fundatore ad accompagnare la squadra della Rotonda che arrivava fino alla Trinità dei Monti e l’abbate prese quella di Campo di Fiori, che arrivava sino a Pecuaria; due altri quella del Gesù che arrivava fino a S. Maria Maggiore, due altri quella di Banchi che arrivava sino a S. Pietro e due altri quella della Scrofa che arrivava sino a Po. Populo, et il P. Generale accompagnò sempre i scolari sino all’anno 1642.» According to this relatio, in Rome there were five squads.

Father Bartlik also attributes the introduction of accompaniment to the Venerable Glicerio Landriani[1330].

1330 See Eph. Cal. III (1934) 127: «Ipsi Glicerio videlicet adscribitur illud molestum quidem sed magni meriti comitandorum ad proprias domos e scholis discipulorum exercitium». Bartlik includes everything in the year 1612. Berro (t.l 1.1 c.19 p.33; cf. BAU, o.c., p.329) also speaks of the special fervor that Landrini showed in the accompaniment.

This practice, so dear to Calasanz[1331], became permanent and codified in the Constitutions of 1622[1332].

1331 Cf. his letter where he declares that it was “per nostra disgratia” that in Florence this practice was abandoned (L.2834, Ep.IV p.323). See also letter L.4461, Ep.VIII p.380: «...che volevano lasciar l’essercitio dell’accompagnar li scolari quale facendo come si deve è di grandissimo merito per chi lo sa fare e di grandissimo essempio per li secolari.»

1332 Constit. (p.2nd c.3 n.116): «Finitisque Scholarum exercitationibus nullus ex discipulis in Scholis remaneat, sed eos, ut moris est, ad proprias domos comitabuntur: quem humilitatis actum exequentur etiam Confessarii, et Superior saltem in hebdomada.»

The main purpose of the accompaniment, as can be seen from the above and other documents[1333], was that the Fathers, as visible representatives of the Guardian Angels, with a method that we would today call preventive, protect the student from the moral[1334] and physical[1335] dangers of the street, not letting him waste time unnecessarily and immediately handing him over from the most vigilant care of the Institute to the no less vigilant and loving care of the parental home.

1333 Particularly Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1) and Sumario dell’istituto (L.7c: Ep. II p.55-57).

1334 How many and which were these dangers of the street, in addition to the report of Fr. Caputi, is clearly stated by Glicerio Landriani. (PICANYOL, Il Ven. Glicerio Landriani vol.cit., p.12-13): «...spero che il Signore vorrà servire di me per questa opera sua, la quale è tanto importante, che mi fa stupire perché questi figliuoli de poveri, che sogliono andar per le piazze senza nessun freno di Timor di Dio N. S. dandosi in preda di ogni disonestà di parole, e di atti brutti, qui si ritirano dall’otio e dal male, e con aggiuto divino si occupano in essercitii, et per lo spirito, et per la cognitione della Dottrina Xri.ana.»

1335 That Calasanz also thought of the physical dangers, of the possible incidents in the street, is something that we deduce from the Riti communi: «Siino avvertiti diligentemente li nostri in prevedere li pericoli delle carrozze, delle carrette, de’ cavalli, e d’altri, che sono frequenti nella città, nei quali pare che li figliuoli a bello studio corrano, procurando li maestri di allontanarli.»

With the accompaniment, Calasanz wanted to achieve the most continuous control of the student and only in this way did he hope to achieve a lasting success of the education. Especially in the tender years of childhood, any less controlled moment could be fatal. Evil could leave an imprint difficult to erase in the childish mind of the little ones.

The same accompaniment also served to protect poor schoolchildren from possible insults from boys or from lazy or corrupt adults on the street[1336].

1336 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Essendo ingiuriato o percosso alcuno dei scolari per le strade nell’accompagnarli, procurino li maestri modestamente e religiosamente difendergli, astenendosi però dal contendere e dal dire parole ingiuriose, et aspre a quelli tali: e molto più fuggjranno il venire alle mani, se non fosse qualche raggazzo, che con minaccie si può far cessare.» That such insults were not a thing of the world of possibilities, is also deduced from the Bando ufficiale di Frascati (Reg. Prov. 336): «...ne si getti o tiri alle scuole e scolari sassi, fango o altre cose, ancorché per burla, et particolarmente quando detti scolari vengono o tornano dalle Scuole. Inoltre si ordina e commanda che nessuno come sopra, in dette Scuole, Collegio et habitatione di detta Congregatione, ne fuori ardisca molestare, o qualsivoglia modo con fatti con parole diffidare alcun Scolaro, ne giocare con essi, o incitarli a gioco, ne beffarli a conto alcuno per esser scolare di dette Scole» (1620).

On the other hand, it can be noted that the accompaniment that Calasanz and all the fathers of the new Order carried out with care and paternal affection, disciplining the schoolchildren on their return home almost as if they were in a public procession[1337], also served as no small and insignificant propaganda in favor of the Pious Schools that made themselves so well known, admired and loved. Many families willingly entrusted their children to an Institute that knew how to create and maintain so much discipline, such sincere and scrupulous discipline among the students[1338].

1337 P. G. BENEDICTI, o.c., p.85, where he cites the Testimonium, by Bishop Gramay, secretary to Cardinal Dietrichstein: «...Eiusque rei causa discipuli diversis gregibus distincti velut in supplicatione publica seu processione a matutinis et postmeridianis Scholis domos suas a magistris deducuntur.»

1338 In Rome, the group of accompanied students attracted the attention of Paul V himself. See Berro (o.c., t. l 1.1 p.46): «...ma incontrandolo una volta [Paolo V] alla Rotonda che accompagnava li scolari.» Cf. Caputi (o.c., t.l p.3a p.92 pto.365): «Cominciò il P. Fundatore ad accompagnare la squadra della Rotonda che arrivava fino alla Trinità [dei Monti] fece S. Santità fermare la lettica e discorrere alla longa con il nostro P. Giuseppe. Et io lo so da chi vi fù presente.» The accompaniment of the students in Rome also attracted the attention of the author of the book De Pietate Romana (1625) p. 107: «...et ne schola dimissa per Urbem vagentur, iidem professi illos binos et binos ad eorum domos ad unum usque comitantur.» Also in Naples, the group, accompanied by Calasanz and the other fathers, was admired by everyone: L.556, Ep.III p.55: «Noi qui tutti stiamo bene per gratia del Signore et ben visti et ammirati da tutti si grandi come piccoli per veder la charità che si usa in accompagnar cosi ordinatamente li scolari, sin adesso mi hanno offerto cinque o sei luoghi in diverse parti della città...» Regarding Savona, see Berro (o.c., 113): «...con quanto gusto vedevano passare quelle numerose processioni de’ figli andando a casa accompagnati da PP. quali erano da tutti riveriti come gran Servi del Signore.» Referred to Nikolsburg see letter of Fr. A. Leailth on 6-8-1631 (EEC p.617-618): «...e che non si possono assai meravigliare che andiamo con li figliuoli a casa.» And another one from 29-1-1632 (EEC p.628): «...ogni volta che passa la squadra per la casa la madre (di uno scolaro morto) prorompe in pianti.»

And the accompaniment itself, as we have already seen at least in part[1339], was carried out with the greatest possible order, discipline and punctuality.

1339 See p.399.

The students were divided into different groups -”squadre”- according to their place of residence, each of which was accompanied by two teachers entrusted with that office by the local superior[1340]. Their presence was not only material, but a true fatherly care and vigilance over the physical and spiritual health of those accompanied[1341]. The students walked in pairs and prayed the rosary quietly[1342]; none left their place or spoke to others[1343]. Any deliberate error was noted by the teachers or the decurions[1344], and the names of the undisciplined were communicated to the school prefect[1345]. The teachers did not impose punishments during the accompaniment, except in special cases when a hic et nunc punishment seemed absolutely necessary and effective[1346].

1340 See n.1185.

1341 Ibid.

1342 At least in an early period this was the case n.1185; later documents do not mention such prayers. Cf. Riti comuni, Ordini per le Scuole di Campi: Reg. Cal. XIII 32, etc.

1343 Reg. Cal. XIII 32 §· 5: «Anderanno sera e mattina alle case con la squadra in compagnia de Padri con silentio e modestia, avvertendo di obbedire ai semplici cenni ai Padri nelle cose che gli verranno ordinate e non vi mancheranno o anderanno con altra senza espressa licenza.»

1344 Cf. n. 1185.

1345 Ibid.

1346 Ibid.

When the number of students in the “squadra” was reduced to seven, the teachers, after entrusting the care of the remains to a decurion, could already return home[1347].

1347 Ibid.

Each student of the Institute had to go home in his group or squad. Sometimes even the older students were exempted from the obligation to go home in a group, as they were exempted from the obligation to attend Holy Mass after morning classes. Calasanz considered it detrimental that the older ones mixed with the younger ones[1348]. None of the members of the Order, neither superiors nor subjects, neither teachers nor confessors, were exempt from the obligation to accompany[1349].

1348 L.55, Ep.II p.107: «Non ho ancora havutta risposta se la scuola del P. Gasparo si è accomodata cioè che vi stiano solamente li grandi li quali sono esenti di andar nelle squadre e di star alla Messa che si dice alla fine della scuola per ciò che non par bene che stiano mescolati grandi con piccoli come altre volte si è visto...»

1349 Constit. p.2nd c.3 n.116; cit. n.1332. See also Ordine del S. Fondatore a Narni, 21-7-1629 (Reg. Prov. 42^13): «Il Superiore non manchi di accompagnare gli scolari alle squadre conforme al solito almeno una volta per settimana, affinché coll’essempio di lui gli altri più volentieri vi accorrano... il medesimo si determina per i confessori.» Cf. also BERRO (o.c. t. I 1.1 fol.52): «...volle che i nostri si obbligassero con il quarto voto et che finite le scuole si accompagnassero li scolari alle case loro la mattina come la sera, nel quale atto di humiltà ordinò che etiam li Superiori e Confessori s’essercitino almeno una volta la settimana.» See also Regole delle guide p.488 n.1.- The only exempted were the student clerics of San Pantaleo; cf. L.756, Ep.III p.208; cit. n.910.

Calasanz himself was the first to set a good example and wanted to be imitated by all his religious[1350].

1350 L.2757, Ep.VI p.264; «Quanto al negotio di lavare i piatti non solo l’ho fatto io che fatico non meno che quelli che tengono la scuola ma ancora sono andato alla cerca del pane con le saccocce in collo per Roma et accompagnare li scolari et son pronto di presente a farlo per ciò che regnum coelorum vim patitur et violenti rapiunt illud.» See also BERRO (o.c. II 55): «...essendo egli il primo nel fervore dell’accompagnare e d’insegnare alli giovinetti.» ID., II 91-92, where it is said that Calasanz, as a result of the fatigue of the accompaniment, became ill with erysipelas in one leg.

It is also noteworthy that this type of accompaniment in itself was compulsory everywhere and in every Piarist school. Calasanz considered it a great pedagogical gap if it was be abandoned or not introduced for special reasons[1351]. However, if there was already another school in a small town, he himself sometimes advised, for personal reasons and so as not to give cause for offense to others, to abandon it or to introduce such a custom a little later[1352].

1351 For example, in Florence (see Historia domus Florentinae: Reg. Prov. 20): «Solo tralasciarono l’accompagnare gli scolari a casa per non essersi ciò mai potuto introdurre non ostante le molte diligenze dei padri». See also L.2835, Ep.VI p.323: «Ho ricevuto due lettere questa mattina di V. R. e nell’una e nell’ultima di essa mi scrive un’ordine che mi piace grandemente e V.R. da parte mia l’esseguisca, et è che eschino le scuole per ordine andando il maestro avanti sino alla porta giacche per nostra disgrazia in codesta sola casa si è perso questo buon essempio di accompagnarli alle case loro e V.R. avverta ai maestri che ha ordine da me di mortificarli se non danno questo buon essempio alli scolari di accompagnarli fino alla porta e devono ancora essortare li scolari che vadino savi per le strade giacche non l’accompagnano.»

1352 L.362, Ep.II p.326: «Quanto al ritorno di nuovo al costume di accompagnare mentre vi siano altre scuole non potrà riuscire bene, ma se si levassero si potria ritornar a mettere in uso.» Cf. BAU, o.c., p.449-450.

From what we have been able to document about the practice of accompanying students, it is very clear that this practice was extremely burdensome for the entire religious community. In fact, after the considerable exertion of the morning and afternoon classes, day after day, in the cold of winter or in the heat of summer, the teachers spent at least two more hours accompanying the often neglected and ragged pupils home. There was really little time left for the spiritual demands of their religious life[1353] and for the requirements of their teaching profession as religious-teachers. When they returned home mentally and physically exhausted, they could not devote themselves with enthusiasm and success to any particular study if they had some time left. Apart from this waste of energy, the accompanying was no small humiliation for some of them. They had to serve as helpers for neglected and often ragged children of the poorest class of the city. Moreover, for some less deeply rooted and less consolidated in religious life, the daily practice of accompaniment could easily be an opportunity for regrettable deviations from regular discipline. Finally, the efforts and dangers could seem disproportionate and almost greater than the expected benefits. And if there were difficulties, and not few and not small, on the part of the accompanying teachers, even the accompanied themselves were not all happy with such a state of affairs. Often the older ones were exempted by Calasanz himself from the obligation to return home in formation. And among the little ones, the more affluent did not feel comfortable with the poorer ones. These and other similar difficulties were already brought to Calasanz’ attention by his first collaborators, especially by Father Castelli[1354]. If Calasanz, despite knowing these objections, remained faithful to his original plan and decision, it means that the above objectives of accompaniment were so important in his estimation that they justified the risk of such inconveniences.

1353 In fact, the teachers had to fulfill certain practices of piety on the street, as Riti comuni told: «Nel ritornar a casa per osservare il dovuto silencio e modestia religiosa, possono la mattina fare l’esamina della coscienza; o se fossero andati lontano, recitare il rosario, ovvero qualche loro divotione, non portando però in mano l’ufficio per la città e castelli, come si può fare trovandosi fuori dell habitato, et avvanzandoli tempo essamineranno la coscienza. La sera possono prepararsi all’oratione mentale, e tanto più nell’estate. Finalmente vedano di non haver a render conto di quel tempo malamente speso, havendo obbligo sino di un minimo momento.»

1354 CASTELLI, Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^3): «3o [Bisogna] sollevar l’istituto da quel che ha totalmente del donnesco, come insegnare i bambini incapaci di detta vera educazione fin a una certa età d’otto, o dieci anni, o di communione; e da quel che ha totalmente pedantesco come l’accompagnare li scolari a casa, o al più raccomandare quest’insegnarnento e accompagnamento a nostri operarii laici, se non paresse massime dove è già introdotto, levarlo a fatto: E finalmente da quello ancora che ha totalmente del lavoro a giornata, e perpetuo, come lo star tutto il dì con ragazzi, e tutta la vita in scuola...» See also a letter from Father Castelli to Father General from Genoa on 10-11-1629. (EHI p.585-586): «Mi scrivono da Firenze che il Fiammello non ha per bene l’accompagnare i scolari a casa in quella città il che mi da occasione di ricordare questo punto a V. P. che quanto a me non haverei difficoltà alcuna a sbandirlo dal nostro istituto perché mi pare, se io non erro, quello che impedisce l’ingresso di molte persone di garbo in nostra religione. Impedisce a molti già entrati il profitto nella vita religiosa e piaccia a Dio, non sia a poco a poco cagione della nostra rilassatione per necessitarci per carestia di tempo a strapazzar tutti gli essercitii nostri. Da gran commodità a relassati o tristi di far male fuori di casa, si perde non solo di devotione e rispetto che li secolari hanno a religiosi che non vedano tanto spesso per le strade, e ritira molti anco dalle nostre scuole che per questo non vogliono venirci, e finalmente non si conseguisce il fine preteso, con tale azione, perché i grandi non ci vogliono venire, che sono quelli che sono pericolosi di scandalo, e ne anco molti piccoli alquanto civili, onde si riduce a quelli non solo piccoli ma stracciati e meno pericolosi. Il che se pure è carità, non mi par che sia carità da persona religiosa, o almeno tale che per un poco di apparenza più che di sostanza habbia da prevalere alle sopradette ragioni e massime a quella che ci necessita a strapazzar e far materialmente gli altri essercitii l’uno incalciando l’altro, e ci aiuta a finir di svanire e distrarci dopo la fatiga e distrattione delle scuole, in cambio di ripigliar lo spirito con il ritiramento doppo le scuole. Ne mi dica che ad alcuni facci contrario effetto, perché se pure è così, sarà sempre la minor parte. Non lascio di dire a V. P. che la maggior parte de religiosi tenga la nostra indiscreta e molti secolari l’hanno per una mera vanità e gran simplicità; et di presente qui in Genova le nostre squadre sono ridotte tutte a ragazzetti di otto o dieci anni li più miserabili, che certo non è poca mortificatione ad accompagnarli e come ho detto avvilisce questa nostra opera assai questa nostra quotidiana comparsa. Per amor del Signore V. P. ci faccia meglio riflesso che io spero nel Signore che intenderà meglio che non faccio io». For such a difficulty, one of the 34 consultations, the thirteenth of Father Pietrasanta’s Apostolic Visitation, was: «An videtur omittenda vel prosequenda discipulorum in domos proprias finitis scholis associatio? » (BARTLIK, o.c., fol.315). In his reports, Fr. Pietrasanta saw, quite clearly, all the difficulties of the accompaniment (See Reg. Cal. 69f).

To assess the problem objectively, we must take into account the situation of the Roman streets at that time, which was full of moral dangers for young schoolchildren. Certainly, Calasanz’ idea of protecting them by escorting them from every moral and physical danger, of protecting them from every possible insult by the malicious or ignorant, was truly priestly, pedagogical and social. It remains to be seen whether he had to sacrifice his priests and his best teachers for such a result, and whether he could not leave such a task to the decurions or other adults, even if they were paid by the Institute. In fact, we know that one of the reasons for the first unrest that arose within the Order after 1642 was precisely the excessive workload of the Order’s members and the spiritual and intellectual impoverishment that resulted in general discontent[1355].

1355 PICANYOL, Le Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei p.20.

However, if we must be very careful in posing the question so as not to resemble the one who once asked the Master: “ut quid perditio haec?”, then we must be even more careful in answering it. For Calasanz, every hope, every possibility of protecting children from evil, every possibility of true and genuine contact with parents was worth taking every risk, perhaps even at the expense of his own Order.

The Institute’s relations with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities

It is clear from the documents we have that if Calasanz wanted the Pious Schools to collaborate with families in the strict interest of the students, he also wanted the same for the Institute’s relations with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. He wanted to collaborate very closely with these institutions on pedagogical and disciplinary issues. All this was quite natural and logical: from the outset, the Institute of the Pious Schools declared itself to be a faithful and effective organ of the reform of the Christian republic[1356]. For this reason, its work could, with good reason, expect and desire the full support of that same republic. Let us now examine in detail the modalities of this collaboration.

1356 Memorandum to card. Tonti (cf. J. M. LESAGA y otros, o.c.) According to this memorandum, Calasanz was also committed to educating for the Christian republic the “vassalli e cittadini” morigerati, obbedienti, ben disciplinati, e fedeli e quieti e habili a sanctificarsi e ingrandirsi in cielo nonché innalzare o nobilitare sé stessi e le patrie loro con i governi e dignità della terra».

In the vital affairs of the Order and the Institute, Calasanz tolerated no interference, no whim of any personality or civil community, since he wanted to rely only on God and his competent representatives in these matters[1357]. At the same time, he stressed that the civil authorities had a serious obligation “to “keep the youth in check”[1358]; hence he wanted them to help as much as possible the Institute to which they had entrusted the education of their boys. And this help, although it sometimes was translated into financial support, certainly could not be limited to that, but had to be extended to other, perhaps more vital, areas of the Institute. In fact, according to Calasanz, the public authorities had to take on the solemn obligation of defending the Institute against all dangers and against all adverse tendencies. They had to ensure the safety and defense of the Institute, its teachers, its students and its tranquility against physical and moral dangers of all kinds. The public authorities had to ensure that the person of the Piarist teacher was not insulted or mistreated by anyone. The same authorities had to defend the students against any possible insult from men and boys in the street and it was their duty to ensure that the building, morals and tranquility of the Institute and its surroundings were not violated by anyone[1359].

1357 L.843, Ep.III p.273: «Quanto al Pignella desidero che esso et ogn’altro si disinganni che li nostri religiosi non hanno da dependere da nissun secolare salvo come da Protettore dal Sig. Marchese di Belmonte, li altri se vorranno agiutar come fanno quelli della Duchesca senz’altre pretensioni di governo nè de intrigarsi nelle cose delli religiosi bene, se non, staremo come sempre havemo fatto dependenti solo da Dio.» See also L.364, Ep.II p.327: «...però desidero fare il loco che non sia dependente dalla communità acciò non siamo astretti alli loro caprici.» See also, L.286, Ep.II p.281.

1358 L.1483, Ep.IV p.278: «Quanto al fratel Giov. Battista dica che non si pigli fastidio che io lo metterò in molto maggior credito che non è Carlo al quale ho mortificato molto bene et pensava egli far l’oratione et io gli la ributtai come cosa indegna et ne feci far una sopra il concetto dell’obligo che ha il magistrato di tener a freno la gioventù che è più a proposito di ogni altro, se non l’ha havuta io gli la manderò quanto prima...» Compare with Luther’s speech An die Radherrn aller stedte deutsches Landes (1524), in the article by Cornelia Guzzo Capone (Levana V [1926] p.149-169). See also LAMANNA, o.c. I 614.

1359 See Bando di Frascati (Reg. Prov. 33: Frascati, 6). See also L.629, Ep.III p.123: «Quanto al rimediar alli gioveni scandalosi sarà una cosa molto santa et Mons. ne haverà la rimuneratione da Dio. Quanto poi a quelli che vengono apposta a giocar al pallone in piazza innanzi le scuole, mi pare che farà bene di darne parte al Signore Governatore il cui Ordine farà più effetto che quello dei Signori Priori (Narni).

But apart from the physical and moral defense of the school and its students, the public authorities had, according to Calasanz, another very important responsibility. They had to collaborate in the practical implementation of the compulsory nature of primary education that Calasanz had always and everywhere instilled.

We have already said above that the Founder of the elementary schools wanted them to be compulsory[1360]. Now we can go deeper and consider the particular points, the concrete phases of this compulsory nature. The main motive that moved Calasanz to proclaim and defend the compulsory nature of primary education was obviously the same that had led him to found the Pious Schools. He wanted the moral and social reform of the entire Christian republic and was convinced that the almost only means of carrying out this reform was the careful and conscientious education of children, especially the poor and abandoned[1361]. To facilitate this project, he founded the Institute of the Pious Schools. But precisely in order to be able to carry out his plan, he wanted to make primary education compulsory, thus putting pressure on the natural flightiness and selfishness of parents and the laziness and reticence of children. The favored party, the sick society, had to first take, even if against its will, the perhaps a little bitter but the only sure remedy. People not only have the right to education, but also the duty to be educated and to have their children educated until they reach a certain cultural and moral level essential for a truly human and Christian life.

1360 See p. 71. Of course, we should not take this obligatory nature in the strict sense of the word, that is to say, as if Calasanz wanted at all costs that all young people, from a certain age, should attend elementary schools for at least four or six years. Only one thing can be seen in the documents: he would have wanted the boys either to study or to work and not be seen idle in the streets. But, if we look at the great importance that the Saint gave to education begun “a teneris annis” -particularly for its moral effects-, at the same time as the obvious fact that the little ones from six to ten years of age could hardly be applied to any profitable work, alternative allowed by Calasanz in the case that they did not attend school, it is evident that he really wanted something that differed little from what today we would call the obligatory nature of the school, even if the Saint did not have in his hand all the means to achieve it.

1361 Cf. Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «E se alcuno pure insistesse esser già provisto alle necessità di questo istituto con i seminarii, con Padri Gesuiti, e con maestri secolari non farebbe altro, che confermare il consenso universale intorno al bisogno dell’educazione come forse unico mezzo per la riformatione de costumi.»

This was roughly the main thesis of Calasanz. From this he deduced as a logical conclusion the compulsory nature of primary education. Another reason that led our saint to insist on the compulsory nature of school attendance was a consideration of a disciplinary nature. Only those who diligently attended school could devote themselves to serious and methodical work[1362]. On the other hand, the idlers in the streets could set a bad example to those who diligently attended school[1363].

1362 In fact, the prefect of the schools communicated to the parents of the pupils the children’s absences «per fare conoscere agli padri loro come non imparando li figliuoli, la colpa nasce da essi e non dalli maestri» (Riti comuni).

1363 L.469, Ep.II p.404: «Procuri che le scuole caminino con ogni diligenza e che non vi siano putti oziosi per la città massime de’ poveretti per il male essempio che danno a quelli che vanno alle scuole.»

Calasanz had two useful fundamental means to ensure this compulsory attendance of the Pious Schools. The first was a means that we could call autarkic or proper, to ensure the attendance of those already enrolled in the Institute. Absences were controlled and if they were not justified, one was go as far as expelling the guilty student[1364]. The other means was to resort to the civil authorities and their coercive power to ensure the attendance of the Pious Schools for all the poor and lazy children in the streets and public squares[1365]. This means was used by Calasanz with particular insistence in those places where the Pious Schools were the only public schools in the area. Also in these cases, control was much simpler and could be carried out without the risk of offending private or legal persons.

1364 See «Regole del Prefetto», cit. in p.376-379.

1365 L.413, Ep.II p.367: «Mi dispiace grandemente che il Sign. Luogotenente di Monsignor Mtro. di casa sia stato qui alle scuole et non mi habbia parlato che io desideravo grandemente parlargli per ritornar a levar l’otio et il gioco delli giovinetti di Frascati come solevano fare li primi anni che non vi era altra scuola che la nostra, ma spero che il Signore mi darà la sanità per poter venire a trovarlo...» L.444, Ep.II p.387: «...et non essendovi altra scuola procuri col luogotenente che dia ordine alli sbirri che non permettano che ragazzi stiano otiosi per la città si che o vadano a lavorar o alla scuola parlando però de poveri perciò che li ricchi non permetteranno che li suoi figli siano otiosi che sarebbe gran male tanto per li padri come per li figli, similmente si puote valere del favore del Signore Vicario massime per li poveri che non sanno la dottrina christiana et stanno per la città otiosi et in questo V. R. usi ogni diligenza acciò si veda la differenza che vi è in non esservi più che una scola et si chiariscano dell’errore del tempo passato in haver voluto mantenervi altra scuola...» L.471, Ep.II p.405: «Quanto alli giovinetti che stanno otiosi usi diligenza o che vadano a lavorar o alla scuola o vero faccia che il Barigello vi metta un poco l’authorità sua che così si resolveranno di attender a qualche cosa. Quanto allo Spineta e l’altri che vogliono venir alle scuole si protranno ricevere ma con un avvertimento che se daranno male esempio saranno castigati et che hanno di attendere ad imparare et non perdere il tempo; et quando non basti la forza et authorità del maestro si usarà di quella de superiori; però se verranno alle scuole sia con animo di studiar e far profitto o vero non vi vengano.» L.482, Ep.II p.413: «Procuri di haver intelligenza col Sig. Luogotenente acciò non si vedano ragazzi otiosi per la terra con farli alle volte paura con li sbirri.» See also Fr. BAU, o.c., p.450.

As for the relations of the Institute of the Pious Schools with the ecclesiastical authorities, Calasanz and his entire Institute willingly submitted to their competent guidance and judgment[1366]. He wanted their protection, especially that of the Cardinal Protector and other famous Purpurates[1367]. He willingly accepted the collaboration and advice of various religious of the holy life, his friends, for the best possible success of his work[1368]. At the same time, he vigorously opposed any authoritarian interference of some priests, religious and secular, in the affairs of the Institute[1369].

1366 See the first visitations of Cardinals Baronio and Antoniano (BAU, o.c., p.284-285) and the history of the Apostolic Visitation of 1625. (BAU, o.c., p.539-540; PICANYOL, Ep.II p.337-346, letters 380 y 380a; and G. SÁNTHA, Ensayos críticos p.87-98).

1367 L.457, Ep.II p.397: «L’inclusa lettera per il Sig. Secretario del Sig. Cardinale Detti e del Sig. Rosolini quale è suo grandissimo amico et le scrive che in quanto possa aiuti coteste scuole [de Frascati].»

1368 See, for example, the important part played in the early days of our Order by the two Carmelite Fathers John of Jesus Mary and Dominic Ruzzola of Jesus and Mary. (p.321-322).

1369 BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.1 fol.29; typed portion, fol.17): «Alcuni religiosi ancora desiderosi -dicono- della maggior gloria del Signore volevano alcune volte la settimana andarvi a far ragionamenti o prediche per aver con questo anche autorità sopra l’opera e operari, ma con quella riverenza e modestia che conveniva, il nostro Gioseppe li ringraziò del favore facendoli intendere che non erano capaci di tanta altezza quei poveri figli.»

Since the Pious Schools were such a useful organ of the Church, Calasanz had every right to desire and demand their help and protection. He was particularly determined to obtain two privileges for his Institute in two Briefs - and in fact he obtained them. With the one, Ad uberes fructus, he obtained the prohibition for others to found “Pious Schools” or to give that name to those already founded. With the other, Debitum pastoralis officii, he obtained the exemption of the teachers and students of the Pious Schools from the obligation to participate in the traditional processions of the city or country in which the institute had been founded.

The purpose and intention of these privileges are obvious. As for the first, it was the personal experience of the holy pedagogue that the coexistence of two or more pious Institutes in the same city and in the same educational area, especially when the locality was small, hinders rather than promotes the most holy pedagogical efforts. In fact, it is more difficult to control the regularity of the students, the practice of accompaniment and the discipline of one of the centers in order to benefit from the protection, at least presumed, of the other[1370].

1370 L.188 (Ep.II p.216): «Ho parlato col Signore Cardinale Farnese et informatolo bene dell’impedimento grande che vi è in Frascati per il frutto che si voleva fare nelle nostre scuole con esservi altre scuole particolari et approvando quanto io li dissi mi rispose che essendo ecclesiastici che fanno altre scuole egli li prohibirebbe et per far la cosa più giustificata disse che desiderava una relazione o lettera delli Priori qualmente sarebbe meglio che non vi fussi altro che le nostre scuole; io mi offersi di procurarla et adesso che è costì il Sig. Laertio si potria haver l’intento, et se a V.R. li paresse facesse simile relatione il Sig. Vicario sarebbe ancora a molto proposito; saperà ancora se il Sig. Arciprete ne parlò quando fu qui col Sig. Cardinale Farnese a questo proposito che mi disse che lo farebbe se se li porgeva occasione. Se questo negotio haverà buon fine si potrà star in Frascati et con qualche consolatione vedendo che si farà frutto ma altrimenti vi si sta con gran affiitione. Di quello che farà ne darà subito aviso». L.444, Ep.II p.387: «...V.R. usi ogni diligenza acciò si veda la differenza che vi è in non esservi più che una scuola et si chiariscano dell’errore del tempo passato in haver voluto mantenervi altra scuola...» L.376, Ep.II p.335: «Ho dato la lettera a Monsignor Cesarini il quale mi ha detto dopo haverla letta che il Canonico Giovanni Antonio non farà più scuola et credo che il Sig. Vicario li scrive di aiutarlo in non so che altro negotio et disse lo farà volentieri, spero che essendo questo impedimento della sua scuola si farà maggior profitto...» L.180, Ep.II p.212: «Quanto alla commodità di M. Antonio Gambaro parlarò col Padre Castiglia ma ne dubito che in fondago alcuno li piglino per esser troppo grande. Se viene a scuola per imparar può venir ma per andar a spasso dal’una all’altra sarà piuttosto d’impedimento che di profitto.»

Another reason that led the Saint to request the above-mentioned Brief was the just defense of the most vital interests of the Institute and its students. In fact, the Fathers of the Pious Schools dedicated their whole lives, with solemn vows, to the religious and literary education of young people. It would have been unjust and detrimental to the interests of education itself if other priests, secular or religious, had taken on the difficult task of education out of sheer amateurism and had used the name of the Pious Schools for such a pedagogical undertaking. In order to prevent such and similar attempts, which had already been unsuccessfully carried out in the past[1371], and to better guarantee the development, progress and activity of the Pious Schools, Father Peter Casani wanted to obtain a Brief as early as 1616 “ne quis in posterum ubique locorum Scholas Pias erigere seu fundare audeat, et in illis ex officio docere pueros, nisi ex consensu Congregationis huius”. However, this was only granted in 1630, at the further insistence of Calasanz, by Urban VIII, when the Florentine Pious Schools founded by the priest Fiammelli were entrusted to the Saint[1372].

1371 L.1191, Ep.IV p.92: «Quanto al negotio delle nuove scuole che hanno aperto alcuni preti con titolo di Scuole Pie procuri che con ogni diligenza se ne pigli autentica informatione et poi se ne vada al Nuntio et vedano di cavar un monitorio acciò o lascino l’opera o mutino affatto il titolo quale non è commune ma proprio di una religione approvata dalla Santa Sede Apostolica, et fatto, me ne dia aviso di quanto si farà.» L.1213, Ep.IV p.92: «Quanto al negotio delli preti che fanno le scuole pie in Ancona et Nocera io aspetto alcuna relatione che sia autentica perciocché penso ottener un Breve non che li impedisca il far le scuole ma che mutino il nome di scuole pie in altro però mi dia aviso quanto prima che questo è negotio più grave che alcuni non pensano.» L.3186, Ep.VII p.142: «Intendo che in Carmagnola si fanno le scuole del Fr. Deodato e da due preti secolari, il che non si deve permettere a nome nostro che un apostata con secolari facciano scuola.» See especially the story of Matteo Massimi [or Millini], who, under the pretext of founding the Pious Schools, extorted large sums from various benefactors in France and Spain (BAU, o.c., p.600-607).

1372 BARTLIK, o.c. (Eph. Cal. X [1941] 162): «Die 7 augusti emanavit a Sede Apostolica in favorem nostrum Breve, quo cautum est, ne ullibi Scholae sub titulo Scholarum Piarum erigantur, quod quidem occasione Scholarum Florentinarum novissime nobis concreditarum quae itidem Scholae Piae nuncupabantur, factum est.»

The text of the Brief is the following (Eph. Cal. X [1941] 162-163; or, Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.36-37):

«Urbanus Papa VIII.

Ad perpetuam Rei Memoriam.

Ad uberes fructus, quos dilecti filii Clerici Regulares Congregationis Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum in vinea Domini proferunt considerationis nostrae aciem convertentes, dignum quin potius debitum reputamus, ut ea quae felicibus eorum progressibus obesse possunt, quantum cum Domino possumus, removeamus, et prohibeamus.

1. Specialibus itaque illos favoribus et gratiis prosequi volentes, et eorum singulares personas a quibusvis excommunicationis, suspensionis, et interdicti, aliisque ecclesiasticis sententiis, censuris et poenis a iure, vel ab homine, quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet innodatae existunt, ad effectum praesentium dumtaxat consequendum, harum serie absolventes, et absolutas fore censentes, supplicationibus Ministri Generalis dictae Congregationis Nobis super hoc humiliter porrectis inclinati: Ne alii, quicunque, quavis auctoritate fungentes Scholas sub denominatione Scholarum Piarum erigere, aut forsan iam erectas Pias nominare, nec inscribere; minusque habitum per dictos Clericos Regulares gestari solitum, gestare audeant, seu praesumant, sub excommunicationis, et aliis censuris ecclesiasticis per contrafacientes ipso facto incurrendis, Apostolica Auctoritate, tenore praesentium interdicimus, et prohibemus.

2. Decernentes praesentes litteras validas, firmas et efficaces existere et fore, et ab omnibus inviolabiliter observari, etc.

Datum Romae apud sanctam Mariam Maiorem; sub annulo piscatoris, die 7 augusti 1630. Pontificatus nostri anno 8. M. A. Maraldus.»

It was also a very strict pedagogical interest that led Calasanz to request the Brief of exemption from participating in the processions. The frequent public processions in the city and in other towns seriously hindered the true benefit of the students of the Pious Schools, since their scholastic work was frequently interrupted. To ensure that neither the Fathers nor the students were hindered in their work (“ne a suis scholasticis in posterum abstrahatur quotidianis exercitiis”), Calasanz requested from Pope Urban VIII in June 1629 the privilege of exemption from such processions and it was granted[1373].

1373 L.410, Ep.II p.366: «Quanto all’andare alle processioni con li scolari poiché è in uso, non si può tralasciar sin tanto che habbiano fatta altra resolutione et chi in Roma non va alle processioni ne anco fuor di Roma deve andare; ma vi si darà col tempo rimedio ... » L.422, Ep.II p.373: «Ho caro habbiano intermesso di andar alle processioni communi...» L.591, Ep.III p.95: «Quanto al negotio delle processioni io spero che ritornato a Roma vi si metterà rimedio per tutte le case, che non e bene che s’interrompa il nro. Istituto per simile occasione et nissuna religione di preti regolari va in Roma alle processioni, perciò che dovrebbero andar con le cotte come preti, et non possono toglier il loco alle religioni più antiche et però non vi vanno, né andando in Roma non possono esser sforzati in altra parte ad andarvi. Ma il P. Pietro che Dio lo benedica con li suoi fervori nel principio dove si ritrovava voleva mostrar gran humiltà senza considerar il danno che si fa all’istituto.» For the text of the claim filed by Calasanz to obtain the exemption; see BARTLIK, o.c. (Eph. Cal. X [1941] 34-35):

«Annus Christi ١٦٢٩. Urbani VIII. Sextus. Scholarum Piarum trigesimus primus.

Haec inter, etiam Romae fortasse occasione Tusculani Cathedralis Ecclesiae Capituli, cuius meminerunt litterae de dato 16 Januarii 1629, P. Generalis circa exemptionem a processionibus sollicite tractavit, ad Cardinalem exemptionis Romanae Vicarium supplicando in forma sequenti, videlicet:

Ill.e et Rev.e Domine.

Communicatio omnium et singulorum privilegiorum, immunitatum, libertatum, facultatum, exemptionum, gratiarum, et indultorum tam temporalium quam spiritualium, seu concessio ad instar concessorum Ordinibus Mendicantium, illorumque Superioribus, Professoribus, necnon ecclesiis, monasteriis, et Regularibus locis etiam per viam communicationis, vel extensionis alias quomodolibet fruuntur, facta per Ss.mum Pontificem Gregorium XV Ministro Generali et Clericis Congregationis Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum idem operari debet, ac si eidem Congregationi nominatim essent concessa.

Cum igitur quam plures Ordines Mendicantium, ut Theatini, ex Constitutione Pii V, Clerici S. Pauli Decollati ex Constitutione Sixti V; et PP. Soc. Iesu ex Constitutione Gregorii XIII habeant privilegia ne accedant ad Processiones ab omni dubitatione alienum esse debet, idem quoque privilegium habere Congregationem nostram CC. RR. Paup. Matris Dei Schol. Piar. et eodem privilegio uti posse, postquam eidem Congregationi communicata sunt privilegia etiam solo usu aliis competentia. Nihilominus cum hactenus semper de hoc ipso exstiterit dubium, et pluribus vicibus, ab iis, quorum interest Congregatio desuper fuerit molestata, ut nimirum communibus intersit processionibus; ne a suis scholasticis in posterum abstrahatur quotidianis exercitiis humillime supplicat, quatenus de huiusmodi exemptionis gratia, speciali diplomate provisum se videat, et sibi gratuletur id inter speciales favores repositum.»

The text of the Brief (published by Fr. BARTLIK, in Eph. Cal. X [1941] 35-36 and in Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.33-35) is the following:

«Urbanus Papa VIII. Servus Servorum Dei.

Ad perpetuam rei Memoriam.

Debitum pastoralis Officii Nobis ex alto commissi requirit, Nosque ad id promptos excitat, ut regularium studio, piae vitae, et puerorum institutioni sedulo vacantium, ne ipsi ab illis distrahantur, quantum cum Domino possumus, libenter annuamus.

1. Exhibita siquidem Nobis nuper pro parte dilecti Filii Ministri Generalis Religionis seu Congregationis Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum nuncupatarum petitio continebat videlicet: quod cum Clerici, Presbyteri aliique Superiores, et personae dictae Religionis, seu Congregationis a Principio eiusdem Religionis Institutionis, ut, iuxta pium eorum institutum, a quibuscumque occupationibus expediti, puerorum in bonis litteris, et probis moribus, ac doctrina christiana, aliisque piis et salutaribus documentis eruditioni et instructioni, et animarum saluti consulere et invigilare possint, ad publicas processiones, quae in civitatibus et locis in quibus ipsa Religio, seu Congregatio propagata est, celebrantur, et ab Ordinariis locorum indicuntur, convenire minime consueverint; nihilominus ipsius Religionis seu Congregationis Clerici presbyteri aliique Superiores praedicti, diversis in locis ab eorundem locorum ordinariis Processionibus huiusmodi, contra eorum Instituta, etiam sub censuris ecclesiasticis, interesse, et eas passim comitari coguntur; unde non solum ab eorum exercitiis non parum retrahuntur, sed etiam gravissima iurgia, et dissensiones inter eos, et aliarum Religionum Fratres seu Monachos super praeeminentia oriri consueverunt.

Cum autem sicut eadem petitio subiungebat, eorundem Clericorum, Presbyterorum, et Superiorum, et personarum institutioni non conveniat ad similes Processiones accedere, et propria eorum Instituta praetermittere; ipsique pro fugiendis scandalis, quae praecedentiae huiusmodi causa inter eos et aliarum religionum fratres, seu Monachos intercedere possent, cupiant ab interessentia processionibus huiusmodi, ut infra, eximi et liberari: quare pro parte eiusdem Ministri Generalis fuit humiliter supplicatum, quatenus in praemissis opportune providere de benignitate apostolica dignaremur.

Nos igitur iustis et honestis petentium votis libenter annuimus, eaque favoribus prosequimur opportunis ... ex voto Congregationis Venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum S. R. E. Cardinalium Concilii Tridentini Interpretum, eidern Ministro Generali, ac primo dictae religioni, seu Congregationi, illiusque Clericis, Presbyteris, Superioribus et personis, nunc et pro tempore existentibus, quod ipsi extra Urbem, videlicet ex nunc de caetero perpetuis futuris temporibus, in Urbe vero arbitrio dilecti Filii nostri nunc, et Romani Pontificis pro tempore existentis Vicarii in dicta Urbe in Spiritualibus Generalis, quibuslibet actibus publicis, quocumque tempore, de more vel consuetudine, aut alias de tempore faciendis, et celebrandis, aut ab Ordinariis locorum quibusvis indicendis, interesse minime teneantur; nec ubique locorum per quoscumque Ordinarios huiusmodi, aliasque personas inviti cogi, aut compelli possint, Auctoritate Apostolica perpetuo concedimus, et indulgemus; ipsosque desuper ab eisdem Ordinariis, vel aliis personis molestari, perturbari aut inquietari nullatenus unquam posse, etc.

Datum Romae, apud S. Mariam Maiorem, anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1629, Kalendis iunii, Pontificatus Nostri anno 6.»

It is understood that this exemption did not mean the total absence of the Pious Schools from all the above-mentioned events, but only a prudent limitation and measure of their participation in them. Various letters from Calasanz and also other documents concerning the processions of our schoolchildren, especially on Palm Sunday and Corpus Christi, are still extant[1374].

1374 L.885, Ep.III p.305: «Quanto alla processione del S.mo Sacramento mi scriverà come sarà passata che spero che se non haveranno li fanciulli impedimento daranno gran edificatione al popolo. Procuri che li nostri vadano con le cotte pigliandole in prestito che è il proprio habito di chierici regolari, et non vadano ad altre processioni...» L.894, Ep.III p.311: «Qui si sono tutti rallegrati della narratione della processione fatta costì del Corpus Domini che per esser stata quasi tutta di fanciulli ben ordinati et con tanti misterij haverà gradito a molti et in particolare alli Signori complateari...» L.1393, Ep.IV p.219: «Quanto alla processione del S.mo Sacramento scriverò al P. Provinciale che veda che le cose de li scolari vadano quietamente et se li nobili della scuola di Porta Reale non vi vorranno andar si faccia senza essi...» L.329, Ep.II p.305: «[Frascati] Scrissi hieri a V.R. circa il venir a Roma et spero che si farà una processione molto compita...» L.1798, Ep.V p.54: «Viene il P. Giovanni Thomasso con otto alunni con le sue cotte per ritrovarsi alla processione...» Letter of Fr. A. Leailth, Nikolsburg 8-6-33 (EEC p.650): «[Processione del Corpus)...per la città erano preparati quatro bellissimi altari a ciascuno si cantò un Evangelo, dove ancora dalli nostri scolari furono recitati molti versi con grande soddisfazione di tutti». See also BERRO (o.c., II 124-125): «Era costume in casa nostra di S. Pantaleo di Roma nella Processione delle Palme condurre processionalmente tutti li nostri scolari con le palme uscendo dalla porta piccola della chiesa verso li Signori Massimi per il vicolo del Signore Torres, girare tutta la piazza grande della medesima nostra chiesa e perché li scolari andassero con ordine fra essi si interponevano li nostri religiosi, si che era una bellissima vista.»

At the end of our study of the Institute’s relations with the competent civil and ecclesiastical authorities, we can conclude that this relationship was extremely sober, prudent and realistic. The Institute had done everything possible to be an effective organ of public education. Fully conscious of its lofty and sublime mission, so useful to the State and the Church, it wanted to be supported and protected by the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. But this help, especially that of the civil authority, must not serve as a pretext for undesirable interference in the internal affairs of the Order and of education itself. The Institute of Pious Schools wanted to be a pedagogical body, free from all human arbitrariness, from all party interests and political tendencies[1375]. In this intellectual, spiritual, moral and disciplinary freedom, it wanted to educate mature citizens for the earthly homeland and for the Kingdom of Heaven. It wanted to do this according to the laws of God and the Church, in full awareness of its mission and in free consent to it. The school, according to Calasanz, must rely only on God, for only in this way can it fulfill its supreme mission, which is to help men “become conformed to the image of the Son”. Any other school deprived of this freedom, whether it depends on various sectors or on the State itself, will only be able to educate people who resemble their educators. With this fatal deviation, their education will lead to a deforming act and not to a true formation.

1375 Constit. p. 2a c.7 n.174.

7. The program, the formation, the social activity of the Institute

We have already seen that Calasanz, in order to bring about the true reform of the Christian republic and of the individual, founded the Pious Schools, especially for poor and abandoned children[1376]. The whole Institute was for the “poor children who ask for bread and there is no one to break it for them”[1377]. Moreover, the very name of the Pious Schools was intended to show everyone that they were for the service of the poor - as Father Berro said[1378]. In this way, they would not lose “soul and body”[1379], but with the help of the Institute, “a most effective means that preserves and cures evil and introduces and illuminates good”[1380], they could truly be enlightened “by the letters and the spirit of customs, by the light of God and the world”[1381] and then “be ennobled to heaven”[1382]. We have also seen that it was precisely for this purpose that the didactic program of the Pious Schools was created with special attention to the real and concrete needs of the poor, and that for the same reasons Calasanz always wanted his educator to be poor with the poor and well aware of the urgent social problems of his time.

1376 In addition to the documents already cited (p.62-63), see also L.380, Ep.II p.344-345: «L’istituto delle Scuole Pie ... è andato sempre cresciendo et avanzandosi nel servitio et eruditione de poveri giovinetti...» Also, L.4299, Ep.Vlll p.291: «Intanto conviene con animo costante sperar dal Signore l’accomodamento a beneficio dell’istituto e pregarlo con istanza grande ad esser propizio alli poverelli che il nostro Istituto suole con insegnarli abbracciar con carità.» See also L.2812, Ep.VI p.307: «Et quanto al ricevere scolari poveri V. R. fa santamente in ammetterli quanti vengono; perciocché per li tali è fatto il nostro Istituto, e quel che si fa per essi si fa per Xro. benedetto, et non dice cosi de’ ricchi.»

1377 L.3901, Ep.VIII p.71. See a letter from Calasanz to Fr. Berro (L.4185, Ep.VIII p.232): «...e fece posto l’istituto in Roma a poco a poco si fece Congregazione e poi Religione, la quale per esser di tanta utilità a favor dei Poveri è tanto perseguita dal inimico infernale et anco da alcuni aderenti suoi»; and the Bull of erectio by Paul V (n.395). Cf. L.4454, Ep.VIII p.377-378.

1378 Claiming that Calasanz had founded his Institute, «intitolandolo Scuole Pie come che da quelle niuna sorte di emolumento ne pretendesse, fuorché la gloria di Dio e la salute delle anime» (o.c.1, 21).

1379 BERRO (o.c., t. l 1.1 fol.20): «...aveva trovato quantità assai numerevole di figliuoli che per la povertà non potevano esser dai propri padri mantenuti alle scuole, che però si perdevano di anima e di corpo, dandosi a tutti li vizi, che la necessità e l’ozio sogliono insegnare.» Cf. also Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «[Quest’istituto è) dignissimo per aggirarsi intorno alla salute delle anime e de corpi insieme.»

1380 Memorandum to card. Tonti o.c.

1381 Ibid.

1382 Ibid.

We must now deepen the question and analyze in detail the concrete actions and data, i.e. the program, the activity and the social function of Calasanz’ Institute.

A free of charge Institute

Education and teaching are in themselves actions with a social character. The educator, who comes ever closer to the eternal values and has ever more stable and comprehensive truths at his disposal, opens his soul and his mind to his pupil. And with this fatherly and generous communion, he makes him walk the same common path of love and search[1383]. Undoubtedly, it would be difficult to find a more social act in this world. Moreover, if this education is given to the student free of charge, we are faced with the most social act that a person can perform for the benefit of his neighbor[1384]. Calasanz wanted exactly that. He was well aware of the deep meaning and the immense social transcendence of this decision[1385].

1383 Cf. Quam sine fictione didici, et sine invidia communico (Sap 7, 13).

1384 Indeed, what else does it do but animam suam ponit pro ovibus suis? (lo 10,15).

1385 See Memorandum to card. Tonti, where Calasanz declares his lnstitute «meritevolissimo, dignissimo, utilissimo», etc.; also, p.120-121.

If we want to examine the character and nature of this gratuitousness of education in the first Pious Schools, we must realize that it was absolute. The Pious Schools were truly accessible to all the poor, without them having to provide anything material in return[1386]. This is proven not only by the Bull promulgated by Paul V for the establishment of the Pious Schools, but also by the Constitutions[1387] and the formula of profession, according to which every member of the Order took - and still takes - his fourth vow of free education[1388]. And also through the various official declarations of Calasanz on this point[1389].

1386 In this regard, see the poverty of the Calasanzian educator (pp. 92-98); also Depositio P. Silvestri a S. Maria Mag. (Reg. Cal. XIV 62^6): «Riprese e castigò uno de nostri per nome Domenico di S. Silvestro, perché ordinò che li scolari portassero un poco d’oglio per mettere nella lampada dell’oratorio, volendo che lo mettessero li Padri e non li scolari». See also Breve Relazione (p. 7): «Et nissun scolaro può portare cosa alcuna al maestro etiam per amorevolezza se prima non ha la licenza dal Prefetto.»

1387 Constit. (Prooemium n.4): «Et quia nos vere pauperes Matris Dei esse profitemur, Pueros Pauperes nunquam despiciendos, sed multa patientia, et charitate omni virtute exornandos curabimus, maxime ditente Domino: Quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis.»

1388 Ibid., p.1a c.3 n.31.

1389 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Arch. Scholarum Piarum IV [1939] 37): «Et quia nos vere pauperes Matris Dei esse profitemur pueros pauperes nunquam despiciendos, etc. Si dichiara che per far nelli figliuoli il profitto che si deve nelle Scuole Pie non si accettino che non abbiano sei anni compiuti, et li scolari grandi di tredici anni in su se non saranno di buoni costumi non si accettino et accettandosi si confessino prima et frequentino li sacramenti altrimenti si mandino via, et sempre li poveri siano’ sempre con particolare diligenza agiustati ancor che siano stracciati.» Regole del Prefetto (vol.cit. p15): «Il Prefetto debba con ogni charità recever li poveri ancor che fossero scalzi o di vesti stracciate et senza ferriolo, essendo che per questi è fondato principalmente il nostro Istituto...» See also Dubia aliqua circa nostras regulas in Capitulo generali 1637 discutienda (Reg. Cal. XII 105): «Circa li scolari poveri ancorché scalzi, stracciati, si devono ammettere.» «Si sappia chi ha parenti poveri». Cf. also Memorandum to card. Montalto (1602-1605) (L.7, Ep.II p.47- 48):

«All’Illmo. et Revmo. Sigre. il Sig. Card. Montalto. Per li Padri delle Scuole Pie.

Illmo. et Rvmo. Signore.

Per sua benignità ha favorito V.S. Illma. da alcuni anni in qua alli Padri delle Scuole Pie che habitano presso S. Andrea della Valle di scudi 20 per il Natale et altri venti per la Pasca de limosina li quali padri ivi insegnano per sola carità senza recever mercede alcuna o presente dalli scolari, a tutti quelli che con fede del suo parrochiano della povertà ivi concorrono, leggere, scrivere, abbaco, grammatica et la dottrina christiana et buoni costumi et inoltre li provedono di carta, penna, inchiostro, dottrine, salteri et abbachini et pagano per la pigione della casa sc. 200 l’anno et sono hoggidì li scolari poveri da loro insegnati almeno cinquecento, bona parte delli quali sono della parrochia di S. Lorenzo in Damáso della quale tutti sono accettati con la police del Rdo P. Felice...» We must, however, note on this point that the gratuity desired by the Saint was born of the historical, social and economic circumstances of the time, when the poor were so neglected and educational expenses were relatively high, and public elementary schools did not even exist, while on the other hand the Institute itself, by waiving school fees, could so easily appeal to public charity for its maintenance and that of its teaching staff. This maintenance in those times certainly did not require as many expenses as nowadays, and gratuity did not in fact constitute a substantial element of the Institute, which, because of its program and its intellectual, moral and social education, remained forever a pedagogical-social organ par excellence, although social changes and various historical circumstances have not always allowed the Institute to maintain the total gratuity of education with only the means of the Institute.

As far as the details are concerned, this free of charge education already had a historical development during Calasanz’ lifetime. In the first period, when the number of poor and abandoned children was extraordinarily high and when the Pious Schools did not yet or hardly go beyond the borders of Rome, to provide the quickest and most effective help, Calasanz wanted the Pious Schools to serve exclusively the most urgent needs of the poor. For this reason, he excluded the rich from his schools[1390] and required a “certificate of poverty” from every candidate for the Pious Schools. A “certificate of poverty” issued by the parish priest or, in the case of impoverished nobles, by the confessor or another credible person[1391].

1390 See p.62 n.32; Also, Fr. John Benedicti (o.c., p.17): «[Iosephus Calasanctius] effecit, ut cum ad memoratas Scholas Pias opulentorum et inopum promiscue ventitarent filii, in posterum exclusis divitibus soli admitterentur pauperes, qui et christiana maxime institutione indigerent, nec tamen ob summam inopiam nancisci possent Institutores.»

1391 This testimony of poverty already appears in the Memorandum that Calasanz sent to Cardinal Montalto (1602-1605) (L.7, Ep.II p.47; cit. in n.1389); It is also in Breve Relazione («Et tutti si ricevano col testimonio del suo Parrochiano della Povertà»), and it is also found in the Bull of union with the Congregation of Lucca. (Inter pastoralis officii curas, 1614 [Bullarium Scholarum Piarum, p.14-17 punct.4]: «Insuper ut tam in dictis Scholis Piis in Urbe praefata erectis, quam in aliis in eadem Urbe pro tempore erigendis, Pauperes dumtaxat cum fide parochi de eorum paupertate, necnon filii Nobilium, quorum familiae ad inopiam redactae fuerint, cum fide eorum confessariorum, vel alterius personae fide dignae admitantur...») It is true that it is no longer found in the Bull of erection of the new Pauline Congregation of 1617 (cf. BAU, o.c. p.351), but Calasanz still mentions it in 1642 as a preventive measure against certain possible clashes in the agreements leading to the foundation of a school in Vercelli. (L.3876, Ep.VIII p.57: «Io in maniera alcuna non pretendo che si faccia fondatione di Scuole Pie senza fondarvi novitiato, il quale sarebbe il fondamento della propagatione dell’istituto in codeste parti, ovvero si trattase di aprire le scuole per i poveri che portassero la fede della povertà del Parrocchiano o Confessore, che così forse non vi sarebbe la stessa contradizione che vi è stata costì»). With this certificate of poverty Calasanz wanted to obtain a double objective: first, that the poorest and most needy of education and instruction would be truly helped; and second, to avoid as much as possible certain divergences that could arise from the co-education of the poor and the noble or wealthy.

Later, especially after 1617, Calasanz almost completely dispensed with this admission requirement, and although he always affirmed that his institute was “more for the poor than for the rich”[1392], he wanted it to be characterized by universal charity and to embrace rich and poor alike, both of whom were equally in need of piety and letters[1393].

1392 L.2434, Ep.VI p.66: «È vero che cotesto buon Padre haverebbe pensiero d’andar a star tra i poveri e da una parte ha ragione per l’esser l’opera più per i poveri, che per i ricchi.»

1393 In Memorandum to card. Tonti (Reg. Cal. 69a) Calasanz declares that his Institute is «induttivo et illuminativo al bene di tutti i giovanetti di ogni conditione, e così di tutti gli huomini che prima passano per quell’eta.» See also other passages of the same memorandum: «Supposto dunque l’utilità tuttavia è necessità di quest’opera che abbraccia tutte le persone, età, condizioni, e loghi e tutte le scienze basse e tutti li aiuti al ben vivere...»; also: «[l’istituto è] commodissimo per aiutar tutti in tutte le cose senza accettatione alcuna somministrando per il necessario e facendo il pedante a tutti sino ad accompagnarli alle proprie case». Such a way of conceiving things is also seen in the Constitutions, where the fifth point of the Preamble says only: “Erit ergo instituti nostri.... Pueros docere”, without the restriction of the adjective pauperes; in the fourth point of the same Preamble it is recommended to all not to neglect poor children (Constit. Prooem. n.4: “Pueros pauperes nusquam despiciendos curabimus.” Cf. BAU, o.c., p.388). To these documents must be added two letters of Calasanz; one (L.55, Ep.II p.108) of 1620 and the other (L.60, Ep.II p.114) of 1621, from which we can deduce that, in those times, the Pious Schools of San Pantaleo were also frequented by the sons of noble and wealthy families (cf. the comments of P. PICANYOL, Ep.II p.108-115). Moreover, also elsewhere, and particularly in the major schools of grammar and humanities, they were commonly attended by such (cf. letter of Fr. Castelli to Mr. Pietro Vettori, Roma 3-12-1633 [EPC p.653]: «Tanto più che nelle scuole maggiori, alle quali per ordinario non vanno se non persone civili, non pare tanto necessaria simil distinzione»). After the years 1645-1648, there are already several letters in which the Fathers boast of having a student body of children from noble and wealthy families. This joint education was certainly not a small problem. In the early days the solution of separate benches was used (letter of Fr. Castelli to Mr. Vettori [ibid.]: «...e più tosto loderei ciò che ho proposto altrove, di valersi nelle scuole di banchi di private persone, poiché in questa maniera tenendoci propri banchi le persone nobili, non vi saria pericolo, che gli ignobili, o alcun altro vi si accostasse senza licenza dei propri Padroni: onde senza altra novità o alcun altro disturbo si verria a conseguire per altro verso il medesimo intento»). See also what lawyer Firmiani has to say in this regard (Reg. CaL 68 p.12): «Nam respondetur; quia licet omnes sint sub eodem magistro et in eadem Schola tamen habent contradistincta sedilia in omnibus Scholis pro diversa puerorum conditione, et casu quo ex identitate magistri et loci sentirent pueri melioris fortunae aliquod incomodum [non morale quidem; sed physicum] hoc non resultat in damnum Reipublicae, sed est interesse privatum quod non est attendendum in casu nostro, sed revera haec est ridicula obiectio, nam partus litterarum non requirit tot commoditates sed ardorem studendi cum labore, quae requisita de raro vigent in nobilibus et divitibus, sed in humilioribus et pauperibus maxime, de quo non controvertitur.»

An even more accentuated development of his ideas in this regard can be found when, in 1638, after much urging from his religious, especially Father Castelli and outsiders with no small influence[1394], he finally allowed the so-called “School of the Nobles” to be opened in Florence, which was to serve the nobility exclusively. But here, too, the education free of charge was strictly observed - at least formally[1395].

1394 See Fr. PICANYOL, La Scuola dei Nobili p.4-7: Mon. Hist. Schol. Piar. II.

1395 L.2927, Ep.VI p.390-391. Here, among the motives that must have moved the Saint to such a conception, we have to consider as important the fact that the nobility of Florence had promised, for its part, the maintenance of the novitiate and of a house of studies in Florence, so necessary for the propagation of the Order throughout Tuscany; hence the main motive was also in Florence the cause of the poor (cf. BAU, o.c., p.600); on the other hand, Calasanz, in the matter of piety and letters, with just cause, could also consider the children of the nobility as poor, from which it follows that it was also an act of Christian piety and mercy to want to educate them as well. (see Apologia by Fr. Castelli [Reg. Cal. XIV 604]: «È dunque necessaria la buona educazione ed è necessaria non soverchia ad ogni sorta di gente povera e ricca per essere tutti animali sociali bisognosi l’uno dell’altro e per nascere tutti piante selvatiche bisognose di domesticarsi con tale innesto»).

Probably, in order to be able to give always and for all the teaching free of charge, Calasanz did not want, at first, to accept the care and administration of boarding schools (Constit. [p.2.a c.8 n.184]: “Onus vero regendi Seminaria non permittatur nostris, neque saecularium convictorum”). In fact, the Institute was not, on the one hand, in a position to maintain them at its own expense, giving them food and lodging; on the other hand, it did not want the boarders to pay. The care of the Collegio Nazareno in 1630 was accepted only because the founding cardinal in his will had provided for the free maintenance of his students. It was, however, precisely in the Collegio Nazareno that after 1640 (around 1643-1645 or even earlier), for economic reasons and due to the pressure of very influential men, who asked for the admission of their children in the School, the absolute gratuity was broken, accepting also some students who paid their stay (cf. VANNUCCI, Il Collegio Nazareno p.86, 90, 100, 101 and 102). It cannot be denied that such a step opened a new epoch in the history and in the historical development of the Calasanctian Institute.

An offer of direction and foundation of a school for nobles was also made to Calasanz by Cardinal Dietrichstein through his secretary, Bishop Gramay (see a letter of Gramay on the matter [Nikolsburg 22-9-1631; EEC p.503 ]: “Scire me certo longe gratissimun fore Emmo. Principi Cardinali, Nikolspurghum suum amanti ut pupillam oculi, et famam Ordinis Vestri futuram, si ex Italia aut longinquis partibus, aliqui honestiorum filii aut Nobiles huc mitterentur ad studia et disciplina vestrorum patrum, sub quibus sane compendio et citius addiscere possent longe plura quam ullibi in ltalia), but Calasanz did not want to accept it. Nevertheless, a small school for nobles was opened in 1641 in the same city of Nikolsburg, at the request of Prince Dietrichstein (see the following letter of Fr. Onofre Conti [Nikolsburg 23 November 1641; EEC p.206-207]: «Avviso S.P. come l’Ecc. Signore Principe Nostro, l’altro giorno ritornato da Vienna l’andai a visitare e ritiratomi da parte mi propose di voler licenziare il Precettore dei suoi Fighuoli ... in fine avendo noi altri qui, si era risoluto per molti buoni rispetti ricorrere a noi, che gli siamo più obbligati, a volergli concedere un Maestro per detti suoi figliuoli, et acciò possino meglio imparare le lingue latina e italiana, introdurre alcuni altri suoi paggi et di queste nostre scuole li più civili e fare una Scuoletta in Castello. Qual cosa vedendo giusto, utile et honorevole per la nostra religione, gli promessi quanto desiderava, dandomi ad intendere che V. P. non sarà di contrario parere et approverà il tutto»). Also in Cagliari, in Sardinia, in 1644, most of the students were noble knights (see the following letter from Fr. Giov. Battista de Ferraris [Cagliari 15-1-1645; EHI p.817]: «...la maior parte dellos son hijos de cavalleros, y todos buenos sogetos...»).

It is very likely that these nobles and wealthy persons also paid something for the teaching, not as a fee set by the management, but rather as a remuneration prescribed by good sense (see what we have said above with regard to the School of Nobles in Florence and the Collegio Nazareno in Rome). With this, the Calasanctian work did not lose its charitable-social character, since such remuneration was neither wanted nor asked for, but only accepted.

Later, in the already changed historical circumstances, the same Order was forced to demand some school fees from its students. Even this fact did not really change the essence of the Calasanctian work. It certainly does not consist in a gratuitousness thus understood, but rather in the same teaching and in the same Catholic education given to the student (see the chapters relative to the motives of the foundation, the division of classes, the program of intellectual education, as well as in n. 1389.)

Of course, the ideal and just solution to the problem would be for the State to subsidize free (and religious) institutes to the same extent that it subsidizes its own. But until this solution is found for the Pious Schools, the principle applies: ad impossibile nemo tenetur. How could the Institute and its teaching staff be maintained for nothing, especially in our times, when the demands are so high and the expenses so enormous! For the rest, no one can deny that everything possible is done in this field, inasmuch as only the fees for the maintenance of the organic development of the Institute and of the teaching staff are claimed and that a very considerable percentage of students are educated in the Pious Schools all over the world absolutely free of charge.

Certainly, the State is not more gratuitous than we are. For its part, it makes no sacrifice whatsoever for the education of young people. If it spends a certain sum for this purpose, it takes it from the contributions of the citizens according to the principle Do ut des. If the parents of our students would pay us that percentage of contributions that the State spends on public instruction, we could also be free and perhaps to a much greater extent than the State, given the sincerity of our true religious poverty.

As a conclusion from what we have been able to document about the gratuitousness of education in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, we can claim that in its practical implementation it had already undergone a fortunate historical development during the Saint’s lifetime. From the initial exclusivism, in which he only cared for the poor, he arrived at a truly Catholic universality that wanted to embrace everyone, rich and poor, plebeians and nobles, with the same love and unequivocally favored them with the immeasurable gift of piety and letters, which is indispensable for eternal life[1396].

1396 This universality of the Pious Schools which we would call social, is also seen in the fact that Calasanz, without making any distinction of religious profession, and, therefore, without constraining anyone to a forced conversion, admitted in his schools even Hebrew and Protestant children, as his heart of saint and pedagogue dictated to him. As for the Hebrews, BERRO (t. l 1.1 p.33-34; typewritten part, p.21): «In modo tale che gli ebrei medesimi ricercarono di venire alle Scuole Pie, ed in effetto ne vennero da venti per più giorni. Dal quale principio dubitando il demonio la perdita di molte anime suscitò nei rabbini tanta rabbia, e fatto fra di loro collegio, ordinarono alli padri di quelli figliuoli che non più li mandassero alle Scuole Pie, ne si poté superare questa rabbia, ancorché il nostro P. Giuseppe li promettesse di non trattarli mai a loro in specie di cosa della nostra fede santa, ma di parlare solo in commune con tutti gli altri scolari delle virtù necessarie per vivere con il timor de Dio, ed osservare la sua santa legge: ma tutto questo bastò, e per ovviare a ciò, nel ghetto apersero una scuola quotidiana per li loro ebrei poveri.» As for the protestants, see GULYÁS, La Scuola di Podolin, o.c., p.40.

And such a state of affairs was later, in 1731 and 1733, again solemnly approved by the highest ecclesiastical authorities[1397].

1397 See in Bulario of the Pious Schools (p. 106-127) the Bulls of Clement XII Nobis quibus (1 May 1731) and Pontificalis Officii, (10 June 1733); In these Bulls, Clement XII declared: «Clericos regulares, qui a Scholis Piis denominantur, teneri admittere ad scholas publicas pueros pauperes, et licere eis admittere pueros divites et nobiles.»

The school patronage

The Pious Schools were absolutely free and accessible to all the poor, even the barefoot and ragged, without any distinction. But this free education was not enough for many poor people who, lacking economic means, had to attend schools without the essentials such as books, paper, ink, pens, etc., which was detrimental to their intellectual development. Calasanz recognized this fact and, in order to complete his pedagogical work and social support, wanted the free education of his schools to be accompanied from the outset by the widest possible social support for the pupils. This support is what we would call school patronage today. The main purpose of this patronage was to provide the children with some basic school supplies, such as paper, pens, ink, books of Christian doctrine, necessary books for the reading school and the abacus school. Not infrequently, the poorest were even provided with clothing and food[1398].

1398 Cf. Breve Relazione (vol.cit. p.7): «Alli sopradetti Scolari si provede di carta, penne, inchiostro, perché se vede per esperienza che alcuni per mancamento di carta, altri per mancamento di penne et altri di inchiostro non potrebbono fare quel profitto che si deve.» Memorandum to card. Montalto: L.7 (Ep.II p.47-48), cit. in p.382 nt. 7; P. JUAN BENEDICTI, o.c., p.20-21: «Id autem in Scholis Piis iam inde ab ipsorum incunabulis, more receptum fuit Romae, ut pueris maxime inopibus papyrus, calami, atramentum, etc., suppeditarentur.» Cf. also Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «L’Istituto delle Scuole Pie è commodissimo per aiutar tutti in tutte le cose senza attenzione alcuna somministrando però il necessario...» Also, Rules of Teachers (vol.cit., p.18): «Non venderà né righe né ferretti né penne né carta né altra cosa necessaria alli scolari con haverne a pigliare esso o altri per esso li denari procurando che le dette cose se si potrà si diano per limosina alli scolari poveri.» See L.3118, Ep.VII p.95: «Mi vien scritto che in coteste scuole hanno pigliato subito il mal esempio delli nostri fratelli di Roma rilassati e litiganti di vendere in scuola alli scolari le penne, carta, righe e ferretti; le quali cose si solevano dare per amor di Dio alli poveri quando non v’era tanta relassatione e maggiore devotione delli nostri, et acciocché simile relassatione non pigli forza in cotesta casa V. R. comanderà che sotto pena di tre giorni di pane et acqua nessuno possa vendere alli scolari alcuna delle suddette cose».

Several documents we have attest to the effective functioning of this structure[1399]. In addition to Calasanz’ letters, the financial books of the mother house of San Pantaleo are particularly significant. From Calasanz’ letters and these books we know that a considerable amount of paper and thousands of pens were distributed to the students of San Pantaleo or sent to other houses so that they could be passed on to the students[1400]. From these books we also know that grammars, prosody books, humanities books and dictionaries were frequently purchased for the use and service of the students[1401]. And we also find there the expenses for the purchase of shoes, coats, clothes, prizes and other articles for the students, especially for those of Collegio Nazareno, which was maintained almost entirely at the expense of Calasanz due to the many economic difficulties of the legate of Cardinal Tonti[1402].

1399 Testimony of Fr. Silvestri (Reg. Cal. XIV 626): «Voleva che li scolari poveri fossero provvisti dalla casa nostra di libri per leggere, carta, penne et inchiostro, e cosi si faceva et io me ne ricordo benissimo.» Very important in this regard is a letter of V. Glicerio Landriani addressed to Cardinal Federico Borromeo, Roma 29-9-1612 (EPC p.1636): «...qui seli danno carta, penne, corone, Dottrine Christiane, libri spirituali, per amor di Dio et officioli della Madonna…»

1400 L.285, Ep.II p.281: «...li mando un poco di carta et un poco di penne acciò ne possa dare alli scolari più poveri...» L.161, Ep.II p.198: «...mandarò a dire di mattina al P. Castiglia che dia un poco di carta et penne per cotesta scuola...» Libro di uscita, 25-3-1624 (Reg. Cal. XI): «Per un migliaio di penne, giuli 70». Ibid., 8-11-1624: «Penne per li scolari, 40». Ibid., 10-11-1625: «Per penne per li scolari, 40.» Ibid., 16-9-1624 (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per quattrocento penne di scrivere, 30.» Ibid. (Dom. Gen. 48), 4-9-1634: «A P. Stefano per una scrittura e per un mazzo di penne per donare per il Collegio Nazareno, giuli 2.»

1401 See, Libro di uscita, 3-7-1624 (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per grammatiche usate, 40». Ibid. 17-9-1624: «Per tre libri di prosodia Enrici Smetii, 90.» Ibid. 8-11-1625 (Reg. Cal. XI 11): «Per cinque libri di humanità usati in folio, 1,80». Ibid. 28-1-25: «Per quattro dizionarii usati, 65». lbid. (Dom. Gen. 48): «Ad un giovane per dizionario, giuli 20» (s.f.). lbid., 8-1-1626 (Reg. Cal. XI 113): «Per otto libri in folio mandati a Genova per le scuole nostre scudi 14,50». Ibid. 15-16-1624: «Per undeci rami intagliati in cartelle in rame del Verovio per li scolari» (without price).

1402 Dom. Gen.48, 11-10-1634: «Al guardarobba per un mantello per uno Alunno del Collegio, scudi 2,50; al caldararo per un focone per lo studio del Collegio, scudi 2.» Ibid. 16-1636: «Allo infermiero dato il P. Andrea per uno alumno ammalato del Collegio Nazareno, 30.» Ibid. 4-7-1636: «Al fratel Antonio, del Collegio Nazareno, dato il P. Andrea per bisogni minuti del detto Collegio e vivere quotidiano, scudi 6.» Reg. Cal. XI 11, 2-2-1625: «Per cera per li scolari.» Libro di uscite, 30-8-1629 (Reg. Cal. XIII 25): «Dati per tre para di scarpe usate, per Paolo due para, e l’altro per Giov. Battista di Bastiano scolari, 35.» Reg. Cal.XII 76 (1636): «Alle vesti delli alunni... (undecipherable word) paonezza m. 28, scudi 28,20». Reg. Cal. XI 11, 26-7-24: «Agnus Dei mezzani et piccoli per mandar a Narni, Norcia et Frascati premij alli scolari, 1.60.» Ibid. 6-5-1625: «Per immagini per la dottrina cristiana, 30.» Dom. Gen. 48, 28-7-1636: «Al fratel Tomasso Maria per corone, giuli 4.» Regarding the difficult economic situation of Collegio Nazareno, see L.2342, Ep.V. p.470, 7-3-1635: «Quanto al pigliar alunni sia sicuro che non se piglieranno fin tanto che siano accomodate le cose del Collegio, e ora si mantengono a spese della religione.» From the documents of the college of Podolin, it appears that also there, for example, books of Christian doctrine were distributed among the poor students (see GULYAS, o.c., p.8).

Following on the subject of the economic aid given to the Nazarene College, we know from a report of Fr. Berro that Calasanz, in order to provide the College with the necessary books, gave them more than one hundred books, after having taken them from the mother-house of San Pantaleo. (BERRO [o.c. t. l 1.3 fol.18]: «Prese della nostra libreria piu de cento pezzi di libri di belle lettere, perche li Alunni et il loro maestro se servissero nel Collegio»).

We also know from a letter from the Saint that this school patronage was not limited to the current students of the institute, but was also extended to the needy former students when necessary and according to the economic possibilities of the Order[1403].

1403 L.2369, Ep.VI p.23: «La strema povertà e la charità che si deve a chi sta in simil stato come la Madre e la sorella di Pietro Casinese che fu un tempo alunno del Collegio Nazareno et anco Novizio nostro mi ha spinto a farli dar per amor di Dio ... pagandoli io undeci giuli etc. et anco lo raccomandarà a chi sarà necessario acciò il detto Pietro possa dar qualche aiuto alla sua madre et sorella che sarà un opera di charità grande».

As for textbooks, if they could not be given freely to the students, at least everything was done to reduce their price[1404].

1404 L.956, Ep.III p.359: «Quanto al libro della confessione et communione deve sapere che io ho accordato di fare venire tre o quattro balle di carta di Foligno per stamparlo qui dell’istesso carattere e si potrà dare a cinque baiocchi o costì a cinque grana et non è bene stampandolo costi il libraro a nome suo faccia pagar più di cinque grana alli nostri scolari massime se la lettera sarà un pò più piccola pero simili cose si devono consultare per accertarsi come conviene.»

We also have some documents about the food aid of the Pious Schools, at least for needy students. Father Angel Morelli and the priest John Emmanuel Simoni say in their testimonies that this was done in San Pantaleo[1405]. The same thing happened in Nikolsburg[1406] with the help of Cardinal Dietrichstein and in Podolin[1407] under the protection of Prince Lubomirski.

1405 Fr. Morelli’s testimony can be found in Proc. inf 1650 p.401 (Reg. Cal. XXX): «...finchè lui governò i detti poveri putti provvedeva a tutto quello che gli era necessario, come carta, penne, inchiostro et anco alli miserabili faceva dare da mangiare, e ciò succedeva spesse volte et io l’ho visto.» The deposition of the priest Gian Emmanuele Simoni can be found on Summarium super dubio (n.34 p.58 g.169): «...risplendette in lui la carità verso il prossimo, della quale ne ho esperimentato io nella propria persona gli effetti, mentre dall’anno 1632 fino al 1634 mi tenne in S. Pantaleo, provvedendomi di vitto e vestito e d’ogni altra cosa necessaria, facendomi studiare dalla grammatica sino alla logica e imparare sonar la musica figurata; ed era tanta la carità verso gli scolari poveri, che somministrava libri, carta ed ogni altra cosa per la scuola.»

Canon Stefano Gagliaro also points to something similar in the introduction of the book that he himself printed and dedicated to Calasanz (Instruttione per li maestri di Scuola, Napoli 1637): «Obbligatissimo mi riconosco alla Religione delle Scuole Pie, per gli aiuti spirituali, e temporali, che per mezzo di quella ho ricevuto…»

1406 BERRO (o.c., t.l 1.3 fol.51): «Fondò anche [il Card. Dietrichstein] un altro luogo come per ricovero ed hospitio per tutti li giovanetti forastieri che volessero venire alle Scuole Pie ad imparare le lettere e molto più le cose appartenenti alla Fede cattolica che molto li premeva et con il vitto e stanza se li dava una pagnotta e minestra il giorno.»

1407 Cf. GULYÁS, o.c. p.10.

In Naples, too, bread and fruit were distributed to the poorest after the Sunday Christian lesson[1408]. This was precisely Calasanz’ intention, as can be seen from a document in the General Archives from 1627[1409].

1408 L.3903, Ep.VIII p.72: «Con la lettera di V. R. del primo febbraio sono rimasto molto contento coll’avviso che mi da di havervi introdotto nella nostra chiesa l’essercitio della Dottrina Christiana per li giovanetti poveri a quali doppo haverli insegnato dice che se li da una pastilla che facilmente si trova per chi la sumministra per carità et essendo questa opera in servitio di poverelli sarà molto grata a Dio e meritoria per chi l’essercitarà e da parte mia essortarà il P. Tommaso che vi attenda con ogni diligenza avvisando la fede che ci dice quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis mihi fecistis, pero faccia questa attione per puro amor di Dio et chi l’aiuterà parteciparà ancora del merito. Pero per niun conto si lasci di proseguire questa opera santa.» See also the relation of Fr. Berro (o.c. II 3 p.162-163): «Così l’ispirò a fare nella nostra chiesa della Duchesca che alcune Signore Penitenti e Pie portassero ogni mattina non mediocre quantità di pane e di frutti secondo la stagione et adunando nelle Messe qualche quantità di poveri ragazzi e zitellucce li faceva sentire la santa Messa offerendo maggior elemosina a chi la sentiva con maggior devotione e dopo la Messa insegnandoli le cose necessarie alla salute li mandava consolati a casa con le mani piene di pane e frutti per il che le loro madri restarono quiete...»

1409 Declarationes aliquae quorundam locorum nostrarum Constitutionum octobris 1627 (Reg. Cal. XII 47): «De castitate. Declaravit etiam mensam unam pro pueris parvulis usque ad annum decimum sextum cum minori portione ciborum iisque ac aliis inter comedendum perpetuum silentium omni casu et tempore indispensabiliter».

With regard to this school patronage, we must note that the saint, precisely in order to help the poorest and most needy, wanted the teachers to be informed of which of his students came from the poorest families[1410]. He himself, who was a member of the commission for the admission of students to the Collegio Nazareno, always paid attention to the economic status of the parents and the number of siblings of the applicant[1411].

1410 Dubia aliqua circa nostras regulas in Capitulo Gen.1637 discutienda (Reg. Cal. XII 105): «...Si sappia chi ha parenti poveri».

1411 Alcune liste relative al Collegio Nazareno. lnformazione degli Alunni: Reg. Cal. XII 60. For example: «Dionisio de Santi Rom., Il Padre sartor; con otto figliuoii, povero di buon ingenio et costumi; Francesco Antonio Gliaves de Brindisi, povero di buonissimi costumi et di ottimo ingenio.»

“Doposcuola”

We can confirm that support for the Pious Schools was not limited to school patronage. Calasanz wanted to go even further and introduced the so-called “Doposcuola” or semi-boarding school to take care of the needs of his most abandoned poor children, who had no safe place at home to do their homework. They were allowed to stay in a classroom after lunch under the supervision of fathers or brothers and study there until the start of afternoon classes. It is very likely that most of these pupils were also among those who received food from the school[1412].

1412 L.1444, Ep.IV p.251-252: «[Frascati.] Qui a Roma non si può far di meno di lasciar intrar in alcune scuole basse li scolari doppo il pranzo perché vi è sempre alcuno delli nostri Padri, inoltre il Portinaro che ne tiene conto altrimente farebbero molti inconvenienti, ma costì in Frascati io non so come riuscirà meglio, massime non havendo chi vi assista sempre perché li scolari non si possono lasciar soli senza assistenza di uno delli Padri, al quale tutti riveriscano, et però in questo particolar io mi rimetto a quanto ordinarà il P. Castiglia et mi diano avviso di quanto faranno et sono sicuro che se saranno uniti faranno gran profitto nelli scolari et poco ne faranno se non saranno uniti.» See also L.1445, Ep.IV p.252: «Quanto all’introdurre li scolari in scuola il doppo pranzo V. R. consideri quello che sarà più servitio di Dio et conforme li parerà cosi farà esseguire...»

Such an institution of Calasanz was particularly beneficial in the small towns for the distant pupils who had to stay at school during the day as they came from faraway places[1413].

1413 L.1972, Ep.V p.178: «[Moricone.] Quanto alli giovanetti che di fuori vengono si può conceder loro che mangino nel convento ma quanta al dormire se si trovasse commodità conveniente nella terra l’haverei molto caro et di questo se ne potrà trattar quando alcuno di casa venga a Roma». A similar institution was also introduced in Nikolsburg; see n.1406.

Education from childhood

It was undoubtedly a beautiful and transcendental gesture of the Pious Schools and of great social importance to provide education and instruction “from an early age to young children, the “poor little ones”, the “piccolini”, as Calasanz wanted to call them. This purpose of Calasanz was truly social, because it concerned the poorest and most numerous part of the population, the most abandoned class of all, and at the same time the most receptive to any help and social remedy. He wanted to inculcate the moral principles of the Christian life into the tender souls of children at an early age. We are almost inclined to say that Calasanz, in winning them to God and establishing them in God before they were seduced by evil, found and practiced the best means for every genuine reform, every genuine education, and every genuine social help. Free education, school patronage etc. were only useful and indispensable means in the social work of Calasanz. But the “pure social act” (actus pure socialis), the great social act of the saint, was precisely this: to take little people at their beginning, at the start of their intellectual and moral life, and to educate and help them during their baptismal innocence so that they can “grow up in heaven”. And it is undoubtedly here where the free education of the Pious Schools of St. Joseph Calasanz fulfilled its most positive and magnificent social mission[1414].

1414 See p.120-121.

Value and social function of the school program

The Calasanz Institute had par excellence a social character and a social mission. Not only because of its free education and its attentive support for the neediest students, but also because of its school program, which was created and established entirely for the benefit of the poor and according to their most obvious and natural needs. In fact, the various subjects were chosen so that their solid mastery would enable the pupils to earn their daily bread in a Christian way. Religious and moral education was also distributed with such care and charity that the students themselves would be able and willing to live honestly and as good Christians after their period of study.

On the other hand, in developing this program, the goal was always to spend as little time as possible so that the students could attain their moral and social independence as quickly as possible and with as little effort as possible[1415]. Some of the Saint’s contemporaries rightly remarked that the Pious Schools, with the short, efficient and careful development of their program, adapted to the real needs and requirements of the poor, left a very rich legacy to their students[1416].

1415 Cf. Constit. (p. 2nd c.9 n.198): «Et cum in omni fere Rep. pro maiori parte incolae sint pauperes, qui filios suos in studiis litterarum ad modicum tempus sustinere valent, curet Superior, ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti magistro, qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi, quo facilius quisque sibi necessaria acquirere possit.» See also L.3769, Ep.VII p.454-455, cit. n.717.

1416 See a letter of Fr. Michael Geisselbrunner from Nikolsburg to Fr. General, dated 13-12-1643. (EEC p.479): «Multi Praelati ac alii Domini Religionem nostram in istis partibus propter artem scribendi et aritmetices pauperibus patrimonium locupletissimum futurum in quodam convivio dixerunt auxiliatricesque suas nobis manus contra adversarios nostros promiserunt». Cf. a similar remark by Calasanz (L.3753, Ep.VII p.445): «...questa scienza [la matematica] e l’essercitio è molto utile per i poveri che non hanno capitale da poter vivere senza faticare.»

Important claims and achievements of the new Institute in favor of the poor

With the free development of a school program such as that of the Pious Schools for the service and benefit of the poor, Calasanz undoubtedly went beyond the narrow limits of simple charitable work and, more than that, solved extremely important and fundamental social and educational problems, both theoretically and practically.

The first of these was the right of all the poor to the entire field of knowledge, without any restriction. Nowadays, especially in developed countries, this right seems extremely natural and more than self-evident. But this was certainly not the case in Calasanz’ time, when the nobility retained the privilege of all science and all literary culture for themselves, based on old Aristotelian concepts that were perhaps not always well understood and interpreted[1417].

1417 Cf. Campanella in vol.cit., p.230 c.1s «Ad politicos» 4: «Praeterea Aristoteles in 7 Polit. docet Rempublicam distingui debere in nobiles et servos, nobilibusque assignans sacerdotium et militiam, regimen civitatis, servis vero assignat artes, mercaturam, agriculturam, etc., nec ex istis ad illos patitur transitus, nec etiam converso, putatque nobiles beatitudinis capaces, servos vero nequaquam, at Scholae Piae miseris ac pauperibus servis, scientiam impertiuntur, quo rempublicam turbari, et qui beati in ea esse debent, non beari contingent.» And the answer (p.232-233: «Refelluntur singula argumenta a politicis adducta» 4):

«Ad ٤. Hanc Aristotelis rempublicam in politicis quaestionibus nos rationibus validis condemnavimus, maxime autem condemnatur in Christianismo, ubi non propter paucos, ut ipse vult, sed propter omnes beatitudinem extare praedicatur; et Deus infirma mundi elegit, ut fortia quaeque confundat ut Paulus inclamat; praeterea Aristoteles beatitudinem solam temporalem dat et paucis, quasi genus humanum divisum esset in plures species, quarum alia capax, alia incapax humanitatis, Deus autem qui fecit ex uno omne genus humanum, ut inquit Apostolus omnibus beatitudinem pollicetur aeternam, declaratque temporalia bona non esse sufficientia humanorum animorum vastitatis; eos etiam qui laborant in paupertatibus, et artibus, meliori spe tanquam plus militantes in hoc mundo ad victoriam eligit. Praeterea stultum est putare, quod ex nobilibus bonis semper boni, et nobiles nascantur, et quod ex plebeis non bonis nec generosis, sapientes, et boni non nascantur, ideoque omnes in ordine, non quidem naturali, sed fortuito continendos: sit igitur transitus ab utrisque ad utrosque et omnium communis scientia, quorum communis est animus, atque Deus».

This high social class did not want to allow the poor to acquire these, fearing that once they were in possession of a culture that went beyond simple reading, writing and abacus, especially Latin, they would abandon agriculture and the various professions without which the state could no longer prosper[1418].

1418 Ibid., c. 1 «Ad politicos» punct.1-2 p.230: «2. Si respublica stare debet, indiget agricolis, artificibus, militibus atque servis. Sed Scholae Piae auferunt huiusmodi reipublicae partes, et servatores vel minuunt, siquidem dum pauperes, et viles, et ignobiles litteras docent, amovent illos a praedictis reipublicae servitiis, trahunturque, vel ad clericatum, vel ad monachatum et ad doctoratum. ltaque paucissimi erunt, qui pro republica laborabunt, et longe plures manducatores, quam laboratores, unde fiet ut brevi tempore respublica corruat, sicuti corruit caput, cui pedes et bracchia auferuntur. 3. Praeterea confundetur ex hoc reipublicae ordo; siquidem Senatores et patricios coget pastoralibus, agriculturae, mercaturae et opificiis operam dare, et reipublicae administrationem deserere, vel aegre et imperfecte tractare, quo maximum parturit detrimentum, propterea quod prudentissima respublica Chinensium providit, ne quispiam alteram artem sive nobiliorem sive viliorem exerceret praeter artem parentum, atque ei succederet opificio et haereditati. Sic non melius tractant, quod a patribus eddicere exercitio, et per lac, et semen contraxere studium, nec deerunt aliquando reipublicae cuiusdam artis ministri.»

It is also known that such an opinion was shared by Cardinal Roma, a very important figure in the history of the Order of the Pious Schools (see on this subject the article of Fr. PICANYOL Le Scuole Pie e la soppressione inocenziana del 1646: L’eco dei nostri centenari n.6 p.3-5); and the same can also be said of Innocent X’s Secretary of State, card. Panciroli (see BAU, o.c., p.1099-1100, in which Fr. Berro is quoted, III 25 p.195).

The difficulties that the new Pious Schools had to face in this respect were therefore neither small nor minor. In order to defend and justify themselves, they first tried to show that the poor had the same right to knowledge as the rich[1419], since all men are equal before God[1420]. Moreover, from a human point of view, the poor almost have a greater right to knowledge and a good education, as they are often more industrious and intelligent[1421]. And so it is precisely “those who by their work, as it were, maintain the world”[1422],” and “the greatest work and the most difficult negotiations are the thoughts of the poor, who, in order to achieve something, watch and work while the rich sleep, and only appear on the scene for the things already done; in general, to approve and conduct the reputation and negotiations of the poor themselves”[1423].

1419 CAMPANELLA, o.c. Argumentum Generale contra Politicos p.230-231: «Sed contra est Daniel propheta dicens [c.22]: plurimi pertransibunt, et multiplex erit scientia, et Isaias: Implebitur terra scientia Domini, et Moises non modo nobiles, sed totum populum Dei doctos esse voluit, imo Iosue zelante, quod quidam prophetarent, sicut et Moises, respondit Moises: Quid zelaris pro me? Utinam totus populus prophetet et det illi Deus Spiritum suum, quod saepe gloriatur se habere populum eruditum super omnes nationes; igitur voluntas Dei est, ut scientiae non modo nobilibus, sed populis omnibus impertiantur.

Hoc autem utilissimum esse reipublicae ex eo patet; quod scientia est perfectio animi, et generis humani; ergo quanto magis multiplicatur, eo magis perficitur; et respondet praeterea, et ipsemet Aristoteles in quinto libro Politicorum: Tyrannos eos esse dicit, qui populum ignorantem habere volunt, ut possint impune malefacere, et non habere reprehensiones, unde accidit ex diminutione sapientiae et opificorum pravitas. Profecto nonne melius pinget pictor, qui mathematicam didicit, aliasque scientias, quam qui solam picturam? Similiter colet agros longe utilius philosophus, quam illiteratus rusticus, ille non terrae, aeris et aquarum, et siderum naturas scit et utilitates, agriculturam agri item seminum et herbarum et plantarum ingenium et vires et fruges in melius aut deterius generantur et vescuntur propterea quod Romani etiam nobile agriculturam et fruges curabant, et gloriabantur ex illis sibi agnomina adsciscere, hinc Fabii a fabis colendis, Lentuli, Cornelii, Cicero ab aliis frugibus agnomen sortiti sunt, et ex aratro id consulatum, et dictaturam vocabantur. Hinc Cato, et Varro, et Columella, et Virgilius de re rustica haec docuere: quapropter praestaret reipublicae agricolas habere philosophos, quam imperitos et illiteratos; similiter et artifices alios. Si nautae astrologi sunt multo felicius navigabunt, si caementarii, calcearii, statuarii, barbitonsores, sutores, aliique opifices materiam, in qua versantur, et formas, per scientias noverint, et non solum empirica peritia longe meliora habebimus artificia, felicioremque ex illis vitam sortiemur; nonne etiam hoc Abraham, Isaac, et Iacob, aliique Patriarchae summi Theologi summique Philosophi fuerunt, et tamen pastoralem et agriculturam, aliasque artes exercebant? Idem accidit in Republica Atheniensium, ubi artifices scientias callebant; Socrates etiam filius obstetricis et lapidarii fuit.

Praeterea cum ingenia exoriantur aliquando praeclara, si respublica illos privabit scientia, privabit etiam seipsam emolumentis sapientiae, etiam in republica florentina artes felicius exercebantur, quando opifices erant litterari, ut Bartolus tonsor, Gellius sartor exemplo sunt, servi etiam litterati melius quam illiterati servitia capessunt.

Praeterea populus eruditus non facile patitur tyrannidem, nec decipitur a sophistis, et haereticis sicut indoctus, propterea non introducta est idololatria in mundum; hinc Aegyptus a proceribus factus indoctus, quasi bubalus trahebatur per fibulam quocumque volebant ita ut crederet non modo homines esse deos, sed etiam sidera; et elementa, et lapides et plantae, et fluvii, propterea quod tyranni fovent ignorantiam populorum, ut de illis quidquid libet facere queant; quapropter et principibus, et populis, et toti reipublicae tam ad felicitatem vitae praesentis, quam ad divinum cultum utilissima videtur multiplicatio, et vulgatio scientiarum, quod per Scholas Pias curatur.»

See also point 2 of Refelluntur singula argumenta a politicis adducta (p.232, ad 2): «Qui faciunt quod sapientia mundum Dei gubernans et respublicas omnes, quae dixit: per me reges regnant, et legum conditores iusta decernunt, imperavit, il non errant contra rempublicam; hoc autem faciunt Piae Scholae; siquidem Sapientia dixit Lucae 14: cum facis prandium, aut coenam noli vocare amicos tuos, neque fratres tuos, neque cognatos, neque vicinos divites, ne forte te et ipsi reinvitent, et fiet tibi retributio, sed cum facis convivium voca pauperes, debiles, claudos, et caecos et beatus eris. Ad convivium igitur Sapientiae; quae ut dixit Salomon aedificavit sibi domum, miscuit vinum, posuit mensam, etc. Scholae Piae vocant quoscumque, praesertim pauperes: Venite, comedite panem meum, bibite vinum quod miscui vobis; igitur Institutum illorum est institutum Sapientiae Dei, propterea ab eiusdem Vicario Dei confirmatum, quod autem impertiri scientias plebeis non sit inutile, probatum est in corpore articuli, quoniam per ipsum omnia reipublicae servitia fiunt meliora. Iulianus Apostata prohibuit scientiam Christicolis ut vilibus reipublicae servitio mancipatis; qui ergo Scholas Pias conantur evertere, imitantur illum. Praeterea ex hoc, quod plebei elevantur ad nobiliorem statum, Respublica melioratur, quod etiam Macchiavellus, Politicorum Coryphaeus, in historia Florentina consideravit, probari nempe contentiones plebis cum patritiis; propterea Romanam rempublicam in melius semper processisse, quod plebei participes fiebant functionum patritiorum, contrariumque Florentinis evenisse, quoniam per huiusmodi litigia patritii in plebeiorum ordine deprimebantur. Praeterea Scholares Pauperes si sunt egregiae indolis elevantur ad Doctoratum, ad Clericatum; et hoc aequum est, bonumque reipublicae, ut non modo nobiles obtuso ingenio aliquando praediti et negligentia deteriorati occupent gradus altiores reipublicae. Qui autem non pollent ingenio tractabunt artes etiam melius, quam qui litteras non didicerunt, ut supra dictum est.»

Regarding paragraph 4, see n.1414.

1420 Documents ofCcard. Paolucci 1.33 p.275, «Pro redintengratione Patris generalis» (without author’s name, 1643): «...Haec religio ad educationem pauperum praecipue instituta non est inutilis: imo etiam necessaria, ne pauperes non minus quam divites a Deo dilecti a recta morum ac litterarum disciplina excludantur...»

1421 See Difesa dell’Ordine of lawyer Firmiani (Reg. Cal.68, p.12), already cited in n.1393.

1422 Apologia, of Fr. Castelli: Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4

1423 Ibid.

Secondly, the Pious Schools sought to show that a proper culture and education imparted to the needy according to their abilities and economic means did not free them from the performance of various duties, but rather made them “more pious, learned and expert in service”[1424], “more temperate, obedient and better disciplined”[1425] vassals and citizens, and helped them to become “Christian men and to earn their living in a Christian way”[1426].

1424 Istanza dei Padri alli Signori Conservatori di Roma: Dom. Gen. 2.

1425 Memorandum to card. Tonti, o.c.

1426 BERRO, o.c., t. l 1.2 fol.85; for all this argumentation see also CAMPANELLA, o.c., vol. cit., p.230-234.

Cf. with this what Comenius says in defense of his thesis that “si deve insegnare tutto a tutti”. (cit. por LAMANNA, Storia della Filosofia [Firenze 1947] 5 II p.14; Didactica Magna c.4-y 9 § 1-5.8): «Se alcuno dirà: cosa avverrà se i mestieranti, i contadini, i facchini e perfino le donnicciuole si daranno agli studi? Risponderò così: Avverrà questo, che nei debiti modi questa istruzione e educazione universale che dico da ora in poi, non farà mancare, nemmeno a uno di tanti, materia di buoni pensieri, di buone ispirazioni e anche di buone opere... Tutti dovranno imparare a veder Dio dappertutto, ad accostarsi a lui dappertutto.»

And he particularly insisted on the need to teach Latin even to the poor children who were able to do so, not only because their knowledge was indispensable for the practice of some professions usually practiced by the poor[1427], but also because a modest humanistic culture imparted to the needy could significantly raise their cultural level and intensify their intellectual life, making them more human and therefore better Christians[1428]. On the other hand, for some, for the most intelligent, Latin was also necessary as an introduction and indispensable means for higher studies. Not teaching Latin in the Pious Schools would have been tantamount to depriving many gifted young people of the opportunity to fulfil the mission that Providence had entrusted to them[1429]. To avoid this, the Pious Schools of St. Joseph Calasanz preferred to take the risk that some - very few - who had begun humanistic studies and then abandoned them for whatever reason - that is, who had remained in the middle of the road - would lose their bearings later in life. Indeed, without such a risk, no education and no teaching would have been possible[1430].

1427 See Documents of Card. Paolucci 1.10 p.95: «Scriptum pro Instituto» (without author´s name). Reg. Cal. 68: «Con queste scuole molti poveri possono habilitarsi alla via ecclesiastica, per servire poi nelle parrocchie, che ordinariamente la nobilità e ricchi non vogliono pigliare se non sono con grandi rendite, attendendo alle dignità piuttosto et alli canonicati delle cattedrali, o Collegiate, si abilitano ancora i poveri con l’imparare di leggere e scrivere a molte arti et in quelle ponno tener li loro conti e negotiar con assenti, con imparar poi li conti possono impiegarsi nei banchi, nelli fondachi, in computisterie, et altri mestieri.

Col saper leggere quelli che s’applicano all’arte possono li giorni festivi coltivare lo spirito appreso nelle scuole Pie con leggere libri spirituali.»

See also Apologia of Fr. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4): «Nemmeno stimo soverchia a molti poveri la lingua latina tanto utile a tante cose, e tanto necessaria ad alcun’arti pur necessarie al mondo, e solo da poveri esercitati come Notari, Copisti, Sollecitatori, Speziali, Cerusici, Pedanti e simili». Also Relazione, of the same author (Reg. Cal. 69c): «Molto meno vi sia chi lo stimi dannoso al ben pubblico perché diverta i poveri dall’ arti e essercizi bassi, perché oltre ad esser necessario anco a poveri la parte principale di detta educazione nei buoni costumi e timore di Dio con molto vantaggio de ricchi in trattar con poveri ben allevati, e ancora necessario l’altra meno principale nelle lettere più necessarie all’human commercio, come il leggere, scrivere e abbaco per molte arti basse che non comportano il conto sulle dita, e cosi la lingua latina pur ad altre professioni necessarie al mondo e solo per lo più da poveri essercitati, come Notari, Copisti, Procuratori, Segretari, Maestri di Scuola...»

1428 Cf. the sentence of Vives: «Erunt homines, erunt quod nominantur, Christiani» (De subventione pauperum vol.2 «De cura puerorum» p.66; ed. Lugd. 1582); See also in this regard p.124-127.

1429 Expositio ad Cardinales punct.5 (Reg. Cal. XVI 61): «Supprimendo questo Istituto si farebbe grandissimo danno della povertà, che non ha modo di pagare il maestro, onde non potrebbe imparare le lettere che insieme con la Dottrina Cristiana e buoni costumi si insegnano in detto istituto, ma non ne segue però, che non supprimendosi a tali si debba insegnar solo leggere, scrivere et abbaco et non grammatica, perché dal principio del mondo sin hoggi dì ha Iddio scelto tra poveri molti che sono riusciti insigni filosofi, teologi, huomini scientissimi e graduati in molte dignità, si leggano e si riduchino a memoria le historie tutte antiche e moderne, e questo basti.»

See also Constituzioni dell’ Collegio Nazareno: «...quanti giovanetti di bellissimo ingegno et atti a far gran riuscita nella Repubblica [del Signore] restavano nell’oscurità dell’ignoranza per non haver commodità d’imparar le lettere...» And Apologia of Fr. Castelli (Reg. Cal. XIV 60^4): «Perché se ben esser scale a studi maggiori può caggionar tentazioni di maggior stato e così deviar da bassi esserciti, e talvota per non riuscirvi, restando a mezza aria, e per così dire senza arte e senza parte, facilmente indurre e ridurre per vivere a viver malamente con danno delle arti e disturbo della pubblica quiete; non di meno perché non tutti si curano della lingua latina, ne tutti ne son capaci, ne tutti commodi per attendervi, incontrandosi in pochi ancor ricchi non che poveri quei tre requisiti insieme per le lettere tanto necessarii: volontà, capacità e commodità. Tutti questi o da loro si ritirano, o dai Padri delle Scuole Pie che non l’insegnano ad ognuno cosi alla cieca, ma vengono doppo haver imparato il necessario per l’anima e per qualche arte licentiati, fuor d’alcuni altri di ingegno elevato, a quelli se non si aiutassero [come si pensò anche per via del Collegio Nazareno, che per questi soli fu fatto] si faria gran torto, e forse dispiacere a Dio che talvolta gli da quei talenti e gratie per trafficarle anco ne’maggiori gradi di S. Chiesa come più volte s’è visto con grande utile del Christianesimo. Per il che si riducono gli altri a tanti pochi che con ogni abuso di cose si buone non può notabilmente dannificarsi l’arte o per questo disturbarsi la pubblica quiete.» The humanists, supporters of the diffusion of the Latin culture, dedicated almost exclusively to the noble and aristocratic schools, were not of this opinion. In this aspect the contrary opinion of the humanist John Vittorio Rossi (Ianus Nicius Erythraeus) deserves special mention, regarding the effort made in the nascent Pious Schools for the teaching of Latin even to the poor and neglected disciples of Rome. (Pinacotheca Imaginum Illustrium doctrinae vel ingenii laude virorum [Coloniae Agrippinae 1645]; CXLIV, Andreas Baianus, p.258-259): «Se grammaticum professus in aliquot Italiae urbibus, sed Romae praesertim, grammaticam docuit, neque ita magna fama, neque sane nimis pingui emolumento, quod non in luce hominum, neque edito atque illustri in loco, pulpitum inscenderit, sed in tenebris atque Urbis in angulis, vili plebeculae, grammaticae precepta dictarit ... ac postremo vitae suae tempore hanc eandem grammaticae artem professus est apud eos apud quos puerorum Urbis faex atque quisquiliae, tamquam in cloacam aliquam confluunt, ut litterulis imbuantur, in quorum postea amplexu animam exhalavit.»

1430 Expositio ad Cardinales (Reg. Cal. XIV 61^1): «Ne però si deve attendere a quella politica che havendo taluno de poveri capace di latino, per non haver potuto seguir gli studi, tralasciato la scuola, e gustato dell’otio, si sia fatto vagabondo e scelerato, perché ancora questo sarà succeduto nell’istesse scuole de pubblici Rioni dove a molti si insegnò gratis, come dicono le loro insegne. E poi nel modo in varii tempi vi son trovati accidenti notabili per mezzo di persone nobili, che pure per mezzo della giustizia hanno finito i loro giorni e sarànno stati alle scuole d’altri religiosi et allevati con la nobiltà. Non perché essi hanno finito male la loro vita, deve dannarsi l’opera o doverebbe perciò togliersi dal mondo ogni insegnamento. Non per questo è caduto mai nell’animo dei nostri maggiori di sopprimerlo o distruggerlo. Che poi di questi si sia osservato maggior numero esser uscito dalle Scuole Pie è stata troppo diligente osservazione di alcuno che altra passione havrà havuto contro l’istituto, non mancando maestri secolari, che per loro intentione diranno questo et altro delle Scuole Pie, come pure hanno querelato i Padri che si siano fatti pagare da scolari, o pur fatto dar tanto equivalente, che si è stimato paga, il che trovasi esser stato falsità, potendosi da ciò argumentare, che se con l’esser stato tenuti sotto et haver intesa la legge divina, et imparato il timor di Dio hanno per la loro malitia subito quel pessimo fine che cosa sarebbe succeduta, se non havessero havuti quei stimoli.»

With this insistence on teaching Latin to all the poor who had the ability and desire to do so, Calasanz opened up an almost unprecedented horizon in the history of education as well as in the history of thought and social policy. It is true that Louis Vives had already thought of something similar in his work De subventione pauperum, but with much less far-reaching limits, apart from the fact that his plan always remained in the realm of ideas without being carried out[1431]. In Italy, the Senese Horatius Lombardelli, the advocate of popular education[1432], insisted only on reading, writing, the correct language, the abacus and music[1433]. Cardinal Silvio Antoniano also insisted above all on “reading, writing and arithmetic”[1434], but conceded that a certain knowledge of the Latin language could be very useful “for trade” and “for “certain important arts”[1435], but considered literary culture useful only for some “ingenious young men”[1436].

1431 Cf. VIVES, De subventione pauperum 1.2 «De cura puerorum» (ed.cit., p.51): «Nec solum discant legere et scribere, sed imprimis pietatem christianam et rectas opiniones de rebus. Postea ex pueris aptissimi quique ad litteras retineantur in schola futuri aliorum magistri, et Seminarium deinceps Sacerdotum: reliqui transeant ad opificia, ut cuiusque fuerit animi pronitas.»

1432 Cf. GUERINI, Scrittori Ped. It. sec. XVII p.57-59.

1433 O. LOMBARDELLI, o.c., p.142-144.

1434 S. ANTONIANO (o.c., c.15 p.152-153): «Se tutti i fanciulli devono imparare lettere? ... non tutti possono né tutti devono esser litterati, mi par però che saria cosa utile et laudabile che i fanciulli di qualsivoglia conditione, etiandio molto humile, imparassero almeno queste tre cose: cioè legere, scrivere et numerare...»

1435 Ibid.

1436 See o.c., c.67 (p.168): «Come alcuni poveri giovinetti ingeniosi dovriano esser aiutati?».

Another question concerning the social and cultural policy of the Pious Schools was that of the defense and protection of human talent.

Since Calasanz was concerned with the eternal salvation and earthly happiness of each individual and thus with the moral and social reform of the entire Christian republic, he could not fail to see how much it would have helped if, as had happened in the past, some “talents” had not been “banished to the darkness of ignorance, but properly educated and instructed in piety and letters”. For this reason, although Calasanz and the Pious Schools supported all the poor with the charity and patience of Christ and regardless of circumstances, they always took a special interest in the poor children with great talent. They hoped that these, taught and educated in a Christian way, could improve and sanctify the great mass of the people as the good leaven of the Gospel, cooperating with the mysterious plans of God, who often brings forth among the poor extraordinary talents, humble and unencumbered, in order to heal through them the many wounds of a sick and often degenerate society. And these “talents” were encouraged and supported with greater care, because it was also known that, if they lacked a Christian education, they would be the greatest subversives of the public and moral order.

Certainly, the love of Calasanz and his associates for the poor children was also so great because it was not difficult to find so many “beautiful minds” in their class, the fresh and healthy garden of the Lord, to be moved “to astonishment”[1437].

1437 See, first of all, the respective notes in the previous section; then the letter L.563, Ep.III p.644: «In Ciaia pure ci offeriscono altro loco dove sono fanciulli poveri di quei pescatori et in questi fanciulli che vengono alle scuole vi sono di bonissimi ingenii et sono molto docili et vengono con gran diligenza alle scuole et giudico che in Napoli vi sono più fanciulli tre volte che in Roma...» See also a Relazione of Fr. Berro (o.c. t. I I.I fol.20): «...aveva trovato quantità assai innumerabili di figlioli, che per la povertà non potevano esser dai propri Padri mantenuti alle scuole ... per altra parte vedendone più che molti di bellissimo ingegno, e conoscendo che se li impiegassero in bene, avrebbero fatto ottima riuscita, con grandissimo profitto delle anime loro.»

We can see as well Constituzioni del Collegio Nazareno: «Havendo la felice memoria dell’Illmo Sig. Card. Michel Angelo Tonti da Rimini, Arcivescovo di Nazareth et Vescovo di Cesena considerato con pietà cristiana quanti giovinetti di bellissimo ingegno, et atti a far gran riuscita nella repubblica [del Signore] restavano nell’oscurità dell’ignoranza per non haver commodità d’imparar le lettere et insieme li buoni costumi, si risolse come pio Signore di comprare un Palazzo presso S. Andrea delle Fratte (per prezzo di 15 mila scudi) per fondar in esso un collegio e nominarsi [da dirsi] Nazareno, il quale lasciò nel suo ultimo testamento herede universale affinché in esso fossero ammaestrati nelle lettere et pietà Christiana da principio deci giovinetti [alumni] et aumentadosi l’entrate annue [l’annue rendite] col moltiplico del sopravanzo insino al numero di venti delli più poveri, di più bel ingegno e di più buoni costumi che si troveranno sotto la disciplina delli Padri Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie eleggersi e nominarsi dall’Illustrissimi Monsignori della Rota con le infrascritte Costituzioni.» See also points 3 and 4 of the same. P. 3: «Che non siano manchi [monchi] né stroppiati di alcun membro, no debili di complessione, o malsani, acciò possino sopportare le fatiche delli studii nel che si debba far diligente essame.» And P. 4: «Che per esseguire la volontà del S. Cardinale fondatore di bona memoria si elleggano li giovanetti più poveri, di più bell’ ingegno et di più buoni costumi, e quelli che haveranno le dette qualità in maggior grado siano preferiti agli altri [ancorché fossero mandati da qualsivoglia eminente personaggio].»

In this regard, we can also read a letter of the Venerable Gellio Ghellini addressed to his brother from the Pious Schools in Rome on August 31, 1602. (EPC, III, p.1554): «...il povero popolo ha chi le insegna e tiri i figliuoli poverelli all’arti con l’abaco, legger e scrivere, o chi vuol andare innanzi alla grammatica, e qui ci sono certi ingegni de poveri, che fanno stupire; in men’ di un anno vi è che ha imparato tutte le regole, si che latina per esse sicuramente...»

Finally, see also Breve discorso all’A. S. di Toscana circa l’introduzione de’ Padri dell Scuole Pie, by Fr. Francesco Michelini (Reg. Prov. 203): «...che scoprendone [della buona educazione] V. A. come si spera in questo suo per altro floridissimo stato il bisogno tanto maggiore, quanto maggior ingegni et elevati spiriti produce, quali si quali terre fertili ben si coltivano, attissimi ad ogni frutto si rendono, ma inculti lasciandosi in poter della mala inclinata natura peggiori herbe e più spingenti spine di vitii [corruptio optimi pessima] spesso producono, da se stessa si ecciterà al rimedio de buoni educatori invece di rifiutarlo.»

As far as practice is concerned, we must note that although all the schools welcomed the poor children, gifted with unusual intelligence, with special mercy, the Collegio Nazareno had the special task of educating them. And the amount of care and attention, truly paternal and pedagogical, with which Calasanz wanted to educate them can be seen in every paragraph of the School rules that he wrote. Six priests (rector, administrator, lector, repetitor, two prefects) were appointed to educate between twelve and twenty young people, and even professors from the university were appointed[1438].

1438 See n.693.

N. B.- It is perhaps not without interest to point out that Cardinal Silvio Antoniano had already thought of the help and protection that should be given “ad alcuni giovanetti ingeniosi”, since, “si vede per esperienza non di rado di luogo molto basso surgere, a guida di un fiore da terreno arido, alcuno ingegno pellegrino, dotato dalla natura di gratie straordinarie, onde si comprende, che se fosse coltivato, con la disciplina, saria per mirabile riuscita. Per tanto deve il padre di famiglia andar considerando, havendo prima per lungo tempo osservato la natura et gli andamenti del fanciullo» (o.c., c.67 p.168 «Come alcuni poveri giovanetti ingeniosi dovriano esser aiutati»). But the Cardinal thought of the young people who, after having done their elementary studies, distinguish themselves, leaving to their parents the care of discovering such talent. On the other hand, the solution he proposed of sending them to seminaries, to some free colleges, in the homes of wealthy families, seems very vague and uncertain, while Calasanz and his Institute tried to solve the question, and immediately put into practice the education and protection of such geniuses, thus anticipating in centuries to similar measures taken in some States, for example, in Hungary before communism.

And this care was not limited to school studies, but pupils were also supported in their higher studies according to their abilities, which they were free to choose and complete at a university of their choice[1439].

1439 Cf. BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.3 fol.20-21): «Il nostro Venerabile Fondatore e Generale fece per il detto Collegio et Alunni le Costituzioni sue particolari, conforme giudicò convenevoli per allevare giovanetti nelle lettere e virtù conforme la pia mente di detto Em°. Card. Tonti il quale lasciò che fossero poveri, ma di bello ingegno, et che usciti dal Collegio potessero studiare qualsivoglia sorte di scientia, in qualsivoglia università senza obbligo di clericare né di altro peso; e che il Collegio a questi tali studenti, già suoi Alunni, desse ogni aiuto possibile per studiare in dette Università, dopo però che l’Entrata di detto Collegio fosse a tale stato che potesse mantenere di vitto, e vestito, libri, carta et ogni altra cosa necessaria per studiare e per le persone di venti Alunni, et otto Religiosi delle Scuole Pie per loro guida in detto Collegio Nazareno.»

Another great social service of the Pious Schools - it is a duty to remember this - was the social education given to all their pupils, nobles and commoners, rich and poor, without distinction of any kind. The very fact that nobles and non-nobles were taught together in the Pious Schools, with as little distinction as possible, had an undeniable social significance. The nobles could admire and appreciate the talent and diligence of many poor people, and the poor in turn could admire and appreciate the civic behavior and good manners of the nobles. But in addition to this factor of social education - which we would call implicit - Calasanz did not fail to make some special provisions in this regard in his schools. For example, we know from the Ordini per le Scuole Pie di Narni[1440] that in the Pious Schools no one could claim advantages or privileges for any reason other than integrity of morals or greater diligence and performance in studies[1441]. This equality, this mutual respect between students, was also to be supported by the school rule of a disciplinary nature, according to which students were to greet each other when they entered the classroom[1442] and be polite in their conversations as a sign of mutual respect[1443]. With the same aim, Calasanz wanted everyone, rich or poor, to dress the same in the seminary or boarding school[1444] and for the processions to mix rich and poor, without distinction of social class[1445].

1440 Reg. Cal. XIII 32 (1630).

1441 Ibid.: «Niuno pretenda nelle nostre scuole preminenza o maggioranza fra gli altri se non per integrità di costumi, o maggior diligenza e profitto nello studio.» Cf. also Ordini per la scuola de Narni (EHI p.531): «In scola nessuno pretenda honore, preminenza o maggioranza sopra gli altri per alcun altro titolo, che per valor d’ingegno e integrità di costumi.»

1442 Regole di maestro di scuola (vol.cit., p.17): «...et quando intrano li scuolari l’insegnerà a far riverenza all’imagine deputata et da poi al medesimo et poi alli scolari che vi saranno».

1443 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «...così riuscirà molto buono il guardarsi di chiamarli con la voce Tu, ma conformarsi con l’usanza commune e dirli Voi, e cosi in plurale: Voi leggete, fate voi, fermatevi, scrivete e nel resto sempre: ancorché si parli con piccolo: ed avvezzare li figliuoli stessi a tale creanza fra di loro. E per questa e per altre gioverà non poco il leggere ogni giorno nella scuola alcuna parte del libretto delle buone creanze, con avvertire li particolari, mentre vi mancheranno.»

1444 L.1984, Ep.V p.185: «...che li convittori vestissero con le medesime zimarre che li Alunni come usano nel Seminario di Magliano Sabina, acciò non pretendessero in cosa alcuna eccezione e privilegio o più dei Alunni, questo ho visto praticar in detto Seminario et con profitto grande per ritrovarsi tutti comunemente in tutte le attioni tanto spirituali come temporali.»

1445 L.1393, Ep.IV p.219: «Quanto alla processione del Santissimo Sacramento scriverò al P. Provinciale che veda che le cose delli scolari vadano quietamente et se li nobili delle Scuole di Porta Reale non vi vorranno andar si faccia senza essi...»

The aim was also to instill in the students a sincere love of poverty, which is the sure foundation of all social formation. Among the Hundred Spiritual Lauds printed especially for the use of the students of the Pious Schools, six were expressly written “In honor of holy poverty”[1446].

1446 Cf. GRIGNANI, o.c., p.40, 60, 80, 104, 120, 123 (we copy here Lode 28, GRIGNANI, o.c., p.44-46):

IN HONORE DELLA SANTA POVERTÀ

Povertà con povertà / fa la vera povertà; / chi non vuole, e chi non ha / ha la vera povertà. / Se tu fossi mendico / d ‘alcun mai moderno, o antico / se’ l cor tuo ricco sarà / non è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà ... / Ma se povero è il tuo core / se sei povero d’amore / e per nuda volontà / questa è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà ... / Se ‘l calor del divin foco / dentro a te prendendo loco / modo fuor ti spoglierà / sarà vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / S ‘altrui caro sia il patire / nel cibarsi, e nel dormire / quando fame o sonno havrà, / sarà vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Sian le stanze, o greppi, o grotte / sian le vesti intere o rotte / se a te poco importerà, / questa è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Se per bene accettarai / quanto vien, sian pene, o guai, / con fortezza et humiltà, / questa è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà ... / Se tu stesso i tuoi difetti / dirai fuor ben nudi, e schietti / se amarai, chi li dirà / sarà vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà; ... / Chi con poveri figliuoli / quanto più son nudi e soli / tanto maggior cura havrà / questa è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà ... / Se userai con tuoi scolari / acciò ben ciascun impari / Patienza, e charità / sarà vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Che ti giova esser tenuto / per mendico, o destituto / se ritien proprietà / nella finta povertà? / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Che ti giova esser chiamato / di fuor povero, e beato / se poi dentro non starà / una vera povertà? / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Se restasse nudo, e scosso, / e scarnato fin all ‘osso / nulla val se non havrà / una vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Se per Dio desse ogni cosa / benché ricca, e pretiosa / chi sé stesso a Dio non da / non haverà povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc. / Se spogliato di sé stesso / corri nudo a Christo appresso / mentre nudo in croce sta, / questa è vera povertà. / Povertà con povertà, ecc.

Calasanz also took special care of the social education of the poor students of the Collegio Nazareno. So that they never forgot their humble origins and made sure to always live with diligence and work, “he wanted them to devote themselves to manual labor every day” and taught them that the proud poor man “is hateful to heaven and earth”[1447].

1447 BERRO (o.c., t. 1 1.3 fol.21): «...il N. V. Padre fece le dette Costituzioni et voleva che si esercitassero per un hora al giorno in essercitij manuali per mantenerli viva la memoria della loro povertà, affinché con le commodità del Collegio non si scordassero dello loro antico stato et con il sudore delle loro fatiche nello studio si dovevano mediante la grazia di Dio guadagnare il vitto e vestito per sempre essendo che il povero superbo e essoso al cielo e alla terra.» Cf. Constituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Et che si tengano bassi et humili, acciò si ricordino di esser poveri e per questo se l’impongano officij bassi, come lo scopare, servire a mensa, acconciar le vesti et altri simili, e si assuefacciano a mortificarsi et dire la colpa de’ suoi difetti come l’è detto sopra.»

Finally, as a conclusion from all that we have said about the activity and social function of the Calasanzian Institute, we can affirm that the holy Founder tried to realize with his Institute the most complete, systematic and orderly social program possible. He did not deny what he himself once wrote to a Father, namely that it is necessary to help the poor “with the necessary manner and prudence, because the things that are of God are ordered and one goes a long way little by little with perseverance”[1448]. This system, this prudence and order that he demanded of others was never lacking in his educational and social work. He wanted the moral and social reform of the Christian republic. To this end he realized:

1448 L.1908, Ep.V p.130.

- The happiest and most effective means: the intellectual and moral education of the poor, given “from infancy.” Nothing could be truer than what he himself wrote in his Constitutions: “Si enim diligenter a teneris annis pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus proculdubio sperandus est”[1449].
1449 Constit. (Prooemium n.2).

- This education, freely given, with the patronage of the school and with every kind of social and scholastic support, was accessible to all the poor.

- With the discreet choice of a school program that was both intellectually and morally wise and that responded to the concrete needs of the poor, he succeeded in giving each student of his Institute a real intellectual and spiritual heritage with which he could earn the “daily bread” of Sunday prayer.

- In order to secure and truly consolidate his social work, Calasanz made a great conquest. Against all contrary currents and social prejudices, he stood up in word and deed for the right of all people to culture and knowledge.

- With the special care and protection of poor young people with great talents, he protected and promoted the great values of poverty and of the entire Christian republic.

- As the crowning achievement of his social work, he imparted to the children by all means the holy law of God and the unsurpassable doctrine of Christ, the sure and indispensable foundation of all true social education. He endeavored to impart to each of his pupils a true social education, founded on equality, mutual respect, the sanctity and necessity of labor, and the only tolerable privilege among men, namely, the privilege of virtue and knowledge.

Cooperation and recognition from contemporaries

All that we have asserted is in fact not a subjective or exaggerated conclusion or little confirmed by authentic documents, but true and fruitful reality and happy conquest of the Calasanzian Institute. This also emerges from the reaction and general interest that the Institute aroused in almost all of Calasanz’ contemporaries, which was a “sign of contradiction” in the social sphere.

As for the friends - neither few nor insignificant, and especially among those who, either professionally or out of personal interest, devoted themselves to the enormous social and educational problems of the time - we are pleased to list other names here in addition to those already mentioned[1450]. Let us remember Count Michael Adolph Althan, advisor to Emperor Ferdinand II, colonel in the imperial army. He was one of the founders and most outstanding members of the Military Order of the Christian Militia, which was founded in 1618 in Olmütz in Moravia with the aim of liberating and defending Christians living in the vicinity of heretics and promoting the harmony and social order of the Christian republic under the banner of the Immaculate Conception[1451]. This colonel, together with Mons. John Gramay, also a great friend of the Calasanzian Order[1452], Archbishop of Upsala, Propatriarch of Jerusalem, to carry out his extensive religious-educational-social program in the States of the Emperor, found no better means than the Calasanz Institute. Therefore, in 1625, he organized a kind of confederation between the two Orders, according to which the Christian militia, following the emperor’s wishes, would in future do everything possible to spread and support the Pious Schools in all the principalities of the empire, but especially in Vienna and Prague, “showing special affection to the venerable fathers and brothers of the Pious Schools because of the unique integrity of their exemplary lives, their scholarship and the incredible fruit they bear in the Church”[1453].

1450 Dietrichstein, Campanella, Scioppio, Firmiani, Ameyden.

1451 See G. SÁNTHA, Calasanz, las Escuelas Pías y el conde Miguel Adolfo Althan, Mariscal Imperial; Rev. Cal. 8 (1956) 429-446.

The Christian Militia was confirmed by Urban VIII on February 12, 1624 with the Brief lmperscrutabilis (cf. Bull. Rom. XIII 114).

1452 See a letter of Mons. Gramay (EEC p.493, Nikolsburg 9-7-1631): «Ego certe hoc ausim dicere: nihil mihi toto tempore vitae iucundius accidisse, quam quod divino munere datum mihi sit tam odoriferas et fructiferas plantas in Sacri Romani lmperii hortum duxisse, quibus ego fovendis augendisque omne quod in me est impendere nunquam desistam.»

1453 See G. SÁNTHA, o.c., p.435-440; TALENTI, o.c., p.171-172; BAU, o.c., p.537-538; PICANYOL, Ep.II p.341; Ep.III p.74-75; See also a letter of Count Althan addressed to Calasanz from Komárom on 8-9-1626 (EEC p.12). «Michael Adolphus comes ab Althan, Comaromii, Hungarorum, ٨-٩-١٦٢٦. «Rme. in Christo Pater: Quod me R. P. Vestra meamque quantulamcumque communionem Hierarchicam totius sanctissimi sibi subiecti meritorum participem reddiderit Ordinis grates habeo quam possim maximas et ad gratitudinis signum promovendum, mei iam nunc officii esse duxi per praesentium exhibitorem Residentem meum in Alba Graeca Turcia, quo in cardine negotium libatae meae communionis haereat, et quo in statu fundatio nostrae primae domus Redemptionis versetur Rev.am P. Vestram informari curare, cum annexa rogatione, dignetur R. P. V. affectum quem erga me meumque Institutum cepit ita manutenere, ut in dies potius auctus, ante omnem Christianae religionis populum clarescat. Et quia plurimis passim occurrentibus enodatis difficultatibus pro libertate Evangelii inter infedeles propaganda nec non pro eliberatione captivorum atque omnium affiictorum consolatione, manus, uti dicitur, aratro applicare inchoavi, nullisque inde propriis meis nisus viribus nisi sola accedente ope divina, quicquam hac in re fructiferi noverim me posse effectuare, amice requiro P. V. R.am preces communes per totum sanctissimum Ordinem celebrari iubere non gravetur, meum deinde erit praestare, ut ad perpetuas aeternitates fidelissimum me sibi amicum, servum et confratrem opere ipso, quantum possibilitas admissura erit, maiorem Dei gloriam [eiusdem annuente clementia] et proximi dilectionem semper promovere iuvantem agnoscat. Caeterum R.am P. V. laudatissimo et florentissimo suo Ordini ad multos annos superstitem valere animitus exoptans sum eiusdem R.mae Pat.is Vestrae devotissimus Michael Adolphus comes ab Althan. Comaromii Hungarorum, ex prima domo redemptionis communionis nostrae 8 sept. Anni 1626.»

Regarding the Christian Militia of Count Althan, see CHIAPPINI, Aniceto, Annales Minorum vol.26 (1623-1627) p.101 § 25.

This connection did not stop at purely platonic formulas, but bore concrete fruit, as can be seen from the correspondence from the German Fathers.

From this we know that Count Althan, in addition to what he had already done for the Piarist foundations in Bohemia, drew up a grandiose plan for the spread of the Order in the lands of the Emperor and wanted to found an international house of studies with 33 students (11 Germans, 11 Hungarians and 11 Bohemians)[1454] in Nikolsburg for this purpose. Unfortunately, this plan was never realized. Neither did the grandiose plan according to which the Fathers of the Pious Schools would have established a kind of Teachers School in every major center of the empire, in which other teachers from neighboring countries, called together several times a year, would have assimilated the social spirit and the simple and clear method of the Pious Schools, and then devoted themselves to teaching under their jurisdiction and control[1455].

1454 Letter of Fr. Ambrogio Leailth, Nikolsburg 25-1-1633 (EEC p.640): «...il Signore Conte di Althan ha ancora in animo di fabbricare un luogo qui a Nicolsburg per 33 alunni, li quali devono esser undeci Ungari, undeci Bohemi, undeci Tedeschi acciò da questi possino allevar soggetti e per questo effetto io sono stato chiamato più volte dal Conte...»

1455 Letter of Fr. Ambrosi, Nikolsburg 5-10-1632 (EEC, p.35-36): «Il Signor Conte d’Altano ... e molto infiammato verso la nostra religione e dice di non esservi religione che faccia più a proposito per quello che egli ha in intentione d’instituire, che la nostra, poiché essendo fondatore di quella Hierarchica Communione la quale non tanto abbraccia Signori et potentati, ma ancora poveri et infimi rustici et ciascuno che è iscritto a detta Communione è obbligato a dare 33 di qualsivoglia cosa ogni anno, o sia di moneta, o sia misure di grano, o vino insomma quello che più a ciascuno è commodo et alla sua richezza e povertà concerne, overo a dare la trentesima parte delle sue entrate, o di quello che raccoglie, le quali entrate si pongono nell’archivio et si distribuiscono per il riscatto degli schiavi et per l’esaltazione della cattolica fede particolarmente nell’istruzione della gioventù; hora esso Signor Conte si è offerto di fondarci tre luoghi, uno in Bohemia, l’altro in Austria, et il terzo in Ungheria havendo noi soggetti, ne ha fondato ancora tre ai PP. Gesuiti et dotategli di buone rendite ed ultimamente ha fondato il loro novitiato in Vienna; ma però non gli danno molta soddisfazione non abbracciando essi la povertà. Oltre di questo perché le nostre Scuole Pie non possono essere per tutte le terre et luoghi piccioli, vuole che in ogni luogo per piccolo che sia vi sia il suo maestro salariato dalla communione hierarchica il quale precettore habbia l’istruttione di quello che deve fare et il modo che deve tenere nell’insegnarli particolarmente nel viver Christiano et catholico et nelle devotioni da nostri Padri a i quali per 4 leghe attorno alli nostri conventi devono tre volte l’anno in giorni determinati venire a dar ragguaglio de loro portamenti, ne quali tempi s’istituira una processione, essendo qui usanza spese volte l’anno andare processionalmente tutte le terre intiere, et trovandosi che detti maestri si siano portati bene gli si accrescerà il salario, altrimente si licentiaranno, la quale cosa a prima fronte pare molto difficile e veramente a qualsivoglia potentato tale sarebbe, ma perché esso è amministratore et fondatore di quelli cavalieri gli viene ad essere molto facile. Ma però è bene stare a vedere, se riescerà appigliarsi a quello che è più per la salute dell’anima. Credo al sicuro che se la P. S. parlasse con il detto Conte non si saprebbon partire di insieme poiché è uomo pieno d’amor di Dio et de prossimi, ma particolarmente de poveri giovanetti quali non hanno chi li aiuti alla sanità dell’anima.»

See also a letter of Fr. Pellegrino Tencani, Nikolsburg 23-9-1633 (EEC p.1184-1185): «...Per la festa della Natività con solenne processione di Vienna venne il S. Colonello d’ Althan··· gran desiderio mostra di poter trattare con V. P. per assodare il negotio per aiuto delle anime particolarmente dei poveri, e non potere fare ciò con lettere havendo noi molti contrarii; non so se altra volta le ne habbia scritto; pensa lui che non potendo ogni terra o villaggio partecipare dello Istituto, chi per un rispetto, chi per un altro, vorrebbe nei luoghi intorno intorno fino a tre o quattro leghe lontani alle città, dove havremo case mettere e pagare maestri li quali tre o quatro volte l’anno venissero a noi a pigliare il modo nostro et a dar conto dell’amministrazione e noi fare diligente inquisitione de’ portamentI e chi si fosse portato bene vorrebbe dargli di più e qui male mutare in altro ed altre cose simili et così tutto il paese vorrebbe a partecipare dell’Istituto il quale gli dà nell’humore di modo che se avesse, troppo ha l’animo grande, vorrebbe obligare la sua Congregazione o Ordine in perpetuo a tali diligenze e pagamenti; se riesce, pare bella e facile invenzione.»

Besides Count Althan, an interesting figure of the “social apostle” in the time of Calasanz, many others looked upon and supported the work and activity of the Pious Schools with sincere affection. To recall only the most outstanding personalities, we can mention Ladislaus IV, King of Poland[1456], and Duke Jerzy (George) Ossolinski,

1456 Cf. some letters of the king addressed to Calasanz, or written to Rome in favor of the Order, as the one dated August 28, 1641 and addressed to the Saint (EEC p.1216-1217): «Uladislaus IV Dei gratia Rex Poloniae, Magnus Dux Lithuaniae, Russiae, Prussiae, Masoviae, Samogitiae, Liuoniae, Smolensiae Czemichoviaeque nec non Suevorum Gotthorum Vandalorumque honorarius Rex.

Reverendissime in Christo Pater; Amice Nr. Charissime. Diu est ex quo votis ardentibus concupivimus, ut lnstitutum Congregationis Regularium Patrum Piarum Scholarum Pauperum Matris Dei regimini supremo atque curae paternitatis vestrae commissum et demandatum, in Ditiones Nostras inferretur atque veniret. Cuius adventu multa in Nos Dominiaque nostra felicitatis ae pietatis incrementa, qua devotis ad Deum supplicationibus, qua pio laudabilique exemplo sancta et religiosa vivendi ratione, promanatura speramus. Quem in finem miseramus antea ad Paternitatem Vestram litteras, benigne postulantes, ut dictum Ordinem, in Ditiones Regni nostri conduci et sancte in iisdem collocari pro facultate et potestate sibi concesa fecisset. Quum vero desiderium nostrum non sit in effectum deductum, dedimus id in mandatis Venerabili Matthaeo Iudicki Archidiacono et Officiali per Pomeraniam Secretario Nostro ut de introducendis in Regnum Nostrum dicti Ordinis Patribus diligenter ac studiose cum Paternitate Vestra Nostro Nomine communicet et conferat. Cui mandatum nostrum exsequenti et quae maturando operi accommodata videbantur pertractanti, ut fidem habeat, et opem suam atque operam eidem conferat benigne a Paternitate Vestra suam atque operam eidem conferat benigne a Paternitate Vestra requirimus eique firmam a Deo valetudinem optamus. Datum Varsaviae die XXVIII. Mensis augusti anno Domini MDCXLI. Regnorum nostrorum Poloniae IX. Sueviae vero decimo anno Uladislaus Rex.»

See also a letter from the same king addressed to Ferdinand III, Emperor of Germany. (EPC p.2660-2661): «Il P. Onofrio del Santissimo Sacramento, Provinciale delli Padri Poveri della Madre di Dio costì in Germania, doppo esser qui stato per la fondatione da Noi fatta in questa Città di un Novitiato e Scuole Pie da aprirvisi da detti Padri per giovare con l’esemplarità e virtuose fatiche alli prossimi e particolarmente incamminare et instruir la gioventù nel timor di Dio, buoni costumi, e nelle lettere ancora, se ne ritorna in coteste parti a continuarvi la sua carica et a Vr. Maestà porta la nostra intercessione in queste nostre lettere, con il mezzo delle quali Le raccomandiamo non solo la di lui persona, che è di molto merito, ma la di lui Religione tutta, facendo a Vostra maestà efficacissime instanze di riceverla sotto il suo Patrocinio Imperiale col favorirla e promoverla in cotesti suoi stati e principalmente nell’hereditarii in alcuni de’ quali si trova già fondata, et essendo necessario prestarli in ciò prontamente il suo Imperial consenso per rimovere ogni occasione d’impedimento che potesse esser suscitato da qualunque de’ suoi Ministri alli buoni progressi di sì santa religione; con che si come ella farà rimostranza della sua gran pietà e solito zelo di apportar giovamento a cotesti suoi popoli, così dando luogo alla nostra intercessione, come non dubitiamo, farà a Noi apparir nuovi segni dell’amor fraterno et affettuoso, etc. Di Varsavia li 27 sept. 1642. Aff. fratello et cognato, Uladislaus rex.»

Read, moreover, a letter from the Apostolic Nuncio in Warsaw, Juan Torres, to the Secretary of State in Rome (EPC, p.3006-3007):

Ill.mo ac Rev.mo Sig.re P.rone Col.mo.

Mi ha parlato sua Maestà con molto sentimento in questa ultima Audienza de’ Padri delle Scuole Pie, e desiderarebbe da N. Signore che li facesse gratia di commandare che la religione di detti Padri continuasse nella maniera, che oggi si trova in questi suoi regni, li quali hanno pur tanto bisogno d’operarii e questi riescono di singolarissimo profitto alla nostra religione cattolica, la quale riportarebbe un danno molto notabile, se nel cospetto di tanti heretici e nimici della Chiesa Romana vedessero soppressa, come dicono per malignità d’alcuni, una Religione e un Istituto tanto necessario alla Repubblica Christiana vivendo li detti Padri in queste parti con un’efficacissima osservanza e con edificatione incredibile di questi popoli, che gl’hanno una devotione da non potersi bastantemente esprimere. Io mi fo lecito di portare riferendo questi sentimenti di sua Maestà alla Notizia di V. E. alla quale fo intanto humilissima riverenza. Varsavia, 28 aprilis 1646» (Copia).

Also interesting is a letter from the king to Mons. Orsi, his resident in Rome (EPC p.3035): «Monsignore, già eravamo disposti a sostenere la Religione de’ PP. delle Scuole Pie in questi nostri stati, ne permettere che vi habbi effetto il Breve Pontificio uscito ultimamente per la soppressione di essa e di già ne havevamo fatta dichiarazione a Mons. Nuntio et fatto intendere la volontà nostra. Hora che sentiamo il simile farsi da altri Principi in cotesta parte d’Italia maggiormente ci confermiamo nella suddetta resolutione volendo a pro di detta Religione impiegar sempre li nostri officij et istanze essendo che la conosciamo utile alla repubblica Christiana con le sue buone opere et essempio ... Varsavia 16 giugno 1646. Uladislaus Rex.»

And finally, a passage from the king’s petition addressed to the Pope in favor of the Pious Schools (EPC p.3036, 17-6-1647): «...quatenus tam bene meritos de Ecclesia Dei religiosos et vere pios in Regno Meo Dominiisque illis annexis circa sacra sanctaque Instituta conservare eosque vel turbari amplius vel primaevam illorum vivendi normam non patiatur immutari.»

first ambassador of Poland in Rome and then first chancellor of the kingdom[1457], Philip IV, King of Spain[1458], Cardinal Ernest Adalbert Harrach[1459] with his secretary Flavio Cremona[1460] and Count Magni[1461], famous statesman, brother of the great Capuchin Valeriano Magni[1462]. A document written in 1643-1646 in favor of the Order[1463], could rightly confirm that “haec religio fuit et est acceptabilissima non solum parentibus et Populis, sed etiam Communitatibus et Principibus et Episcopis; et desideratur, ut olim praedixit Sanctae Memoriae Paulus V, etiam a Turcis”.

1457 Cf. PASTOR, o.c., XIII p.707-708; G. SÁNTHA, Calasanz, las Escuelas Pías y el duque Jorge Ossolinski: Rev.Cal. 12 (1957) 229-365; cf. A Duke’s letter addressed to the Saint in 1639 (EEC p.1102): «Georgius, Dux in Ossolin Vilnae, 8-4-1639: ... regnorum felicitatem, non tam armis, quam religione et pietate hominum cultu divino obstrictorum propagari nemo est qui ambigat. Vires enim licet validissimae superno destitutae auxilio, facile succumbunt et victas dant manus ... V. P .... certos e Patribus designet eosdemque in Poloniam abbleget. Invenient apud Nos debita humanitatis officia, et commodam, in illis praesertim partibus, quae recens Reipublicae accessere, et taetra haereseos labe sunt infectae, merendi occasionem. R. P. V. amicus ad officia promptissimus, Georgius Dux in Ossolin.»

It is not out of place to reproduce here a letter from Duke Ossolinski addressed to Cardinal Barberini (EPC p.2955): «Affligono tutti quelli che mossi dal buon esempio e santità di vita dei Padri delle Scuole Pie, promovevano qui la loro introduzione, le nuove, che per l’ecceso di alcuni pochi si procuri costì la dispersione et infamia di tutta la religione. Io conobbi sempre questo Istituto santissimo et necessario al pubblico più che lettioni di scienze alte e speculative. Non posso dunque non raccomandar caldamente a V. E. la pietà de migliori Padri con la conservatione della fama et buon nome di detta Religione per sé stessa inclinata alla vita Apostolica, perché segua non senza grave dimostrazione contro i colpevoli e seditiosi massime quelli che con propia ambitione lacerano la loro madre. Io con gli altri qui sentiremo particolare gusto di qualche pia resolutione dell’E. V. nel far risorgere più pura che mai detta Religione et a V. E. humilmente m’inclino, la quale supplico di haver parte riguardo alli scandali che potrebbono cagionarsi in questo nostro settentrione in faccia delli heretici per la pubblica depressione di questa tanto già da loro riputata Religione, devotissimo et obbligatissimo servitore, il Duca di Ossolin. Di Varsavia, 10 agosto 1643.»

There is also in the archives a letter of his addressed to the royal resident Monsignor Roncalli in Rome. (Reg. Cal. XXI: Germania, 3, 1648): «Li miei cari Pri. delle Scuole Pie proteggete et difendete, se il Christo vi è caro e l’edificatione della sua chiesa fra gli heretici, altrimente protesto che Roma farà il maggior scandalo, che si possi sentire. Di gratia V. S. baci la santa mano di quel vecchio generale loro da mia parte, con l’altro ordinario li scriverò. Al Papa potrete dire, che io travaglio nella pacificazione della Chiesa Rutena per ridurla alla cognitione della fede Apostolica e non meno per aiutare la povera Christianità esposta alla servitù de Turchi per l’empie ragioni d’stato degli altri Principi Christiani. Pregateci la beneditione di Sua Santità acciocché io possa effettuare ambedue.» (Varsovia 12-3-1648) (EPC, p.2961).

Cf. however, what Fr. John Benedicti says of Duke Ossolinski in Scholae Piae p.50-51.

1458 The following letter from King Philip IV to the viceroy of Naples is significant (Reg. Prov. 27: Prov. Sard., 3. Copia autentica; Madrid 25-11-1634): «lllustre Duque, primo de mi consejo de Estado, Vicerrey del reino de Nápoles y mi lugarteniente y Capitán general en el de Sicilia. Teniendo consideración en que en carta de treynta de henero deste anno me distes quenta que en la ciudad de Palermo se ha fundado una casa de cierta Religión que claman escuela pía, toda dedicada a la buona educación y enseñanza de los muchachos que se empezó en Roma por un español pocos años ha, y allí y en otras partes a donde se ha estendido ha sido de notable exemplo y conveniencia y esperáys que en esse Reyno ha de producir effectos maravillosos supplicando me fuesse servido de hacerle merced de algun limosina, he tenido pur bien de hazerle merced de mil escudos por una vez.»

1459 Cf. PASTOR, o.c., XIII l p.312-313; here is an excerpt from a letter he wrote to Calasanz (EEC p.607, 24-9-1641): «...è mio interesse non meno che beneficio dell’Anime commesse alla mia cura, l’havere in questa mia Archidiocesi operarii cosi profittevoli e di tanto esempio, come sono gli Padri della religione di V. P. onde sono anche in obbligo di abbracciargli, e promuovere il loro Istituto più oltre, come farò sempre in tutto quello che dipenderà dalla mia mano», etc.

1460 Cf. his letter to Fr. General: Lettera di D. Flavio Cremona, Visitator Generale nel regno di Boemia, per il Sig. Card. d’Harrach; Praga 9-26-1633 (EEC p.357-358): «Compiacendosi il Serenissimo Duca Valdstein Generalisso di S. M. servirsi talvolta di me, in occasione che mi ricercò di proveder alli suoi stati tanto in Boemia come in Slezia e nell’Impero ad alto, di religiosi esemplari che instruissero la gioventù, subito proposi la Religione di V. P. Revma, e li raccontai la bontà di vita, l’osservanza, la diligenza in instruire giovinetti e molti altri meriti di cotesta Religione molto bene da me conosciuta. Onde sta risoluto provveder li suoi stati de Religiosi simili, m’ha però ordinato che ne scriva subito a V. P. Rev.ma e che categoricamente sia contenta rispondere a questi punti:

Se le Paternità loro tengono entrate poiché esso Signor Duca vorria farli una buona fundatione.

Se in caso che non potessero haver di proprio in beni stabili come potriasi ottener da Roma che almeno li fosse assicurato il viver per tanti Religiosi. Quanti religiosi potria per adesso mandare? Se oltre la Retorica insegnino anco le scole maggiori ed insomma ci dichiari il miglior modo che potessimo tener per introdurre fondar bene qua e nell’Impero una si buona Religione.

So il zelo delle Patemità loro e che non tralascieranno una simile occasione di servire a Dio e alla S.ta fede e creda V.P.Rev.ma che oltre nelli stati di sua Altezza mi basterà l’animo introdurli in molti luoghi di Germania e lo vedrà. Favoriscami di subita risposta che così mi ordina S. A. et acciò ne venga una sicura scriva due poste seguenti a dirittura a Praga che subito mi verranno. Con ciò le bacio le mani e prego delle divote orazioni sue e de’ suoi. Praga 9 febbr. 1633. D. V. P. servo in Christo aff.o ...

Indirizzo: Al Revmo. P. Gen. delle Scuole Pie, in assenza del procuratore Generale o al Vic. Generale o a chi tocca in Roma».

N. B.- The General Valdstein named in the letter is undoubtedly the famous general in the Thirty Years’ War, i.e. Vallenstein.; cf. BAU, o.c. p.623-624.

1461 See a letter from Count Magni to Calasanz in 1632. (EEC p.741, Strassnitz 15-5-1632): «...L’istituto delle Scuole Pie, piamente fundato da V. S. Rev.ma comparso ultimamente (dico quasi novellamente nato) in queste parti, puote, pargoletto anchora, appresso di me tanto, che ne rimasi totalmente preso et invaghito.» Véase la respuesta de Calasanz (L.1803, Ep.V p.57): «Illme. Domine. Minima haec nostra novissimaque Religio maximas Dominationi Vestrae gratias agit et habet quod de se tam praeclare sentiat et loquatur omnesque nervos contendat, ut illam promoveat et in istis vastissimis uberrimisque regionibus Germaniae longe lateque diffundat...» Cf. G. SÁNTHA. Comes Franciscus Magni et Scholae Piae: Eph. Cal. 29 (1960) 1-24.

1462 See PASTOR o.c., XIII l p.192, 312, 325, 328; G. SÁNTHA. P. Valerianus Magni, O.F.M. cap., et Scholae Piae: Eph. Cal. 28 (1959) 130-145. Also an excerpt from Apologia delle Scuole Pie, written by the same (EPC p.3093): «...vix enim possibile est eos qui Romae sunt posse censere, quo successu Ordo hic propagatur per universam Europam; Politicorum et praecipue Fundatorum interest pensare et observare, an hac Scholae Piae eversum eant artes mechanicas. Quod si sint aliqui Principes seu Politici auctores harum querelarum licebit submovere ab illorum ditione Scholas Pias».

1463 Documents of Card. Paolucci: Reg. Cal. 68 1.33 p.276.

And the jurist Francis Firmiani himself was a well-informed spokesman of public opinion and esteem in his Defense of the Religion when he said: “Dico hoc Institutum esse iterum atque iterum confirmandum et Communiendum propter easdem causas et rationes propter quas fuit anteactis temporibus a tot summis pontificibus non solum erectum verum etiam confirmatum, et pluries tam privilegiis quam gratiis locupletatum.

Causae vero illius erectionis et confirmationis plures sunt et primo ut Christifideles piis moribus et doctrina imbuantur prout aperte fatetur fel. rec. Paulus V, in prooemio erectionis huius Instituti, secundo ut pauperes erudiantur et instruantur, id quod quod idem Pontifex pium et maxime laudabile opus appellat, ut patet ex loco supra citato, quod non sine evidenti ratione dixit, nam paupertas cum sit tam vilis et abiecta, non adiuvatur neque eruditur, nisi a pietate et charitate non ficta, quam profitetur praecipue ista Religio, et revera ita est; quis enim non stomacharetur loquendo et videndo pueros tam pauperes et foetidos? et haec religio eos summa charitate amplectitur, erudit, expolit, juxta illud evangelii: “carnem tuam ne despexeris”. Sed adduce ad hoc confirmandum Summi Pontificis Auctoritatem, nam quotidiana experientia videmus, quod isti pauperes et foetidi pueri consument tempus declinando ad vitia et ad pessimos mores perturbando eorum Parentes et domum, si non essent in civitatibus Patres Scholarum Piarum qui summa pietate ipsos erudirent et doctrina aliisque piis et salubribus documentis, quod facere dedignantur Patres alterius Instituti et sic dicti pueri, consumerent pueritiam vitiis, non virtutibus et sanctis moribus, id quod resultat in maximum damnum reipublicae ut docet Aristoteles in lib. Polit. 3”[1464].

1464 Ibid. Reg. Cal. 68 I.I p.6.

For this reason, Calasanz was also able to write with good reason to Father Melchior Alacchi in 1633 that the Religion “is sought and procured by many cardinals, bishops, prelates, great lords and important cities, as I can prove by various letters”[1465]. His hope was more than justified that “a work so ... exemplary and so widespread throughout Europe” could neither be destroyed by “evil tongues” nor by the “gates of hell”[1466].

1465 L.2027, Ep.V p.210.

1466 L.4248, Ep.VIII p.264: «Spero nondimeno che non permetterà il Signore una opera tanto essemplare e tanto accetta in tutta l’Europa che le cattive lingue la possino impedire ... sperando che «Portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus Religionem Nostram.»

According to a documented vision such as the one we have attempted, a keen observer of the social movements of Rome and all of Europe, an impartial historian of all European pedagogy, can and will never be able to deny that the pedagogical-social work that Calasanz was already doing at the beginning of the seventeenth century was one of the most important steps in favor of the poor to fulfill a true social and moral reform of the Christian republic.

As soon as Calasanz recognized the serious problem of the growing and increasingly important class of poor workers, he found and applied the most effective means for real social progress: the Christian education of the human community. For only people who are educated to be and become living and conscious members of the mystical body of Christ can love and help one another and be truly “social”. Certainly Calasanz, who had his motto “In Dei laudem et Proximi utilitatem”[1467] and who saw and immediately worked on the intellectual, moral and pedagogical part of the social problem as the most important and decisive part of it, as an intrepid pioneer and tireless apostle, initiated the path and the infallible orientation of the successive Roman pontiffs.

1467 See above all, the frontispiece of the Constitutions (original text Reg. Cal. XI 8), where it is written by Calasanz himself: “In Dei laudem et Proximi utilitatem”. In addition, L.1151, Ep.IV p.44; L.4008, Ep.VIII p.138; Constit. p.1st c.1 n.8.

III. Intellectual education, its methods and means

1. The importance of intellectual education in the Pious Schools

Having already formed a picture of the structural, administrative and social aspect of the Calasanzian Institute, it only remains to consider and examine its concrete work, its main functions, i.e. its intellectual, moral, religious and aesthetic education.

Let us first look at intellectual education. Contrary to what some mistakenly infer from the name of the Pious Schools[1468], it played an important role in the Institute and in Calasanzian pedagogy. In the order of the last reasons for Piarist education, it was undoubtedly piety, the holy fear of God, the holiness of the student that came first. According to this view, intellectual education was only a very effective and indispensable means, indeed, to achieve the main goal[1469]. However, in the order of instrumental causes, intellectual education had a place at least equal to moral and religious education. Calasanz understood that intellectual education was at least as indispensable as moral education for a holistic formation of the student that would make him truly pious, Christian, and holy; informative education as well as formative education. Moreover, moral and religious education in a certain sense already presupposes intellectual education, and in a chronological order it precedes it, or at least is accompanied by it, one being an aid to the other. The Saint knew very well that there can be no true moral and religious education without a serious and solid intellectual education. The will cannot be moved to goodness unless the mind is first, or at least simultaneously, enlightened by the truth[1470].

1468 Erroneously, because we know that, in the name of Pious Schools, the adjective Pious means gratuitous and religious together, and, therefore, not only religious.

1469 Vide L.2876, Ep.VI p.353: «Quanto alle Scuole per essere il nostro principale istituto si deve procurare, che si faccia gran diligenza nelle cose letterarie per tirare li scolari alle scuole, ma il fine nostro principale ha da essere l’insegnare il timor di Iddio, il che ogni maestro è obbligato a farlo sotto pena di restare la sua fatica materiale, senza il premio della vita eterna.» See also Dichariazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «...ipsa experientia compertum habemus, eos qui a prima aetate in christiana disciplina instituti fuerunt ac a pueris spiritum simul cum litteris hauserunt, in viros probos, ac plures ex eis in omni pietatis et sanctitatis genere perfectos evasisse.» An authentic interpretation of this doctrine of Calasanz was the felicitous formula of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1694 (Constit. et Regulae [ed. 1836] p.137 G.): «...ut pietatis vehiculum sit litteraria institutio.» The Preamble of the Constitutions also speaks first of piety and then of the letters (Constit. Prooem. n.2: «Si enim diligenter a teneris annis pueri, pietate et litteris iinbuantur felix totius vitae cursus proculdubio sperandus est») Cf. also Constit. p.2nd c.10 n.203: «Cum finis [nostrae Congregationis] sit puerorum eruditio tum circa christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras...»

1470 It can be concretized that this was the point of view of Calasanz, on the basis of several documents that expressly speak of the two educations. Intellectual education always appears in them as preceding moral education, and on this point are particularly significant the Constitutions (Proemium n.5) and the two prayers of the rite of dressing the students of Collegio Nazareno composed by the Saint (Costituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno [Reg. Cal. XI 10]): «Oremus. Da quaesumus, Omnipotens Deus, ut hic famulus tuus N., qui ut Tibi ferventius deservire et proximis utilis esse possit ad studia litterarum in hoc collegio incumbere desiderat, plena fide et forti animo in sancto proposito permaneat, tribue ei Domine, humilitatem, castitatem, charitatem, oboedientiam, omniumque virtutum incrementa ut ad meritum aeternae gloriae pervenire mereatur. Per Dominum Nostrum Iesum Christum... » See also the final prayer: «Oremus. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui facis mirabilia magna solus, praetende super hunc famulum tuum N. spiritum gratiae salutaris, et ut in litteris et timore sancto tuo plurimum proficere possit, perpetuum ei rorem tuae benedictionis infunde. Per Christum Dominum...» See also the subtitle of Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.5): «Breve Relatione del modo che si tiene nelle Scuole Pie per insegnar li poveri scolari, li quali per l’ordinario sono più di settecento, non solo le lettere ma anco il santo timor di Dio.» Also from the very fact that, according to the Saint, the educator is “veritatis cooperator” (Constit. Prooemium n.3), it can be assumed that he gave a very great importance to intellectual education. (See also, VANNUCCI, Il Collegio Naz. p.23 y p.31 n.16; P. SAPA, o.c., p.102-103 and prof. GIOVANNI CALÒ, Il Calasanzio pedagogista ed educatore: L’Eco dei nostri Centenari, last num., dicembre 1949, p; 16).

Regarding the simultaneous and cooperative effectiveness of intellectual education, as well as moral education, see Constit. (p.2nd c.10 n.210): «...ita studia cum pietatis ardore coniungant, ut alterum alteri emolumento esse possit»; and the Constitutions of Colegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10 c. 7) «Dello studio»: «Saranno avvertiti tutti li alunni che il fine per il quale entrano nel Collegio è per imparare insieme con le lettere il santo timor del Signore, essendo che una di queste cose suole giovare grandemente all’altra, pero in quanto allo studio delle lettere siano molto diligenti, et in quanto alla pietà christiana molto osservanti dell’esercitii spirituali, che parimenti saranno loro insegnati.» Also, L.3006, Ep.VII p.14: «...pretendo et spero che Vostra Reverenza dal conto suo userà ogni diligenza in fare devoti li scolari perché essendo tali più facilmente impareranno le lettere.» For the rest, Calasanz with this concept followed the noblest Christian and pedagogical traditions. Already the Fratres Vitae Communis, medieval forerunners of the modern educational orders, had had such an attempt (see SCHOENGEN, o.c., p.40: “Ad aedificationem enim quaerimus et scientiam et libros, ut abundemus”). Also the great Vives wanted “ut sapientior fiat iuvenis ac inde melior” (cf. ZIEGLER, o.c., p.105), and the Jesuits did not think otherwise (cf. PAULSEN, o.c., p.421). That this was really the dominant pedagogical orientation of the time is also understandable in view of the fact that the Protestants, with John Sturm as their leader (1507-1589) (De Litterarum studiis recte aperiendis, 1538), also had as an ideal to attain in their schools the “sapiens et docta pietas” (c. 10), or the “pietas litterata” (c. 10), (c.29) (see PAUL BARTH, o.c.,. p.283).

But it was not only the above-mentioned motives that moved Calasanz to insist so strongly on the need for a good intellectual education of the students. He was also guided by social considerations, as he wanted his institute to offer every student a discreet cultural heritage with which to earn their daily bread. He was also no stranger to cultural policy considerations, in order to provide poor but highly gifted young people, the best hope for any human progress, with a good dose of education and instruction.

2. The core of the subjects taught. Critical examination of the selection made by Calasanz

Since intellectual education in the Institute has the aforementioned meaning and purpose, we must, before entering into the analytical investigation, see with which group, with which cycle of school subjects Calasanz wanted to carry it out. This consideration is not superfluous, since the extent and quality of the intellectual formation to be achieved depends largely on the quantity and quality of the subjects taught to the student. In any case, having already inquired about the school program of the Calasanzian Institute, an investigation of this matter is not exactly difficult and remarkably fruitful.

Indeed, from the research already carried out[1471] and from the preamble to the Constitutions[1472], it appears that the main subjects that Calasanz wanted to be taught in his Institute, which was founded for the service of the poor, were: Reading, writing, abacus, Latin and Christian doctrine[1473].

1471 See p.327-347. 355-358.

1472 Constit. Prooemium n.5.

1473 It is true that other subjects were also taught in the Pious Schools, and this was also the case during the Saint’s lifetime, such as philosophy, Greek, and sometimes also cases of conscience; but these did not play an important role in his system, and for this reason we can dispense with them in these considerations.

These five subjects seemed to him to be sufficient to provide the student with an adequate intellectual and cultural education, and at the same time very suitable for achieving the social goals he had set himself. In fact, each subject - apart from its capacity to form the intellect - has its value, its function, and its social purpose. As for the originality of the choice made by Calasanz, we must note that even before him, those who were concerned with popular education proposed more or less a similar cycle of school subjects for poor children, with the exception of the Spaniard Luis Vives, who did not speak of the abacus and limited the teaching of Latin to a few, namely those who were to become priests or teachers[1474].

1474 Cf. VIVES, De subventione pauperum (1.2 «De cura puerorum» p.51 vol.cit.): «Nec solum discant legere et scribere, sed imprimis pietatem Christianam et rectas opiniones de rebus». «Postea ex pueris aptissime quique ad litteras retineantur in schola futuri aliorum magistri, et Seminarium deinceps Sacerdotum, reliqui transeant ad opificio ut cuiusque fuerit animi pronitas.»

The Florentine Horatius Lombardelli[1475], for his part, had also included the abacus with its four basic operations in his plan, which can be regarded as popular instruction, when he spoke of “ the things whose knowledge is useful for every man”[1476]. Cardinal Silvio Antoniano had done the same; but like others, he had insisted only “on “reading, writing and counting”, while admitting that for some a sort of introduction to Latin grammar would be very useful[1477].

1475 See GERINI, Gli scrittori ped. del sec. XVII p.57-98.

1476 See LOMBARDELLI, o.c., p.142-143; In his plan he does not speak explicitly of religious instruction, but in another point (1.2 c.1) he says that “it is appropriate for all”; he does not even speak of the teaching of Latin; but from some of his sentences in which he insists on the faithful learning of the mother tongue, it seems that the language of Lazio is perhaps only for the nobles, something he takes for granted.

1477 See o.c., c.45 p.152-153: «Se tutti i fanciulli devono imparare lettere?»: «...non tutti possono, ne debbono esser litterati. …mi par però che saria cosa utile et laudabile, che i fanciulli di qualsivoglia conditione, etiandio molto humile, imparassero almeno queste tre cose: cioè leggere, scrivere et numerare, sì perché imparandosi con non molta fatica almeno mediocremente, servono poi in tutta la vita a molti usi, si ancora perché in quella prima età, per la debolezza del corpo, non si può quasi far altro, et si viene a dare una utile occupatione alla fanciullezza, et si fanno altri buoni effetti circa l’educatione, andando il fanciullo alla scuola... anzi crederei essere espediente, che quei figliuoli che devono attendere alla mercatura et a certe arti maggiori fossero introdotti nella grammatica et havessero qualche intelligenza del parlar latino, percioche è conditione, che può spesse volte nei commertij, con le nationi straniere et in molti altri modi. Quanto poi ai figliuoli dei nobili et ricchi non ha dubbio, che sta molto bene, che faccino buon progresso nelle lettere humane et sappiano et parlare et scrivere latino commodamente et intendere gli oratori et gli historici et simiglianti, et intendo etiandio di quelli, che non sono per camminar avanti nelle facoltà et scienze, né farsi dottori, perciocché le lettere sono un grande ornamento d’un gentil huomo et nei magistrati nella patria et nei consigli et congregationi che si fanno per luoghi pii, et altre cose pubbliche, dove si hanno spesso a sentir avvocati e nel farsi eletione di Ambasciatori per mandar fuori et molte altre occasioni che saria lungo a dire, maggior vantaggio havrà sempre un gentil huomo intendente, che un altro suo pari idiota. Oltre di questi, per mezzo delle lettere s’imparano molte cose utili alla prudenza humana, ne basta dire, che vi sia gran copia di libri tradotti, perciocché uno che non sa se non leggere, non arriva ad intendere perfettamente i concetti dell’oratore...»

From the Protestant camp, in terms of popular education, Luther had insisted above all on the teaching of religion, reading, writing and abacus, which should be taught to everyone[1478], and this was how they had designed their school programs[1479]. Only in the municipal schools in the cities had they desired and introduced the teaching of Latin[1480]. Comenius, finally, had insisted in his schola vernacula on only the mother tongue in addition to reading, writing and arithmetic[1481].

1478 ZIEGLER, o.c., I p.67.

1479 PAULSEN, o.c., I p.324-328; ZIEGLER, o.c., I p.124-125.

1480 PAULSEN, o.c., I, p.69.

1481 LAMANNA, o.c., II p.43.

In view of these programs and other similar plans, Calasanz must be given credit for having insisted so strongly on the teaching of arithmetic around the common core of any teaching program, i.e. alongside the teaching of reading, writing and religion, a subject that was rather neglected in the programs of others, but which was to enjoy such flourishing success in the future. And for both cultural and social reasons, he emphasized the teaching of Latin. If with the teaching of arithmetic he wanted to support the scientific development of the Christian republic, whose first and promising beginnings were already emerging, with the teaching of Latin and humanities, which was not withheld even from the most able poor, he opened the way for everyone to that intellectual and cultural improvement which could have ensured the proper balance of a European culture and civilization.

It was certainly not easy to convince the public opinion of the time, which was rather asocial - we can even say anti-cultural - of the need for a Latin and literary culture for the poor as well. But Calasanz, the intrepid defender of freedom and human dignity, fought tenaciously, as we have already seen, for the realization of his sociological and cultural ideal. And perhaps we are not exaggerating when we say that Calasanz’ insistence on the teaching of Latin and on the humanist-literary culture of the poor - who are aware of it and capable of it - touched and found the deepest meaning of all true popular education. This can never be a closed and compulsive system, almost without a sufficiently easy way of leaving it and reaching higher spheres. It must have such a vertebration of school subjects that, while it has in itself its unity and its self-sufficiency, it always leaves the possibility and strengthens the desire to know more and more in those who have the will and the talent.

Such a system is invaluable, even for those who are satisfied with simple popular education. The intellectual heritage and repertoire will not be strictly limited to daily professional and social needs, but there will always be something additional, however small, sufficient to nourish the personality and always keep burning in the individual a sincere desire for eternal values.

It is certainly interesting to note that while Calasanz, the founder of the first popular Christian school in Europe, insisted on the teaching of Latin in the manner described here, almost a century later St. John Baptist de La Salle, the founder of the Congregation of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, the first popular schools in France, wanted to abandon this language almost completely in favor of teaching in the vulgar language (“national language”). The national character, which was becoming increasingly prominent in the various nations, probably played no small role in his decision. And also the increasingly clear contrast between Latin, which had always been taught and cultivated, and the national language, which was so much abandoned everywhere. It could therefore be that St. John Baptist de La Salle was only concerned with the purely social interests of the people and somewhat neglected their cultural interests, or rather the cultural interests of all. Between the two systems, one of which categorically excludes knowledge of the Latin language and the other of which wants to teach it to anyone who can and wants to learn it, the latter is certainly preferable for the reasons already mentioned.

Especially at the time of Calasanz, the exclusion of Latin from the cycle of school subjects for the poor would have been tantamount to wanting to keep them away from any literary culture. At the time of St. John Baptist de La Salle, the situation was somewhat different due to the great development of national literatures. In any case, then as now, the exclusion of Latin, even as an optional subject in the popular culture program, deprived the poor of the possibility of acquiring a genuine Christian and European culture and, consequently, of ever becoming an active factor in that culture.

Moreover, some of the arguments that St. John Baptist de La Salle puts forward against Latin seem untenable, such as the sixth of his Pro memoria[1482]. In any case, it must be understood that the inclusion of Latin in the programme of popular education does not mean the neglect of the vernacular. This was the intention of Calasanz’ programme, which, although it does not explicitly speak of the teaching of the vulgar language, in reality did much for it, as we will see from the individual school subjects. And it was perhaps at this point that John Baptist de La Salle mistakenly saw a certain practical incompatibility between the simultaneous and effective teaching of Latin and the vernacular[1483].

1482 Rigault (o.c., p.586-588): «De quelle utilitè peut être la lecture du latin a de gens qui ne en font aucun usage dans leur vie? Or quel usage peut faire de la langue latine la jeunesse de l’un e de l’autre sex qui vient aux ecoles chretiennes et gratuites?»

1483 See argument n.7 of Pro memoria (RIGAULT, o.c., I p.587).

As far as the program of popular education that Calasanz sought and implemented is concerned, in addition to the problem of the teaching of Latin, we must say two words about the teaching of the national or vulgar language. It was not specifically mentioned in the programs created by Calasanz, but this does not mean that it was neglected. On the contrary, a great deal was done for it both in the teaching of reading and writing and in the teaching of grammar, as we shall see in more detail in the relevant chapter.

On the other hand, it may seem strange that in a programme as modern and far-sighted as Calasanz’, the teaching of history, geography and biology was not introduced, nor was physical education explicitly taught[1484]. Both Scioppio[1485] and Campanella[1486] had already done this, and it is quite understandable that he acted in this way. It was in fact very easy to introduce these subjects only in the written elaboration, in the papers, as the authors mentioned did, and not de facto, as Calasanz should have and wanted to do, without having a teaching staff sufficiently trained in these subjects.

1484 Only the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1694 (Constit. et Reg. [ed. 1826] p.141) prescribes the following: “Tradenda insuper bis in hebdomada historiae profanae elementa item geographiae.” Until that time, if there was any teaching of history, it was only of sacred history, as part of Christian doctrine, some profane history being able to be found “per accidens” among the exercises of the reading class.

1485 Cf. Consultationes de Scholarum et Studiorum ratione (Patavii 1636) p.96: «Simul autem Politicae elementa et adiumenta; id est Chronologiam et Geographiam cognoscent, si eis Tursellini Historiarum Epitomae praelegatur, et sex Physico sistemate ea declarentur, quae ad coelestem et terrestrem mundi sphaeram sive globum pertinent».

1486 Città del Sole, ed. Norberto Bobbio (Torino 1941) p.60. 64-65.

We will see later what Calasanz did in the field of physical education.

After our investigations and observations on all the school subjects that Calasanz chose for the intellectual education of the people, we must now go into detail and see how this education was developed and carried out in each individual school subject.

We have already seen much about this when we looked at the intellectual education of the Calasanzian educator and the breakdown of the school program for each grade[1487]. But at that time, we only touched on some aspects of the question without going into it specifically, whereas now we will attempt an overall synthesis by examining how the main school subjects were taught in the Institute of the Pious Schools. We do not have many documents on the subject, but those that do exist can give us a reasonable idea of what was done, or at least attempted to be done, in the schools of Calasanz. Let us therefore examine each of the topics.

1487 See p.196-344.

3. The teaching of reading

As the elementary school was of such great importance in the overall educational system of Calasanz, it is only natural that each of the subjects belonging to this level was taught with special care. While in other elementary schools of the time - not excluding the rional schools of Rome - all primary school subjects were taught at the same time, in the same place and by the same teacher, in Calasanz at least one class, and almost always three or four, was reserved solely for reading[1488].

1488 See p.334-336.

The main objective to be achieved in these classes was a clear, continuous and correct reading of any Latin or Italian text. To achieve this goal, there had to be a well-prepared teacher who could read and pronounce perfectly[1489], and the whole program had to be developed in three different periods[1490]. The aim of the first phase was for the students to know exactly the phonetic and graphic composition of the word and to learn the different sounds with their respective spellings as well as each individual syllable. For this purpose, the teacher used a wall poster on which “an alphabet with extremely large letters” was printed and had the letters assigned with a pointer and repeated several times in succession. For the more advanced learners, there was another poster with different groups of sounds and syllables and some simple words. All this was done in the “School of the Holy Cross”, sometimes called the “Spelling School”.

1489 See n.610.

1490 See Breve Relazione vol.cit., p.5-6 and p.477 of present work.

The aim of the second stage of reading lessons was to be able to read “the Psalter without interruption”, i.e. to read a Latin text fluently. In this phase, each pupil had to have their own reading book and the teacher had everyone read six or eight lines at a time. In this phase, a deeper analysis of the word and its composition was again undertaken. Often some words were learned, repeated by heart and analyzed while the students corrected each other in competition.

In the third stage it was necessary to reach a reading “without stopping”, with all fluency, of books in vulgar language, of good and clear print. Again, the most difficult words of the vulgar language were repeated and analyzed, while some abbreviations were also memorized. The spirit of emulation was strengthened. Each of these three phases lasted at least four months[1491].

1491 See Breve Relazione p.5-6. It should be noted that the reading exercises did not end in the third class, but continued also in the writing class, where the whole morning was dedicated to reading distinctly and mental arithmetic calculus, and only in the afternoon was writing (Breve Relazione p.5-6); so, to be more precise, we should speak of four different classes of reading, including also this last one of improvement, which was at the same time an introduction to writing.

In addition to the main goal of this reading instruction, we can mention two other goals that are perhaps no less important, even if they seem secondary. The first is the stabilization and inculcation of piety in the tender souls of the children. The second was the teaching of the mother tongue. In order to achieve the first, the Psalter, whose most important expressions were memorized, was chosen as the reading text in the second phase; and Christian doctrine, the lives of the saints, or other spiritual books in the third phase[1492]. In addition, the third grade reading book had to be of such a nature that the parents of the pupils themselves could also draw some fruit from it[1493]. A lot was also done in the third grade reading class to achieve the second goal, namely knowledge of the local language. Every day, after reading the texts, the students had to analyze the Italian words that caused some difficulties, and the reading passage itself, printed in excellent letters, had to be written in good Italian style[1494].

1492 Breve Relazione p.5-6. Among these spiritual books, the Breve Relazione explicitly mentions the Libro delle Vergini, of which we do not know if it was a translation of the De Virginibus, of St. Gregory, or another work that contained the life of some virgins, particularly of those who were still children (cf. BAU, o.c., p.432). More known, however, is the Giovinetto Cristiano, by Fr. C. Franciotti, insistently recommended by Calasanz as a book to be read. L.1007, Ep.III p.399: «Quanto al stampar il libro di leggere per li fanciulli qui mi ha trattenuto lo stampatore con parole ma mi pare bene che il P. Provinciale rivedesse un poco et levasse et giongesse alcuna cosa del libretto detto Giovinetto Cristiano del P. Franciotti che mi pare sarebbe molto a proposito per leggere alli fanciulli perché questo del Sacramento della confessione et communione ha il parlare un poco aspero, però ne parlerà col detto padre» (The Contents of this book can be seen in p.244); In the same letter in which Calasanz recommends the Giovinetto Cristiano, he also mentions another book on the sacrament of confession and communion, but he does not recommend it because of the harshness of its style.

1493 Constit. p.2a c.11 n.213: «Erit ergo circa hoc quilibet localis Minister valde diligens, ut qui pueri legere discunt, iis libris utantur, qui non solum optimis characteribtis insigniti sint, sed ex quorum lectione tam pueri, quam eorum parentes fructum percipere possint.» Regarding this objective to be achieved, the Ratio Studiorum pro Exteris of 1694 prescribes as follows (vol.cit., p.137): «In classe legentium ex iis quae pueri legunt, ansam ad actus virtutum suggerendos per opportunas similitudines, parabolas et exempla, pro captu nanciscantur.»

1494 See L.1007, Ep.III 399, where Calasanz does not want to adopt a book because it has “il parlare un poco aspero”.

As for the method used, it must be said that everyone was taught at the same time and with intuitive methods. Considering the large number of students and their as yet undeveloped intellectual capacity, this method was undoubtedly the most effective of all. In addition, great importance was attached to good printing of the textbooks in order to make the students’ work as easy as possible. The interrogations on the daily topics were kept general. No one could escape the daily control of the teacher, so that the diligent work of each class was sufficiently assured and each pupil could have a sufficiently secure and solid foundation for his further studies. In order to stimulate the students’ diligence more and more, emulation was introduced among them by distributing prizes[1495].

1495 Cf. Breve Relazione (p.6): «In queste due scole di leggere si come nell’altre maggiori si fanno fra li scolari li avversarij et li officiali mettendo gara fra di loro. Et chi legge meglio in un libro volgare dove apre a sorte il Maestro è fatto Imperatore, il quale ha privileggio quella settimana di far due o tre grazie a scolari sparagnando loro il Cavallo...»

Having examined the actual teaching of reading in the Pious Schools, it seems possible to affirm that, while in other schools little or no attention was paid to reading, in the Calasanzian Institute, either because of the aims set or because of the methods adopted, perhaps the level already reached was the same that in our time has been attained.

4. The teaching of writing

Perhaps even more important and therefore even more careful and systematic than the teaching of reading in the Pious Schools, was the teaching of writing in view of the great practical benefit of calligraphy for various professions of the time, which were also accessible to the poor[1496]. The main goal to be achieved here was an easy, disciplined, almost calligraphic script that was also impeccable in spelling[1497].

1496 See L.900, Ep.III p.316, cit. p.141 n.612; also, L.2742, Ep.VI p.255, cit. p.141 n.615; also letter of Fr. Donato Frattasio from Florence to Calasanz, dated 5-19-1646 (EHI p.1196): «Un maestro di scrivere sarebbe necessario in Firenze, stante che fanno più conto di questo che di ogni altra cosa.» Cf. tambien Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.198): «...curet Superior, ut huiusmodi pueris provideatur de diligenti Magistro, qui eos doceat artem recte litteras formandi et computa faciendi, quo facilius quisque sibi necessaria acquirere possit.» And BAU, o.c., p.849

1497 That there was also a great deal of insistence on spelling is known from a letter from the German Province (letter of Fr. A. Ambrosi). [Nikolsburg 19-7-1632; EC p.32]: «Vi sarebbe grandissima necessità di un maestro di scrivere Tedesco acciò non tanto intendesse ad insegnar a formare bene li caratteri come ancora all’ ortografia Tedesca la quale e difficilissima»). As for calligraphic writing, almost every letter of Calasanz that deals with the question is a testimony; see the notes on p.204-208.

To this end, there were to be scribes in each class with a steady hand who could teach “with such ease” that those who had a “good hand” could learn a satisfactory form of calligraphic handwriting within three or four months[1498].

1498 Breve Relazione p.6. Also, p.204-208 of the present work. The Saint himself did not disdain to learn the perfection of writing (L.3673, Ep.VII p.398, cit. in n.618), and he did not spare great sacrifices to have in the Pious Schools of Rome as writing teacher the famous calligrapher of the time Ventura Sarafellini. (p.144).

Then these teachers gave the pupils good examples, good specimens of calligraphy, by imitating which the boys learned the art which they found so difficult[1499]. When the exercise was finished, they presented their work to the teachers, who made the appropriate corrections and observations[1500]. In addition to the models suggested by the teachers, each pupil also had his writing book[1501], which contained excellent examples of the style of writing introduced in the school[1502]. Each class was provided with very modern books, which were available to all students at reasonable prices[1503]. Great attention was also paid to the desks, which had to be of such a height and inclination as to permit the best possible writing, and the pupils were sufficiently far apart to allow the teacher, who checked the little calligraphers and guided their uncertain hands from time to time, to pass through freely[1504].

1499 Calasanz himself did it; vease Oratio in trigesimo mortis S. P. N. habita a R. Admodum P. Hyacinto a S. Vincentio, Carm. Excalceato (25-9-1648): Reg. Cal. XIV 78 (printed in Varsaw 1649): «...facendo solo per molto tempo le composizioni per tutte le scuole e stendendo gli esemplari da scrivere.» Read also a draft of a letter from Calasanz (Reg. Cal. V p.89a; August 1632): «Al nostro P. Eustachio le mando alcune cartelle acciò V. S. Illustrissima si esserciti in megliorar la mano di scrivere nel che credo di sicuro dara gusto grande non solo alla s.a Principessa sua Madre ma se ne manderà alcun scritto fatto bene al S. Principe. Et io come singolar suo divoto servo la prego a farmi veder alcune righe di sua mano nelle quali non solo scorga il profitto fatto nello scrivere ma ancora nella divotione che come più necessaria deve esser la prima tra tutte le nostre attioni.» (It is true that here we are dealing with a pupil who was also a prince, but the method was the same for all.)

1500 Calasanz himself had done the same with the clerics and brothers who were learning the calligraphic art (see n.620. 621).

1501 Constit. p.2nd c.11 n.214: «Qui vero artem scribendi discere cupiunt, praeter hos, utantur etiam libris, qui tradant, quibus litteris quaque vox scribi debeat.»

1502 n.625.

1503 See n.624 and 625. At the same time, particularly the poorest were given other means necessary for writing, such as paper, pens, inkwells; the number of pens was particularly large, since each type of writing required special pens. (cf. L.907, cit. in n.621).

1504 See n.1289.

To encourage the students’ eagerness to learn, there was often a kind of exhibition of the best calligraphic patterns at school festivals, so that the art of writing often reached the perfection of artistic design among them. In fact, the writing masters were often also skilled in artistic design, and so the calligraphic features and other designs made by the pupils served as decorations in the classrooms[1505]. The extent to which the students’ calligraphic traits were perfected can be deduced from the fact that some of these specimens are now kept in the National Library of Rome[1506].

1505 L.876, Ep.III p.298: «Quanto alle cartelle ne potrà dare alcune al Sig. Luogotenente et alli Signori Priori et alli Padri delli Scolari che ne hanno fatti restandone però per adornar la scuola prima et l’oratorio.» See also L.2224, Ep.V p.364: «...viene con esso Giov. Battista di S. Bartolomeo, per maestro di scrivere et abbaco et sa de disegno o depingere un poco.»

1506 Cf. Eph. Cal. I (1932) post p.168. In the Arch. Gen. of the Order, in Rome, there are more than a dozen photocopies of such plates.

In addition to the primary goal of teaching writing, we also find the same secondary goals that were pursued in the teaching of reading: Perfection of the vernacular and progress in piety. As far as the Italian language was concerned, the sentences[1507] copied in the writing exercises were clear and simply constructed, and very probably the pupils - especially in the competitions - were given the opportunity to present sentences of their own inspiration[1508]. Consequently, the writing lessons were a true and effective training also in the vernacular, whose words and phrases were well imprinted in the malleable intelligence of the children through the slow and diligent practice of writing.

1507 These phrases were almost always Italian, as can be seen from the scholastic essay, which has been preserved, and is also deduced from a sentence in Breve Relazione (p.6): «Et in queste due classi finito il recitare si trattengono similmente in dispute compitando alcune parole volgari difficili et alcune abbreviature il che è di gran profitto per passar di poi alla classe dello scrivere.»

1508 Free composition was probably the text of a calligraphic proof preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Rome (see n.1510).

The education of Christian piety through writing lessons[1509] must certainly have had a considerable effect thanks to the almost always pious and edifying content of the copied or freely written texts[1510]. Moreover, Calasanz had certainly recognized the great pedagogical and disciplinary value of calligraphic writing in itself and perhaps also wanted the older students of Collegio Nazareno to practice it during the summer[1511].

1509 That Calasanz also wanted this in particular, is shown by his letter quoted above (Reg. Cal. V 89a, cit. n.1499); in fact, the last sentences of that letter read as follows: «Et Io come singolar suo divoto servo La prego a farmi veder alcune righe di sua mano nelle quali non solo scorga il profitto nello scrivere ma anco nella devotione che come necessaria deve esser la prima tra tutte le nostre attioni.»

1510 See e.g., a text, preserved in the National Library in Rome (Eph. Cal. I [1932] post p.168): «O signor Iddio fortificami con la gratia dello Spirito Santo, dammi forza che io mi fortifichi interiormente, et che vuoti il mio cuore da ogni inutile et sollecitudine et ansietà, et che non sia trascinato da varii desiderii, di qualsivoglia cosa vile, o pretiosa, ma che riguardi tutte le cose come transitorie, et parimente me, che ho da passare insieme con loro impero che non vi è cosa permanente. Giovanni Manz scolaro nelle Scuole Pie scrivea 1625.» Cf. also Ratio Studiorum pro exteris (1694, vol.cit., p.137 E.): «...Item in classe scribentium: satagendo etiam quatenus exemplaria, characteribus efformandis proposita, sacrum aliquod, seu morale complectantur affatum, ad virtutis amorem, seu vitii alicuius nauseam, quod per scripturitionem repetitum altius adulescentulorum animis inhaereat: quod etiam fructuosius fiet, si paucula sint carmina; natura quippe ad numeros ducimur, et rhytmos facilius pueri recordantur.»

1511 Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «...e nel tempo dell’estate impareranno tutti a scrivere a bene.»

It can therefore be said that in the schools of Calasanz, the whole program of writing was also realized in its secondary objectives, going beyond what the most famous pedagogues of the century had thought of[1512]. Thus, it was with real foundation that Archbishop Gramay, Archbishop of Upsala and secretary to Cardinal Dietrichstein, wrote to Calasanz that his schools were simply unsurpassed in the teaching of writing[1513].

1512 Cf. ORAZIO L0MBARDELLI, o.c., p.142. According to him, «il fanciullo che non voglia esser odioso o disutile a’ suoi simili ed a sé stesso, ma a tutti accetto e di giovamento altrui [il che deve volersi ciascuno, che non habbia alcun legittimo impedimento] dovea saper le seguenti cose ... 2. Scrivere delicatamente, correttamente e volgarmente con vario carattere; il che s’acquista esercitandosi ogni o poco o assai purché da principio lentamente e con somma cura, secondo le regole d’eccellenti maestri».

1513 See n. 961.

5. The teaching of arithmetic

The most characteristic of the elementary sciences of the Pious Schools of Calasanz was undoubtedly arithmetic. In the other elementary schools of the time, it played a very insignificant role, although the pedagogues of the time recommended its teaching to all children[1514]. Calasanz, on the other hand, made it one of the main subjects in his elementary school[1515]. The reasons that led him to make such a decision stemmed partly from practical and social considerations and partly from a fortunate intuition for the new positive scientific orientation of the new era of Kepler, Galileo, Newton and the Academy of the Lincei[1516].

1514 In the curriculum of the Somascan Fathers, for example, published in their Constitutions of the year 1626, arithmetic does not appear. (cf. Const. Clericorum Reg. S. Maioli Papiae Congregationis Somaschae et Doctrinae Christianae in Gallia quattuor libris distinctae [Roma 1626]; véase l.3 c.20 «De cura et regimine Orphanorum» p.119-203: «Bis inter diem legendi methodum rationemque docebuntur, scribendi vero normam festivis quibusve diebus et bis inter hebdomadam»). Nor does arithmetic appear in the curriculum of the Agathists (cf. BAU, o.c., p.421, citing the Constitutiones Congregationis Doctrinae Christianae in Sta. Agata, 1602); moreover, the teaching of arithmetic before the opening of the Pious Schools was minimal throughout Europe, and where it existed, it rarely went beyond the teaching of the four operations (PAULSEN, o.c., p.383). As for the pedagogical treatises, Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, along with the teaching of reading and writing, also recommended calculus (o.c., p.153); so did Orazio Lombardelli (o.c., p.143). According to him, every young man should know “far di conto, ossia conoscere praticamente le quattro operazioni dell’Aritmetica, valendosi della guida sicurissima di Pietro Borgo” (Manuale d’Aritmetica [Venezia 1484]; first text of arithmetic written in Italian; cf. GERINI, Scrittori Ped. del sec. XVII p.181). Also Campanella in his work Città del Sole reserves a very important part to the teaching of arithmetic and mathematics (see the edition of NORBERTO BOBBIO p.34. 60. 61 and 65). It is interesting that Luis Vives in his De subventione Pauperum does not speak at all of the teaching of arithmetic to be given to the poor (see the Lugdun edition. 1852, 1.2 «Cura Puerorum» p.51).

1515 The fact that his compatriot and contemporary, the Spaniard Cristóbal Pérez de Herrera, in the work Discursos del amparo (Madrid 1598), based on a profound analysis of the social situation in Spain, had already advised teaching arithmetic to all poor children in the kingdom, may also have played a part in this decision of the Saint (see Revista Española de Pedagogía VII [1949] 353-357).

1516 See PAULSEN, o.c., I p.471.

Practical and social considerations advised Calasanz to teach arithmetic because its knowledge could qualify many poor people for various professions, such as accountants, mechanical calculators in the army, and could make others skillful merchants[1517]. Certainly, other pedagogical and cultural-political considerations also moved him to cultivate and promote a science that was becoming so dear to the world[1518]. As for the school program that was developed for the teaching of arithmetic in the first Pious Schools, we generally have very few documents available. The basis was the four basic arithmetic operations, either with whole numbers or with fractions[1519]. In addition, other arithmetic operations could also be taught, especially if the intelligence of the pupils and the preparation of the teachers allowed it. We can assume as almost certain that special attention was paid to commercial arithmetic and often also to military arithmetic[1520].

1517 Documents of Cardenal Paolucci 1.10 «Opus Anon. in favorem Inst.» p.96 (Reg. Cal. LXVIIl): «Con imparar poi li conti ponno impiegarsi nei banchi, nelli fondachi, in computisterie, et altri mestieri». See also Constit. p.2a c.9 n.198. Also L.3753, Ep.VII p.445: «...questa scienza e essercitio è molto utile per li poveri che non hanno capitale da poter vivere senza faticare».

1518 L.2358, Ep.VI p.15 cit. p.150 n.17; L.248, Ep.II p.257, cit. n. 612; cf. also PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. 34-35.

1519 We can deduce it from Istruzione per i Maestri (Reg. Cal. XII 52: Archivum Schotarum Piarum V [1940] 32), which reads as follows: “Nella parte dell’Abbaco si doverà insegnar almeno il sommar e sottrar con sicurezza.” The words of the Breve Relazione concerning our question are too generic (vol.cit., p.6): “Il secondo ordine di quelli che hanno di andar ad essercitar alcuna arte alli quali ogni mattina se li insegna l’Abbaco secondo la loro capacità.” On the contrary, from the fact that Calasanz had composed a rule for operations with fractions, it follows that the four fundamental rules were taught, since operations with fractions were taught only after the four operations with whole numbers.

1520 We can deduce all this from the following documents; as for Nikolsburg, from a letter of A. Ambrosi, cit. n. 640; as for Cagliari, from the Cronaca of Fr. Luigi Cavada, f.13. (Picanyol, Galileo Gal. p.119): «I nuovi Maestri adempivano così esattamente il loro ministero e l’insegnamento delle lettere e cristiana pietà, che tutti i giorni cresceva il numero di scolari distinti, trovandosi le aule piene zeppe di alunni, specie quella di aritmetica, nella quale era professore il P. Giov. Battista di S. Bartolomeo, assistendovi persino uomini dell’aristocrazia e cavalieri di gran portata, i quali avevano seco spada, che lasciavano in consegna al portiere, da cui erano custodite sotto chiave in una camera annessa alla portineria, e riconsegnate all’uscita della scuola (Arch. Gen. Hist. Bibl. n 24). Regarding Roma, see Reg. Cal 82 CAPUTI, Frammenti f.12: «Faceva gran conto della scuola dell’Abaco, la quale stimava assai, dove erano uomini con la barba.»

Read, moreover, a letter of the Venerable Gellio Ghellini addressed from Rome to his brother on 31-8-1602 (EPC, III, p.1554): «Uno spagnuolo è il Prefetto, ha tre aiutanti, un fiorentino, un urbinate, e un romano nobile; per l’abaco è un fiorentino matematico (Francesco Fiammelli) conosciuto per tutta la Roma» (cf. n.652).

In CAPUTI (t.l p.2.a f.31 n.146) we find the praise of the great mathematician and outstanding arithmetic teacher Salvador Grise, made by the Saint himself (p.153). From Podolin it is known that a certain Jorge Schreckmayer, at the age of thirty, moved to Podolin and attended the arithmetic classes of the school (GULYÁS, o.c., p.40). From all these documents it is clear that the arithmetic class of the elementary section of the Pious Schools was very well attended and even desired by already adult men. This would not have happened if all the arithmetic had not been given there as it was conceived and systematized by the famous books of Tartaglia, known also by ours (see p.148). Moreover, the Nikolsburg document also speaks of various rules of arithmetic certainly superior to the more common and simple ones made for the use of students. We are reminded of military mathematics by the name of Fiammelli, who was a great expert in this field of arithmetic, and by the name of so many other illustrious Piarist mathematicians equally versed in this subject (see p.153). In commercial arithmetic, it makes us think of the fact that Calasanz wanted to prepare some of his students for commercial life precisely by means of arithmetic, on which he had to teach them also the main rules of commercial life. It also says a lot that in the class of San Pantaleo, for example, arithmetic books were bought with the title of Mercante arricchito (Libro di uscite, 16-6-1633 [Dom. Gen. 48]: “Al frello Domenico di S. Silvestro per un libro di abaco computo detto Mercante arricchito).” Also the subtitle of Libro de Abacho, by Pietro Borghi (Vinegia 1550), clearly tells us that commercial arithmetic constituted a notable part of the arithmetic books of that time (Libro de Abacho. Incomincia la nobile opera de Arithmetica, ne la qual se tratta tutte cose a mercantia pertinente, fatta e compilata per Messer Piero Borghi, da Venezia). This being the case, the prescription of the Ratio Studiorum pro Exteris of the year 1694 does not seem to be anything but the codification of a practice in force long ago. In the said Ratio Studiorum it was prescribed as follows (vol. cit., p.140 BB and CC): “BB. Secunda Media legentium scribentium, et iuxta faciliores Arithmeticae Regulas, praesertim Quatuor Cardinales, numerantium. CC. Tertia suprema. Arithmeticae, praeter canones ad affabre perfecteque scribendum, universae Anthmeticae Tractatus expediuntur.”

In order to put such intensive teaching of arithmetic into practice in the popular schools, Calasanz first took care of the preparation and training of valuable teachers who really mastered the subject and its method[1521]. In addition to ease and clarity, much emphasis was placed on practical exercises when teaching. The teacher wrote out a large number of arithmetic problems every day and gave them to his pupils as “homework” to solve them privately. They had in common the convenient control that they had been carried out[1522]. We do not know whether the corresponding textbooks were also adopted. Probably not, because although the Constitutions speak of books on reading, writing and Christian doctrine, they say nothing about arithmetic. From the earliest times, teachers of arithmetic tried to give clear and simple rules for all mathematical operations in dictation. Calasanz himself had already done this for the addition of fractions[1523], as had other Fathers[1524] in other areas of arithmetic.

1521 See p.209-220.

1522 It is known, for example, that Calasanz also composed such problems. (Oratio in trigesimo mortis S.P.N. habita a R. Adm. Patre Hyacinto a S. Vicentio, carm. excalceato, 25-9-1648; Varsavia 1649 [Reg. Cal. XIV 78]: «...facendo per molto tempo le composizioni per tutte le scuole, ordinando i computi dell’Abbaco, e stendendo gli essemplari da scrivere»)

1523 Reg. Cal. XII 15, cit. n.635.

1524 See n.640.

It was undoubtedly a natural consequence and result of this careful teaching that there was an extraordinary influx of students of all ages and conditions to the arithmetic classes and the general appreciation of all contemporaries for an institute so meritorious in this point of instruction[1525].

1525 In addition to the aforementioned documents, the following documents are also added: Monita quaedam virorum magnorum circa propagationem Scholarum Piarum, Nikolsburg 1633 (Reg. Prov., 51: Prov. Germaniae, 8): «Ceterum in linguis compendia et Arithmetica et Musica, quae Societas non docet, Scholae se occupantes diligenter ut faciunt, commendarentur, si minuta quaedam iuventuti gravia tollerentur ipsis Patrum nonnulis non incognita, a quibus intelligi malo quam a me referri». Also, Expositio ad Cardinales de non mutandis Constitutionibus (Reg. Cal. XIV 61): «...in tutte le case della Religione la scuola dell’abbaco è sempre molto ripiena e numerosa essortandovisi quei che si vedono incapaci da tirarsi avanti.» And also the letter of Fr. Michele di Santa Maria (Nikolsburg 13-12-1643, EEC p.479) addressed to Fr. General.

Having said this, we could already conclude our investigation if we were not forced to add at least two words about the teaching of higher mathematics that already took place in some of Calasanz’ schools during his lifetime. Apart from the existence of such teaching[1526], we generally know very little about the subject and the methods used, at least in Calasanz’ time. However, given the very careful preparation of the teachers of these schools, sufficiently well known their positive-scientific-Galilean ideas and aware of the correspondence on mathematical subjects of the said Galileian Fathers[1527], it can be assumed with great probability that all the basic problems of geometry, algebra, astronomy and mechanics were dealt with in these schools in an almost exhaustive manner. The subjects were no longer taught according to the antiquated principles of Aristotle, but according to the Scienza nova of Galileo. In view of the novelty of the theses they advocated, the mathematical and physical problems dealt with there proved to be the most topical philosophical problems of the time[1528]. Most of the students at these schools were aristocrats. In Florence, by special will of the Grand Duke, poor young men of great ingenuity were also admitted[1529]. That the teaching of higher mathematics itself must have been unbeatable in every respect and from all points of view, we can deduce both from the not inconsiderable number of outstanding students who emerged from these classrooms[1530] and from the great interest of the Florentines in keeping their school of mathematics intact at a time when news was spreading that the forthcoming General Chapter of 1641 was planning to close it[1531].

1526 Regarding Florence see PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. p.67-76. 138-140. 141-144; also GIOVANNOZZI, o.c., p.67-76; for Podolin see GULYÁS, o.c., passim; también PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. p.176; regarding Cagliari, PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. p.119-120, and a letter of Fr. Carlo Pirroni (12-11-1681), cit. in vol. Duo praestantissima doc. p.11: «...diedero pur principio alli studii delle scienze in Sardegna...»; regarding Pisa, PICANY0L, Galileo Gal. p.35-36. 81-82. 175, letter of Fr. C. Pirroni (l.c. before): «avevano pur la cattedra della matematica nella celebre università di Pisa.»

1527 See p.214-220.

1528 Particularly revealing in this regard is the accusation of the Piarist disciples of Galileo made by Fr. Mario Sozzi before the Tribunal of the Holy Office in Florence (see pp.215-218).

1529 Cf. PICANY0L, Galileo Gal. p.68-69, and also p.215 of the present work.

1530 Cf. PICANY0L, o.c., p.69.

1531 Cf. ibid., p.138-139, with two letters from the Florentine ambassador Niccolini addressed from Rome to Florence; we reproduce here the main part of the second one. (Archivio di Stato, Firenze., Med. Prine. 3369, n.57): «Nel particolare de’Padri delle Scuole Pie il Sig. Cardinale Cesarini si affaticherà perché nel Capitolo de’ medesimi Padri non si faccia innovazione in quel punto delle matematiche, inclinando egli ad accrescere piuttosto l’esercizio delle scienze in quei religiosi che a diminuirle; e darà gli ordini conformi a Prelato che vi sederà come Presidente del Capitolo...» (Roma 20-4-1641). See also the letter of Balì Gondi sent from Florence on behalf of the Grand Duke to Ambassador Riccardi on April 7, 1646. (Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Med. Prine. 3530, published by Fr. PICANY0L, Galileo Gal. p.174-175): «Firenze, 7 aprile 46. È stato sentito da S.A. con dispiacere quel che costà è stato risoluto contra i PP. delle Scuole Pie parendo all’ A.S. che la loro istituzione particolarmente per l’insegnare anche le scienze, fosse di gran beneficio universale. Per le città di sua Altezza et specialmente in Pisa, ciò si è sperimentato. Per il che vuole, che V.E. in nome dell’A.S. passi caldi offizi con S.Stà. et con chiunque altro occorresse, acciò la Stà. sua si contentasse di farne gratia singolare a S.A., che in questi stati i medesimi padri potessero continuare ad insegnare nel medesimo modo che hanno fatto sin qui, cioè anche le scienze, non ostante che siano state limitate le loro facoltà a termine più basso. Potrà attestare V.E. alla S.S. un’obbligatione a questo conto di S.A. più che ordinaria. Et il Sig. Principe Leopoldo che ama questi Padri quanto è noto a V.E., raccomanda all’Eminenza V. il far per essi tutto quello che umanamente si potrà, non pure in ordine al suddetto loro desiderio, ma circa parimenti i loro altri interessi, secondo che ne fosse pregata da’ PP. di costà.»

Certainly, such a new and modern approach to mathematics was all the more remarkable as it was hardly to be found in the universities of the time[1532].

1532 Particularly in those run by the Jesuit Fathers, where, according to the prescriptions of the Ratio Studiorum, they still followed the old orientation, which was clearly Aristotelian. See Mon. Germ. Paed. vol.5 «Ratio Studiorum Soc. Iesu» p.348: «Regulae Professoris Mathematicae: I. (Qui auctores, quo tempore, quibus explicandi). Physicae auditoribus explicet in schola tribus circiter horae quadrantibus Euclidis Elementa; in quibus postquam per duos menses aliquantisper versati fuerint, aliquid geographiae vel Sphaerae vel eorum quae libenter audiri solent, adiungat, idque cum Euclide vel eodem die vel alternis diebus» (Constit. 4 c.12 C).

So, apart from their intrinsic and current value as exemplary causes and as fruitful seeds for the future, these schools were undoubtedly also of no small historical significance. The new orientation, once initiated, was never neglected, but on the contrary was consolidated by the active collaboration of the most capable minds[1533], which was of no small benefit to the poor and to European civilization as a whole[1534].

1533 Particularly with Fr. Carlo Pirroni; see PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. p.186. 191; also his letter in vol. Duo praestantissima doc. p.10-14.

1534 PICANYOL, Galileo Gal. p.3a «Le Scuole Pie dopo Galileo»; c. 1 «Indirizzo scientifico postgalileiano nelle Scuole Pie: due uomini e due Istituzioni» p.174-194; c.2 «Studio sommario del movimento nelle Scuole Pie d’Italia dopo il P. Carlo Pirroni» (sec. XVIII y XIX), p.194-228. In this chapter, on p.194-195 there is also a brief account of the scientific activity of the other provinces.

6. The teaching of christian doctrine

We have already seen that Christian doctrine was the chief subject of instruction in the new Pious Schools, which were established for more effective catechetical instruction, both in the city and throughout the Christian republic[1535]. We have already seen how much and with what care the Calasanzian educator prepared himself to be able to carry out well this apostolic ministry so generously assumed[1536]. In this chapter we shall now see the effective teaching of Christian doctrine as it actually took place, with its timetable, its program, its method, its means and its results.

1535 See p. 99-106 and 221-228.

1536 Cf. ibid.

The main aim of this teaching was undoubtedly the most complete religious and moral formation of the student, without which it would have been difficult to achieve the ultimate goal of Calasanzian education, which was and is that “felix totius vitae cursus” of which the Constitutions speak with such hope and certainty.

First of all, we must note that for a sound and effective religious and moral education, Calasanz - in contrast to so many modern trends taught even in Catholic circles - considered as essential a regular and normal instruction in Christian doctrine as in all other school subjects. This is evident from the Constitutions[1537] and from the entire timetable for the distribution of the various subjects. In order to achieve the above-mentioned objectives, the weekly teaching of Christian doctrine was systematized as follows: On a given day of the week, the teacher explained the doctrine in class[1538] (almost always that of Cardinal Bellarmino), and the students had to memorize seven or eight lines of it every morning[1539]. In addition to this systematic explanation of the book of Christian doctrine, which had to be carried out in full over the course of two or three years[1540], and in addition to this daily repetition by the pupils, which was necessary for the purpose of checking their diligence and learning, the last quarter of an hour of each day, both morning and afternoon, was almost always reserved for an oral and effective explanation of an occasional theme, a truth such as the mystery of the Most Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, or a practice of the Christian life such as Communion, Confession or Holy Mass[1541].

1537 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.200: «Libellus Doctrinae Christiane in Scholis a Discipulis ediscatur».

1538 Ibid.: «Libellus Doctrinae Christianae in Scholis a discipulis ediscatur, et aliquem illius partem aliquo die designato cuiusque hebdomadae declarabunt magistri.» In the heretical countries, the number of such explanations was as high as three (letter of Fr. G. Verdun, Nikolsburg 1-1-1634 [EEC p.1211]: «...io fo una raccolta di molte dottrine per dichiarare il catechismo del P. Canisio, il quale si insegna nelle scole tre volte la settimana come ancora nelle feste nello Oratorio»).

1539 Breve Relazione p.6: «...et in queste quattro classi di grammatica la prima lettione che si recita a mente ogni mattina è della dottrina Christiana sei, o otto versi per volta...» Correttioni et Aggiunte atte da detti Illmi. SSi. Prelati a Decreti Sopradetti p.14 pt.5 (Reg. Gen. IV: Cap. Gen. 1637): «Li maestri di scuola prima insegnino la Dottrina Christiana come si è usato per lo passato, e poi la grammatica» (31-10-1637). Ordini da osservarsi dalli maestri Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, pt. 2. (Reg. Cal. XVIII 32): «Che posti tutti inginocchioni cominci l’oratione, Veni Sancte Spiritus et assista mentre li Decurioni recitano le lettioni agli scolari, la prima delle quali in tutte le scuole sia quella della Dottrina Christiana ogni mattina.» Véase también Il programma di Narni per l’anno scolastico 1624-1625 (Reg. Prov. 426): «...Cunctis diebus Christianae doctrinae capita nonnulla memoriter pronunciabunt.» In practice, the Christian doctrine was sometimes repeated in the afternoon as well.; cf. Reg. Prof 42^12: Vis. Dom. Narn. (4-7-1629): «Dottrina christiana si recita ogni giorno due volte nelle scuole.»

1540 In reality, many of the students only attended the Pious Schools for two or three years; and, according to the Constitutions, the book was to be learned in its entirety by all: “libellus ediscatur.”

1541 See n.1227.

Moreover, in addition to this simultaneous teaching, which was given every day to the whole class, there was special instruction, also daily, for the different groups of continuous prayer, on how to go to confession well, how to take communion with profit and how to pray mental prayer well, etc.[1542]

1542 See p.392-393.

This is what was done on weekdays in all the classes of the Calasanzian Institute for the teaching of Christian doctrine. But that was not enough for Calasanz. In order to faithfully follow the various prescriptions of the Church, especially those of the Council of Trent, he also wanted the Sunday and feast day the teaching of doctrine to be held publicly in the church or oratory. In the explanations and instructions for the working days, the theme was continued gradually and day by day. Christian teaching on Sundays and festivals was more of a public exercise and expression of what had been learned. It lasted at least an hour[1543] and there was never a lack of a spiritual exhortation from a Father[1544], who was called the “Prefect of Doctrine”, or a repetition of the lessons that had been given the previous week. But often it was the boys themselves who played the leading role with their disputes or their speeches[1545]. And in order to bring this whole series of explanations, exercises and questionings to a worthy conclusion, a so-called “control class” was also set up at Calasanz’ express request, in which at unspecified times all the students had to give an account of their preparation in the most important points of their holy faith before a commission appointed for this purpose[1546].

1543 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. 741): «Dopo pranzo nelle feste si insegnerà la Dottrina Christiana in chiesa nostra, overo nelle altre, secondo che lo stimerà spediente il Superiore locale, e mentre si vanno raunando dovrebbe assistervi uno de’ nostri, e se fosse sacerdote, riuscirebbe con maggior gravità; il quale cercarà di trattenere gli figliuoli con qualche discorso spirituale, e con raccontare alcuni esempi, e particolarmente dei santi occorrenti e de’ fanciulli, o fargli studiare la lettione. Così il medesimo starà vigilante ancora nel tempo dell’esercitio della Dottrina, che non nasca in parte verun scandalo. Quando si esserciterà la Dottrina Christiana nelle nostre scole, overo dove li nostri soli ne habbiano cura, si adopri l’orologio, detto che sia la oratione del principiare.»

1544 See before n.1543.

1545 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.200: «...in qua etiam in nostris Ecclesiis et in aliis, si id Superior expedire iudicaverit, diebus Dominicis et aliis consuetis festivitatibus publice ad maiorem Dei Gloriam et proximorum utilitatem pueri exercitabuntur.» See also letter of Fr. Leailth addressed to Fr. General, Nikolsburg 6-8-1631 (EEC p.619): «Le feste io tengo la dottrina in chiesa nostra dove vien assai gente huomini e donne per sentire disputare li figliuoli.» Y Reg. Prov. 42^12: Visita di Narni (4-7-1629): «Dottrina Christiana si recita ogni giorno due volte nelle scuole. Et in chiesa si recita e disputa». Finally, see letter of Fr. Ansano Lenzi to Fr. General (EHI p.1313, Poli 23-4-1630): «...et alla fine della Dottrina uno scolaro dei nostri recitò un sermone molto bene.»

1546 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741 p.52): «Si procuri in tutte le nostre case di havere una scola particolare disoccupata dove si provi dalli maestri a ciò deputati, se gli scolari imparano, e sanno le cose necessarie per la salute dell’anima conforme all’obbligo della nostra santa fede, che sono il simbolo degli Apostoli, l’oratione dominicale, la Salutatione Angelica, il Decalogo, il Mistero della Santissima Trinità, dell’Incarnatione e della Passione di Christo, del Giudizio, dell’Inferno, del Peccato Originale ed attuale, et in somma la Dottrina Christiana, secondo la capacita di ciascuno.» Compare with document Declarationes Constitutionum. Super illa verba docebitque Magister quomodo se debeant pueri praeparare ad Sacramentum Paenitentiae ... (Reg. Cal. XII 47): «Declaravit unum futurum Gymnasium seu classem ad quod omnino accedendum sit iis qui scholas nostras adeunt, ut in illis erudiantur et periculum fiat an bene rudimenta fidei calleant et quae sunt ad salutem necessaria, nempe Oratio Dominica, salutatio Angelica, Symbolum Apostolorum, Decalogus, Mysterium Smae Trinitatis, Incarnationis, Passionis, Iudicii, Paradisi, Inferni, Peccati originalis et actualis, modum orandi, sacramenta sumendi, christiane, recte ac devote vivendi et alia pro illorum captu.» The same was prescribed also by the first latin versión of Riti communi (Reg. Gen. 92).

And now that we have become acquainted with the systematization of the timetable, which we would call the technique of teaching Christian doctrine, we must ask ourselves what exactly was the subject, the aim of the same. The quasi-official text adopted in the Pious Schools for the students was the Dottrina christiana breve, perchè si possa imparare a memoria (“Brief Christian doctrine, so that it can be memorized”) (Rome 1597), and for the teachers, the Dichiarazione piu copiosa della dottrina christiana per uso di quelli che insegnano ai fanciulli e alle altre persone semplici (“More detailed expositions of Christian doctrine for the use of those who teach it to children and other simple people”) (Rome 1598), by Cardinal Bellarmine[1547]. In addition to these texts, the Catechism of St. Peter Canisius was also widely used and explained, especially in heretical countries[1548]. In Rome, the venerable Glicerio Landriani himself had written a doctrine for his students[1549].

1547 L.2577, Ep.VI p.161: «...nell’insegnare la legge del Signore li nostri non eccedano li termini et limiti della Dottrina Christiana composta dal Cardinale Bellarmino...» Also L.2916, Ep.VI p.383: «Et quanto alli giovinetti in oltre la Dottrina Christiana del Cardinale Bellarmino si doveva insegnare...» See also this letter of Fr. Leailth (EEC p.619; Nikolsburg 6-8-1631): «...ho inteso dal fratello Giovanni che lui habbia la dottrina del Bellarmino in tedesco, io ho estremo bisogno di essa, se lui venisse la poteva portare, io lo farò stampare qui perché habbiamo la stampa in casa».

1548 See n.200; Also this letter of Fr. Verdun, Nikolsburg 1-1-1634 (EEC p.1211): «…già molto tempo fa che io havevo scrito per conto di una grande Dottrina del Bellarmino; di nuovo li ricordo di farmi la carità di mandarla come medaglie e imagini, che in Germania ce n’è carestia. Se fusse ancora qualche piccolino libretto di Dottrina o sia per catechizzare li figliuoli, essendo adesso che io fo una raccolta di molte dottrine per dichiarare il catechismo del P. Canisio, il quale si insegna nelle scole tre volte la settimana, come anco nelle feste nello Oratorio.»

1549 See n.666. Another Father unknown to us also wrote a doctrine that remains in manuscript, with the title Sentenze latine della Santa Scrittura e dei Santi Padri e concetti volgari sopra ciascuna domanda e riposta che si fa nella dottrina christiana con alcune pie considerationi nelli quindici Misteri del Rosario in detta Dottrina contenuti: Eph. Cal. XXI (1952) p.95.

As for Bellarmine’s work (and in this the Catechism of St. Peter Canisius does not differ much; only in the order of the various topics)[1550], we know its division into five main sections: 1. faith and profession of faith; 2. sacraments; 3. commandments; 4. Our Father and prayers; 5. virtues, works of mercy, sins, the “novissima”. The effective teaching of the Pious Schools thus followed this way of presenting the truths and the most important norms of the Christian life. But apart from this common heritage of all the doctrines in use at the time[1551], Calasanz insisted especially on the mysteries of the life and passion of Jesus Christ, which were to be deeply inculcated into the tender minds of the children and the teaching of the “esercizii spirituali per li giovanetti delle Scuole Pie” (“spiritual exercises for the boys of the Pious Schools”)[1552]. And in this insistence, we cannot fail to see the essentially practical aspect of his desire to have the teaching of Christian doctrine in his schools. It was so dear to his heart that the children should come to know and love the so holy and attractive person of our Lord Jesus Christ that he himself wrote a little book for this purpose entitled Some Mysteries of the Life and Passion of Christ Our Lord[1553]. Moreover, the intellectual and spiritual heritage that Calasanz considered an indispensable minimum in the field of the holy faith for every student of the Pious Schools was the following: all had to know by heart the Our Father, the Hail Mary, the Creed, the Decalogue and the Angelus; the mysteries of the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, the Passion, the Redemption, the Last Judgment, Paradise and Hell, original sin and actual sin, and how to pray and prepare well for the sacraments[1554].

1550 In fact, St. Peter Canisius started from the principle that the whole Christian doctrine can be reduced to the knowledge and practice of wisdom and justice; wisdom includes the theological virtues and the sacraments, from which the first four parts of the doctrine originate: first, faith, creed; second, hope, the Lord’s Prayer; third, the commandments; fourth, the sacraments. Justice obliges us to do good and to hate evil, from which the fifth part, sins, works of mercy, virtues, the gifts of the Holy Spirit, the beatitudes, the evangelical counsels, the novissima (Four last things).

1551 See p.104.

1552 L.2916, Ep.VI p.383: «Et quando alli giovinetti inoltre la Dottrina Christiana del Card. Bellarmino si doveva insegnare i misteri della vita e passione di Cristo e li essercitii spirituali per li giovinetti delle Scuole Pie che sono stampati in Roma.» Cf. Visita della casa di Narni, 1628 (Reg. Prov. 42^11): «Libretto della Passione di Cristo ed atti di virtù che si esercita part.te con li piccoli.» See also L.1009, Ep.III p.401: «Se mandano li santi del mese per un anno et molti fogli di immagini per la dottrina Xriana. Et per le scuole, si mandano li libretti della passione et delli atti di virtù et tre o quattro libretti del Chempis...»

1553 See p.221-222.

1554 See n. 1546.

With regard to the method that Calasanz and his first collaborators used in teaching Christian doctrine, we can immediately see that they very soon realized that it was not a matter of teaching a simple school subject, where it was generally sufficient for the students to have clear and well-assimilated concepts on the subject, but that it was necessary for these clear and well-assimilated concepts to become vital convictions, ideas that would influence the thinking and actions of each person[1555]. In order to achieve this goal, great emphasis was therefore placed on the clarity, simplicity and brevity of the concepts conveyed and on the preserving and vital power of the precepts, seeking the best way and method to make the informative and formative function of the teaching fully effective.

1555 See n.656. Cf. also Fr. CASTELLI, Apologia dell’istituto (Reg. Cal.XIV 60^4): «...Il timor di Dio non s’acquista col ‘doce me dicere’, ma col, ‘doce me facere’ non per modum scientiae speculativae, sed per modum scientiae practicae.»

The dialogical form of the books used was followed. Questions and answers were conducted in the simplest possible way. In all the teachings, an intimate, almost familial relationship between the teacher and the student was sought, to the extent that everything became like a trusting conversation between father and son, a conversation in which each of the words was full of inspiration and happy longing on the one hand and full of love, faith and fatherly wisdom on the other. If the official teachings already had this simplicity and this spirit of faith, the inspired words of the holy pedagogue did much more. The almost sheer simplicity of the facts, told with transparency, precision and with a deeply believing and loving cordiality, could not fail to have an irresistible effect. On the other hand, Calasanz never considered teaching to be a mere transmission of concepts, but wanted the concepts received to become conviction and life, for the truth to be better understood and for faith to penetrate more deeply. And it was precisely for this reason that after each new truth of faith was imparted to the student, he was immediately asked to live and act in accordance with his new knowledge from then on[1556].

1556 Cf. the small doctrine of Calasanz with the title Alcuni misteri della vita e Pasione di Cristo Signor Nostro: Parva Bibliotheca Calasanctiana 2 p.5-10.

It was also insisted that the truths imparted should be rooted with real depth in the mind and heart of the youth, and for this reason their daily lessons were imparted. Hence the special control of his diligence, from which also arose the great urgency that each pupil should have a good book of religion suited to his abilities, and that he should understand as far as possible everything that could be useful to him in the daily practice of Christian life[1557]. And by this insistence the exact way was undoubtedly pointed out for any true and effectual religious instruction in the future, which could never be well conducted if it did not endeavor to impart to the student an adequate and well-assimilated knowledge of the most important truths of the faith. It would be a great mistake indeed to believe that religious instruction can be carried out only with superficial discussions and arguments.

1557 See L.882, Ep.III p.301: «Quanto alli libri della confessione et communione il libraro li ha spediti tutti et ne dimandavano di Genova ancora, siché mi pare sarà necessario farli stampare di nuovo ma nell’istesso carattere et nell’istessa carta, et forse costì in Napoli riuscirebbe più comodo, costì sta il Fr. Francesco Maria che qui fece il patto col libraro et stampatori et all’ultimo in loco dell’ultimo foglio si potrebbero metter gli essercitii spirituali delli scolari et li misterii della vita di Cristo in uno o due fogli che così, in uno solo libro haverebbero ogni cosa...» L.302, Ep.VII p.30: «Desidero che V. R. sopraintenda in che tutti li squolari sappiano i misteri della vita di Xristo et li essercitii spirituali et atti di virtù conforme li fogli stampati in Roma et in questo sia molto sollecito.» También L.2835, Ep.VI p.323: «Quanto agli fogli da stamparsi V. R. lo faccia quanto prima e faccia in tutte le scuole s’imparino, che pare gran vergogna che scolari grandi non sappiano fare gli atti di fede, speranza e carità, humiltà e contritione tanto necessarii.»

The aim was to teach the whole class all together, but at the same time - during continuous prayer - a way was also found to give more individualized instruction to each of the groups gathered in the church.

The division into different classes, according to the ability of the pupils, was maintained as far as possible, even during the Sunday teaching after the common prayer and the usual exhortation to all the pupils[1558].

1558 Cf. n.1543-1545. See also the detailed prescriptions of the Riti comuni de 1665 (c.12 «De Doctrina Christiana»): «Coadunatis pueris genibus flexis duobus illorum in medio Altaris, orationem Dominicam cum salutatione angelica et symbolo Apostolorum ac decalogo patria lingua praecinentibus, ceteri cum modestia et pietate respondeant, quibus absolutis, omnes suis destinatis classibus consideant, et doctrinam christianam diligenter recitent aut a magistro expositam excipiant per dimidiam horam.

4o Praefectus per aliam dimidiam horam exercebit pueros ad id praeparatos, vel in disputando inter se, vel edocendo minores pueros signum sanctae crucis formare, Dominicam Orationem, Salutationem Angelicam, Symbolum Apostolorum; Praecepta Decalogi intelligibili voce distincte recitare, quos instruat, si erraverint per se ipsum vel per alium puerum eruditiorem. Quandoque ex Doctrina Bellarmini, aut alterius auctoris, iuxta morem locorum, ipse explicabit mysteria fidei Christianae...»

A wise and sober practical sense characterized the whole development of the teaching. It was most evident in the fact that special care was taken to teach how to live the Christian life practically through prayer and the frequent and increasingly conscious use of the sacraments of confession and communion[1559]. For this purpose, in addition to the doctrine, other special books were available to the students, such as the Giovane and Giovanetto christiano by Fr. Franciotti and the Avviamento chiaro e facile al sacramento santo della confessione et a quello della comunione by Fr. Filippo Angelini[1560].

1559 See more on this subject on p.607-630.

1560 See p.226-228, and also p.621-626.

In order to increase the zeal and diligence of the students, in addition to the Sunday disputes and the emulation they tried to inspire, there was no lack of a system of prizes. The most diligent students were often rewarded with pictures, rosaries, agnusdeis, etc.[1561]

1561 L.1009, Ep.III p.401: «Se mandano li santi del mese per un anno et molti fogli di immagini per la dottrina Xriana. et per le scuole, si mandano li libretti della passione et delli atti di virtù et tre o quattro libretti del Chempis: uno per il P. Diomede et un altro per il fratel Francesco se non l’ha et un temperino per detto fratello, et quanto alle immagini se ne faranno tre parti: una ne terrà il Superior, un’altra il P. Diomede et un’altra il fratel Francesco per dare alli suoi scolari et a quei della dottrina Christiana...» See also Libro di uscite, 6-5-1625 (Reg.Cal. XI 11): «per immagini per la dottrina christiana a Norcia, scudi 0.30»; idem, 1-9-1625: «per Agnus Dei guarniti per premio alli scolari, scudi 0.30.» Also, L.3656, Ep.VII p.383: «Mandarò quanto prima alcuni premii per la dottrina cristiana et per la scuola.» And this letter from Fr. Mario Sozzi from Poli addressed to Fr. G. Fedele, novice master in Rome (EPC p.2522): «...volesse mandarmi qualche cosa per la dottrina christiana come qualche corona havendo trovato che la maggior parte delli scolari non ha corona o vero qualche immagine pocho valuta...»

If we have so far spoken of the teaching of Christian doctrine to the pupils of the Pious Schools, we cannot now avoid speaking also of the instruction given to outsiders, generally boys and children. From the earliest times, Calasanz allowed, and even more, he wanted them to be given such instruction. Even the first Fathers in Rome, headed by the venerable Glicerio Landriani, taught Christian doctrine with great zeal and success in the various churches of Rome, Frascati and the neighboring towns[1562].

1562 Cf. PICANYOL, Glicerio Landriani, passim, but especially p.5-7; also Memorandum to card. Montalto (Ep.II 7a p.48): «...danno parimenti li detti Padri delle Scuole Pie ogni domenica et festa aiuto grande all’essercitio della dottrina christiana in S. Lorenzo et s’impiegano quanto possono in servizio di detta parrocchia...» See also L.214, Ep.II p.232: «Quanto alla dottrina cristiana se non vi sarà che vi faccia la fatica vi andaranno dui o tre de nostri...» And L.58, Ep.II p.112: «...V. R. potrà andar ad insegnar la Dottrina Christiana in alcuni castelli vicini acciò essi ancora sentano giovamento dall’istituto nostro.»

Such a practice was also indicated in the Constitutions, which allowed the teaching of doctrine even outside our churches[1563], so that from then on it was always carried out[1564]. The method used for these Sunday teachings was, as far as possible, the same as that already used for the pupils of the Pious Schools. Here, too, an attempt was made to achieve a certain order and discipline, and the lessons was conducted according to the abilities of the pupils. Care was also taken to divide the different groups of pupils, boys and girls, and to assign each group its own teacher. There was also no lack of competitions and prizes[1565].

1563 Constit. p.2nd c.9 n.200: «...in qua etiam in nostris Ecclesiis et in aliis si id Superior expedire iudicaverit, diebus dominicis et aliis consuetis festivitatibus publice ad maiorem Dei gloriam et Proximorum utilitatem pueri exercitabuntur.»

1564 L.477, Ep.II p.408-409: «Il P. Giacomo di Gesù si porta molto bene in Savona et è stimato grandemente dal vescovo e da tutta la città, perché le feste insegna la dottrina cristiana nel domo dove viene algune volte il vescovo a rallegrarsi del profitto che vede nelli giovinetti et li giorni di lavoro nelle scuole insegna con soddisfazione comune, et li ho mandato alcune volte de santi et altrii premii et quando vi sarà alcuna barca li manderò un poco di Agnus Dei et se il Signore Ascanio ne vorrà mandarne ancora si mandaranno insieme.» L.1741, Ep.V p.18: «Le raccomando la Dottrina christiana in S. Pietro [en Frascati] ogni Domenica percioché il Signor Cardinale Vescovo ne haverà consolatione che vi si usi ogni diligenza et li risposi sí.» L.2452, Ep.VI p.79: «...et quanto alla dottrina christiana maggior audienza haverà non solo dei figli ma di huomini et di donne adulti nella chiesa parrocchiale che nella nostra et la si potrà fare maggior profitto massimo e dichiarando quello che devono credere et operare ordinatamente.»

1565 See PICANYOL, Glicerio Landriani p.8-10, where it is also published an order of Calasanz on the matter; see also p.222-223, and especially n.662.

Various means were used to attract the public, especially the poor children, to teaching. Before starting, the “bell” of the church where the teaching was held was rung, the procession went through the streets collecting those interested, and at the end, bread, fruit, etc. were distributed to the poorest and some brochures or holy cards to the others[1566]. Sometimes the whole Christian doctrine was sung in the procession[1567] and they were ready to teach it even to the mentally handicapped[1568].

1566 Letter of Cardinal Roma to the archpriest of Poli, on 13-1-1635 (Prov. Romana Suppl. 29): «Reverendo mio amatissimo. Persino a tanto ch’io venga in visita costì, non impedite i Padri delle Scuole Pie nell’insegnare la Dottrina Christiana nella loro chiesa, et il sonare il campanello per la sera per raccogliere i putti, che è quanto occorre dire colla presente, il Sig. Iddio vi conserva. Roma 1-1-1635. Al piacervi il Cardinale Roma.» See also letter of Fr. Ansano Lenzi of the Visitation; Poli 23-4-1630 (EHI p.1313): Pax Christi. Torno a scriverli queste quattro righe non per scusarmi, ma per sua informazione, sappia dunque che Domenica ritornai a S. Gregorio a far la solita carità della dottrina et arrivato che fui me ne andai in chiesa dove mandai a chiamare il curato et gli altri preti, li quali di subito vennero e d’accordo e con carità si incomminciarono le litanie, dopo si andarono cantando per la terra per radunare il popolo, dove quasi tutta la terra si inviò dietro a noi processionalmente, giunti poi alla chiesa e cantando al solito il Pater, l’Ave Maria et altre cose che sogliono cantarsi, si diede principio a distinguere quei figlioli di classe in classe conforme alla loro capacità dove facemo ancora un di quei preti rettore della dottrina acciò non si habbia più da tralasciare si santo essercitio, e cosi fatto questo ciascun prese la sua classe e comincio ad insegnarsi a quei fanciulli non solo i preti, ma ancora altre persone zelanti del servitio di Dio, et al fine della dottrina un scolaro dei nostri recitò un sermone molto bene.» See the following letter of Calasanz (L.3903, Ep.VIII p. 72): «Con la lettera di V. R. del 1o febbraio sono rimasto molto contento col’avviso che mi da di havervi introdotto nella nostra chiesa l’esercitio della Dottrina Christiana per li giovanetti poveri a quali dopo haverli insegnato dice che se li da una pastilla [panella] che facilmente si trova per chi la somministra per carità et essendo questa opera in servitio dei poverelli sarà molto grata a Dio e meritoria per chi l’essercitarà e da parte mia esortarà il Padre Tomaso che vi attenda con ogni diligenza avvisando la fede che ci dice quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis, però faccia questa attione per puro amor di Dio et chi l’aiutarà parteciparà ancora del merito. Però per nessum conto si lasci di proseguire questa opera santa» (cf. P. BERRO, o.c. t.2 1.3 f.162-163).

1567 Cf. BERRO (o.c. t.2 1.3 f.163-164): «Pensò il fervente Padre Tomasso un bel modo e fu di mandare le feste alcuni huomini devoti per li quartieri con una croce et campanelli, invitando ad alta voce il Pre e la Madre a mandare alla Santa Messa li loro figli, garzoni e serve con questo modo: Si sonavano per prima due campanelli su li capi strada e poi ad alta voce dicevano: Padri e Madri mandate li Vostri figli alla santa Messa che vi è obbligo di peccato et vi adunavano cantando li Rudimenti della Fede. Giunti in chiesa sentita la messa nell’uscire della porta se li dava hor pane o frutta a poverelli, o libretti, e corone alli più comodi, si che ogni mattina si vedevano per la citta di Napoli circa trenta o più squadre di ragazzi o zitellucce andare processionalmente a sentire...; era veramente una degna cosa il vedere ogni festa tanti cori di angeli andar cantando le cose della Fede et assistere con tanta devotione alla santa Messa.» Cf. also BERRO, o.c., t.1 1.1 f.32: «...parevano inoltre tutti esperti Teologi [gli scolari di S. Pantaleo]; esercitandoli negli atti di Contritione, Fede, Speranza e Carità che etiam per le strade andavano cantando, e non più canzoni profane.»

It is assumed that all these means were already used to a large extent by the Jesuits (see TACCHI-VENTURI, La vita religiosa in Italia durante la prima età della Compagnia di Gesù, 2a ed. Roma 1930) c.17 «Il catechismo nel Cinquecento» p.356-357).

1568 Varie notizie circa lo stato e amministrazione delta casa di Campi con alcune notizie storiche, 16-11-1633 (Reg. Prov. 17, 8): «Vi è anco attacato al Convento un Oratorio che si ha solamente a coprire et doverà servire per insegnare la dottrina christiana alle persone idiote et che lavorano in campagna fatto dal Sig. Reggente; detto Oratorio e longo palmi romani 78 e largho palmi 30 e sarà alto palmi 38.»

From what we have seen of the teaching of Christian doctrine in the Pious Schools, it is no wonder that it met with the unanimous approval of contemporaries. The Fathers achieved considerable success with their teaching not only in Italy[1569], but also and especially in Germany and Poland, as the converted polygraph G. Scioppio predicted[1570]. Above all, the city of Nikolsburg and its bishop, Cardinal Dietrichstein, were very satisfied with the catechetical activities of the Piarists[1571].

1569 In addition to the quotations already noted, see the letter of the Venerable Landriani addressed to Cardinal Federico Borromeo (29-9-1612) in the vol. of PICANY0L. Glicerio Landriani p.12-13: «...E credo che il Signore si vorrà servire di me per questa opera sua, la quale è tanto importante, che mi fa stupire perché questi figlioli dei poveri che sogliono andare per le piazze senza nessun freno di Timor di Dio N. S. dandosi in preda ad ogni disonestà di parole e di atti brutti, qui si ritirano dell’otio, e dal male, e con aggiuto divino si occupano in essercitij, et per lo spirito et per la cognitione della Doctrina Christiana...» Cf. also L.477, Ep.II p.408, cit. before in n.1564.

Cf. also BERRO, o.c., t. 1 1.1 f.32: «Ed havendo il nostro Giuseppe tradotto in breve compendio tutta la vita, passione e morte de N. S. Gesù Cristo, con li misteri più principali della nostra santa fede, non si poteva sentir cosa più dilettevole ad ogni pio cristiano che intrando in una di quelle scuole dei piccolini, sentirli disputare di simili cose, che in effetto, oltre alla devotione e compuntione che apportavano agli Auditori, parevano inoltre tutti esperti teologi: esercitandoli negli atti di contritione, fede, speranza e carità che etiam per le strade le andavano cantando, e non più canzoni profane.»

1570 Letter of Caspar Scioppio to the Duchess of Tuscany Maria Maddalena on March 20, 1630 from Milan (Rev. Prov., 20: Domus Florentina): «...Per facilitare la propagazione della fede cattolica, non si può trovare cosa più a proposito che queste Scuole Pie, dove gli eretici stessi concorreranno et vi manderanno i loro figli: poiché vederanno la gran charità di questi religiosi senza alcuna apparenza, o sospetto benché minimo di proprio interesse».

1571 Letter of Fr. A. Leailth, Nikolsburg 4-5-1633 (EEC p.646): «...Qui a Nikolsburg non possono abbastanza ringratiar Sua Eminenza per l’introdutione dell’Istituto nostro, perché vedono il frutto, che si fa al prossimo massime agli figliuoli. Prima andavano venti o trenta alla scuola, adesso vedono una quantità grande de’ figliuoli, non solo di questo luogo; tutti i luoghi circonvicini mandano li loro figliuoli alle scuole nostre e io trovo tra questi figliuoli che hanno dieci o quindici anni senza essersi mai confessati, ne sanno cosa sia confessione, e per questo Sua Eminenza e la città hanno gran gusto che si tenga la Dottrina Christiana le feste dove si insegna ai figliuoli il modo di confessarsi, udir la messa, e cose simili, e sempre interviene molta gente.» See also Cardinal Dietrichstein’s letter addressed to Calasanz (Eph. Cal. XII [1943] p.40; 5-5-1633): «...Testatur Nicolsburgum ubi antea vix 30 pueri reperti sunt sub disciplina saecularium, nunc sub vestro magisterio quadringentorum numerum attingunt cum profectu maximo, non solum in litteris ac morum honestate, sed in educatione quoque fidei christiane, quod plurimum confert ad nostram fidem orthodoxam. Et ipsae sunt, mi Pater!, genuinae plantae, in quibus speratur verae fidei firmitas, et quamvis etiam adulti haeretici convertantur, id faciunt tremulae arundinis instar eo quod non sint bene radicati a principio; quassantur ad minimum susurrum contrarii venti e bello surgentis, aut altera vicissitudine. At vero parvuli a teneris unguiculis rore sincerae religionis irrigati etiam in adulta aetate sese quercus annossas monstrabunt, immobiles semper contra diabolicos assaltus, et alias nascentes tempestates» (cf. the italian original text in EEC p.368). The same was also recognized by Polish people (see p.496-499).

After all that we have seen, it is easy to recognize that the religious instruction given by the Pious Schools of Calasanz was the most careful, methodical and faithful instruction of the time. With this assertion we do not want to deny the imperishable merits of the Fathers of the Society and the different brotherhoods of Christian Doctrine[1572]. We wish to emphasize that the Fathers of the Pious Schools, with the catechetical instruction begun so early and carried out so methodically, found not only the best method, but the exact “method” of all true and effective religious teaching. There was great participation in the lessons, a careful insistence on the main points that had to be memorized, a fine psychological sense when it came to forming vital convictions, mother ideas in the tender minds of children and young people. By constantly proposing to the pupils the lovable figure of Our Lord as an ideal worthy of imitation, the pupil was immediately moved from well-internalized theory to the practice of Christian actions. In addition to the almost unanimous approval of his contemporaries, the students themselves, who were educated and instructed by the Fathers, testify that many of them, who lived in the grace of God and acted according to the Word and the teachings of Christian doctrine, knew how to lead a holy life and died full of piety[1573].

1572 As for the Society, it is known that in its schools, doctrine was taught only once a week, generally on Friday or Saturday. (MI ser.4 Constit. III p.4a c.16 p.154-156 «De iis quae ad bonos mores pertinent» punct.2: «Praelegetur etiam in Collegio aliquo die cuiusque hebdomadae Christiana Doctrina, et ut pueri earn ediscant et recitent, omnesque etiam adultiores si fieri potest, eandem sciant, curabitur»). See also Ratio Studiorum (vol.cit., p.378), «Regulae communes classium inferiorum» 4 (Doctr. Christ.): «Doctrina Christiana in classibus praesertim Grammaticae vel etiam in aliis, si opus sit, feria sexta aut sabbato ediscatur et memoriter recitetur, nisi forte alicubi et a novis discipulis saepius recitanda videbitur.» Finally, see also TACCHI VENTURI, La vita religiosa in Italia durante la prima età della Compagnia di Gesù (Roma 1930) p.354-358. Regarding Confraternities, see p.100-106 of the present work.

1573 Cf. A. Leailth’s letter to Father General on 1-29-1632: (EEC p.627-628): «...delli scolari sono in sino a due centi e sarebbono molto più se non fussero i rumori, già si vede qualche frutto tanto nelle lettere, quanta nella devotione per gratia del Signore si sono mutati quanto il cielo e la terra, prima non sapevano che cosa fosse Dio, vivevano come tanti animali, tanto gli grandi quanto gli piccoli. Hoggi sono 12 giorni che morse un putto di 7 anni con maraviglia di tutti; questo haveva un ingegno fuori modo, ogni cosa teneva a mente quando si diceva qualche cosa spirituale, o come si dovevano confessare, una volta dissi alla Dottrina, quando si spettava l’inimico, che bisognava lasciarsi più presto tagliar in pezzi che negar la fede, questo dopo la dottrina andò a casa e disse al Padre e alla Madre quello che haveva inteso alla Dottrina e che lui più presto si vuol lasciar tagliar a pezzi che negar la fede; gli rispose il Padre, che lui sentirebbe gran dolore in lasciarsi tagliar a pezzi; rispose il putto, non importa, benché muore il corpo, l’anima se ne va poi in paradiso; gli replica il padre che faresti se qualche heretico ti menasse in Ungaria o in qualche altro luogo, rispose il putto, sia come vi sia, la fede io non voglio negar mai, il nome mio e del mio padre e madre, non mi scorderò mai, e col tempo ancora io mi fuggirei, e spesso insegnava la madre a casa come si doveva confessare dicendo, quando andate a confessarvi, o come vi confessarete, e gli insegnava il modo che haveva inteso alla dottrina; nella sua infermità si mostro tanto paziente, che fece maravigliare tutti che andavano a visitare, quando già era vicino alla morte, si fece chiamare un suo caro compagno della medesima età, e della medesima bontà; questo posso dire che io non ho visto dire una parola in schola ne in chiesa, il quale ancora si trova ammalato et ho paura che voglia seguitar il suo compagno; quando arrivò questo suo compagno non poteva formar parole, ma prorumpe in lacrime, e gli porse le mani come chi si voleva licentiar da lui e poco dopo spirò, et avanti che spirasse, mandò che si dicesse messa per lui, e mentre il Pre Antonio diceva la messa lui spirò con maraviglia di tutti, parlando in fin al ultimo fiato; li parenti si sono ammalati per dolore e ogni volta che passa la squadra per la casa la madre prorumpe in pianti, questo è stato il figliuolo del console; adesso si trovano parecchi scolari ammalati, quando io vado a visitare, non sento altro che si lodano degli figliuoli che dicono a casa quello che sentono alla Dottrina o nelle scuole.»

7. The teaching of latin

We have already seen the reasons why Calasanz desired the teaching of Latin in his elementary schools, and we have also seen the very careful preparation of future pedagogues in this subject and his tireless search for the best method of teaching Latin. We have already seen the general program of the different classes and the list of classical authors that were explained. It remains to see how this teaching developed in the Pious Schools under the direction and according to the guidelines of Calasanz, and in a rather synthetic way.

As far as the immediate aim of Latin teaching is concerned, two cases must be distinguished. For those who had definitively completed their studies after three or four courses of grammar, the teaching was intended to give them a more technical mastery of the language, which would enable them to use it in the exercise of their various professions. For the others, the future priests, the intellectual men, the Pious Schools wanted to give them everything that the Jesuit school gave its students, including the conversation in Latin[1574]. This was done by teaching the humanities, rhetoric and poetics in addition to grammar.

1574 See, for example, the programs of the Collegio Nazareno and those of the school of Narni; for Latin conversation see the Constitutions of the Collegio Nazareno. (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Si accostumino tutti a parlare lingua latina massime in casa e quando staranno fuori alla ricreatione.» See also letter of Fr. A. Leailth (EEC p.618; Nikolsburg 6-8-1631): «…se bene li figliuoli tutti parlano latino perché Monsignore [Gramay] fece una prohibitione che nessuno parlasse altra lingua che la latina e sono tanto avezzi di parlare latino che si stupirebbe come francamente parlano, benché non sappiano per regola.» Also in Litomysl Latin was spoken (cf. Reg. Prov. 525: «Regolamenti scolastici» p.10): «Perpetuo inter se latine loquentur».

And here the immediate objective was to master (proposing Cicero himself as an example to imitate) that eloquence without which, according to the conception of the time, no one could be considered a learned or perfect man (cf. ZIEGLER, o.c. 1, 118-119); see also Cardinal S. Antoniano (o.c., c.38 p.149-150).: «De lo studio del parlar et scriver latino...: sono alcuni maestri che esercitano assai i putti nella poesia et nel verso et poco nella prosa. Io per me non nego essere giovevole il leggere alcun poeta, massime Virgilio, et pochi altri di quel secolo; rende la poesia et il poetar l’intelletto più svegliato et vivace, s’impara il numero et la quantità delle sillabe, che molto giova a pronuntiar rettamente et cose tali; ma questo studio de’ versi ha da esser se io non mi inganno, non come il cibo principale, ma come un condimento del cibo, perché all’ultimo, applicando queste cose poi all’uso della vita humana, a nostri tempi, per non dire sempre, poco altro si cava dalla poesia che il diletto; perilche colui diceva, che i poeti mediocri non si possono patire, la dove nelle cose veramente utili et necessarie si admette facilmente la mediocrità. Ha un altro incommodo la poesia, che se altri vi si immerge troppo, e come un vischio che ritiene, et disvia molte volte da i studij più gravi, et troppo i giovani se ne invagischono, et si danno a scrivere Amori et cose vanissime; per tanto si ha da attendere principalmente a lo stile con l’imitatione di Cicerone, et de gli altri pochi più lodati, anzi un valent’huomo soleva dire, che non si doveano i putti subito introdurre nel verso, ma nella prosa.

Adunque attenda il maestro ad instruire il fanciullo nella intelligenza delle lingue che molto servono poi alle scienze et lo esserciti nella lettione di Cicerone, facciagliene imparare a mente quanto più si può, et nel dare il dettato o suggetto che vogliamo dire, lo prendano dal medesimo Cicerone; onde seguiranno due buoni effetti: l’uno che fuggiranno certi concetti bassi et vili che per i più si sogliono dare da maestri non così avveduti: et per contrario si avvezzaranno i putti a sentenze gravi, che hanno poi a servire loro ne i commertij civili et nei maneggi pubblici dei quali Cicerone è pieno; l’altra utilità sarà che si correggerà il latino del giovanetto con quello di Cicerone medesimo, et comparando l’uno con l’altro, havrà il maestro occasione di meglio dare ad intendere a lo scolaro la differenza del numero più dolce et harmonioso, delle parole più latine, delle elocutioni più scelte et simili.»

To achieve this goal, they had very well-prepared teachers - at least this was always Calasanz’ fervent wish - and extremely effective methods that corresponded to the spirit and demands of the new age. To replace the grammar of the Jesuit priest Manuel Alvarez, which, almost out of historical inertia, had also been used for a long time in the Pious Schools, it was necessary to find or write a new grammar that required less memorization and less time from the students and at the same time guaranteed a deeper assimilation by penetrating their innermost being. First, they turned to the grammar of Scioppio, which promised all these conditions, and then they came to the grammar of Fr. Apa, which was short, simple and clear and, moreover, had the merit of respecting almost scrupulously the vital laws of the Latin and vulgar languages[1575].

1575 It is important to underline the fact that the second grammar of Fr. Apa, Teatro della latinità, was written in the vulgar language, “all uso dei fanciulli Italiani”. This was undoubtedly a decisive and important step in the teaching of Latin, not only because in this way, by means of the mother tongue, the understanding of the various rules and particularities of Latin was made much easier for the student, but also because Italian, the vulgar language, could serve as a basis, as a parallel principle in the learning of Latin (cf. p.182-186). With this method, the learning of Latin was happily based on the well-known principles of the mother tongue and on the natural good linguistic sense of the child (it is true, however, that Teatro della Latinità was only printed in 1665, but such an orientation already existed, long before in the author, and, under his influence, many other Piarists followed it. This book can already be considered the fruit of his long didactic experience).

As for the authors selected according to the rules of the Constitutions[1576], care was taken to eliminate anything in them that might be contrary to good morals[1577] and, in keeping with the spirit of the times[1578], recourse was made to the so-called purified editions[1579]. In addition, there was a certain tendency, also on the part of Calasanz himself, to substitute some pagan authors for Christian themes or authors. In 1618, for example, the saint commissioned Father Olderico Valmerana, professor of rhetoric and poetics in Magliano[1580], to compose the entire Old Testament in heroic verse, which was to be used in schools from then on instead of Virgil’s Aeneid. The work was begun and two volumes were printed in Vienna[1581], the first of which was dedicated to Urban VIII and the second to Ferdinand, Emperor of Austria. But it was not continued, so Virgil remained at school, to the detriment of the Old Testament[1582]. The reason for this was perhaps also the fact that in the meantime, in 1621, Father Valmerana or Valmarrana was expelled from our Order[1583].

1576 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.199): «Libri vero qui praelegendi sunt, nullo modo bonis moribus puerorum nocere possunt, neve quid inhonestum, aut minus conveniens ex illis percipi possit.»

1577 See, for ex, L.1292 (Ep.IV p.149): «Direte da parte mia al fratel Carlo... che nella sua scola in loco di Ovidio dichiari l’egloghe di Virgilio che costì vi è il commento della Cerda et non faccia comprar libri alli scolari senza consulta mia.»

1578 Cf. MI ser.3a const.3 p.4a c.13 p.151: «De libris qui praelegendi sunt: ·Quod attinet ad libros Humaniorum Litterarum latinos vel graecos abstineatur in Universitatibus quoque quemadmodum in Collegiis, quoad eius fieri poterit, ab eis Iuventuti praelegendis, in quibus sit aliquid, quod bonis moribus nocere queat nisi prius a rebus et verbis inhonestis purgati sint. D. Si aliqui omnino purgari non poterunt quemadmodum Terentius, potius non legantur, ne rerum qualitas animorum puritatem offendat.» «3. Narrat Ribadeneira Terentium a Frusio purgatum esse, at ne ita quidem placuisse Ignatio, qui illum auctorem in scholis nostris explicari vetuit.» (MI ser.4a I p.440). Cf. also Cardinal Silvio Antoniano (o.c., 1.3 c.38 p.148-149): «Della scelta et elettione de’ libri che si devono leggere a scolari... concludiamo adunque che i libri de i scrittori gentili, non si devono del tutto escludere dalle schuole christiane ma però è da admetterli con elettione e con giuditio, questa fu la sentenza del gran Basilio non meno santo che dotto [cf. «Della utilità che deve cavare dalla lettura de i libri de’ gentili»]. Per tanto, hanno ad esser banditi del tutto quei poeti, che a bello studio hanno scritto libri amatorij, et lascivi, che corrompono i buoni costumi, si come ricorda S. Basilio, et come ordina il concilio Lateranense, nel decreto posto di sopra, et ultimamente il Sacro Concilio di Trento nell’Indice Romano de’ libri proibiti. Per il che non si lasci ingannare il maestro di bellezza di lingua di Greco, o di Latino scrittore, ne da sale et acutezza spiritose di epigrammi et simili ma faccia scelta di quei scrittori, i quali con buona lingua hanno detto buone cose. Veda come i Padri gesuiti hanno purgato alcuni scrittori da luoghi pericolosi per la gioventù. Non legga libri stravaganti e di duro stile ma i più approvati, che sono pochi e fra gli alttri Cicerone, padre della eloquenza Romana, scrittore grave, et che assai sicuramente in molti suoi libri si può leggere etiando a i costumi, come ne gli Offitij, nel libro dell’amicitia, della senettù, nè paradossi, et altri tali, perché i libri chiamati di filosofia non sono da fanciulli, et nondimendo è offitio del savio maestro, quando fa bisogno, dimostrare i mancamenti d’un huomo senza lume di fede, benché di grande ingegno e sapere... Con molti modi deve il buon maestro ricorreggere et supplire i difetti degli scrittori gentili, i quali guidati dal solo debole lume naturale, hanno inciampato in molte cose, et bene spesso, quando pur dicono alcuna cosa buona, non finiscono di arrivare alla perfetta verità.»

1579 The Ratio Studiorum pro exteris only mentions such an expurgated edition the first time, “verbis expresis”, speaking of Martial: “Martialis Epigrammatum expurgatus” (in the vol.cit., p.292 ), but there are already some indications during the life of Calasanz; see, for example, a letter of Fr. Bafici addressed to the Saint in 6-12-1636 (EEC p.61), by which he asks for “uno o due piccoli Martiali, e uno o due Valeri Massimi piccoli”, which are to be expurgated editions; see also Fr. John of Jesus Mary, Liber de pia educatione p.26: «Consilium 5: Nullus auctor a magistris praelegatur quo pietas laedatur. Quocirca Martialis aliique id genus interdicendi qui etiam et pueris subtrahendi, si eos forte clam lectitent.»

1580 TALENTI, o.c., p.127-178.

1581 In 1627, by Mateo Formica (See Memorie di Palermo, by Fr. Fil. Scoma, p.25: Archivio di Stato, Palermo, vol.42).

1582 BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.1 c.25 f.45): «In Magliano il Nro. P. Fondatorre rilasciò il P. Francesco della Madre de Dio per Superiore et il P. Valmerana per maestro si degli Alunni, come degli altri scolari, et questo Padre a richiesta del nostro Ven. P. Gioseppe cominciò a comporre in verso tutto il Testamento Vecchio, in pensiero di servirsene poi nelle scuole in luogo di Virgilio, della quale opera si sono poi stampati due tomi, il primo de’ quali fu dedicato alla Santità di Papa Urbano VIII, et il secondo a Ferdinando d’Austria Imperatore Padre del presente Imperatore.»

1583 Cf. TALENTI, o.c., p.178; also L.392, Ep.II p.354, with coment p.355.

We also know of another attempt made in the Pious Schools of Calasanz to introduce Christian authors into the school. These was the Latin poems of Urban VIII, which Campanella himself had begun to annotate in order to introduce them not only into the Pious Schools, but also into the schools of the Somascans and the Jesuits[1584].

1584 See n.814.

But apart from these attempts, which were never successful, we can note some positive, if not so significant, facts about the Christian poetry introduced in the schools of Calasanz. Indeed, we know that some Christian poets, such as Prudentius and Fulgentius, were further studied by the future Piarist educator[1585]. The aim was obvious. Calasanz wanted many of his teachers to take inspiration from these poets and make the praise of everyday saints their theme. These verses, epigrams and hymns were then hung on the walls of the church or in the corridors of the school, with the express aim of being read and even memorized by the students[1586]. Moreover, it is quite certain that the students also actively participated in such poetry lessons, as already recommended by Father Juan de Jesús María, author of the Liber de pia educatione [1587], who spoke of a certain latinum certamen divinarum laudum that should be proposed among the students in order to be rewarded later with religious pictures[1588].

1585 See p.262.

1586 L.765, Ep.III p.214: «...et dirà al fratel Domenico che quanto prima li manderò il thesauro poetico del Smetio et che desidero che spesse volte faccia delli epigramma in lode delli santi occorrenti et li faccia scrivere di buona mano del fratel Giacomo et li attachi o alla porta della scuola o vero dell’oratorio o chiesa alla parte del corritore o vero andito acciò vedano che è atto per dar soddisfazione alli scolari.» L.681, Ep.III p.157, cit. n.704; L.807, Ep.III p.243, cit. n.699; also a letter of Fr. Giovanni Verdum (EEC p.1212; Nikolsburg 1-1-1634): «...esso Carlo vorrebbe havere Statio Papinio. Con tutto che esso possiede assai la poesia. Ultimamente fece un Dialogo in versi che fu recitato innanzi al preposito dalli suoi scolari et lodato fu da esso preposito.»

1587 Fr. John of Jesus Mary, o.c., p.27 cons. 6.

1588 Cf. Liber ubi varia poemata et variae elucubrationes oratoriae decantata et habita variis temporibus in Nazareno Collegio ab anno salutis Dominicae MDCXXXII. Prid. Cal. Quinct: Prov. Romana, Supplementum 34.

We should note, however, that some of the above-mentioned teachers who wrote verse attained the status of genuine Latin poets. They did not, of course, refrain from reading their poems to their pupils. We can therefore conclude that Christian authors played an important role in the teaching of Latin in the earliest Pious Schools[1589]. As for the pagan authors studied in the schools, all available documents show[1590] that Cicero and Virgil with their respective commentaries were the preferred authors[1591], along with Horace, Ovid, Martial, Valerius Maximus, Livy and Sallust. In addition to these classical authors, the Colloquia by Louis Vives[1592] and, in Nikolsburg, the Sententiae by Scioppio[1593] were also used as textbooks in the lower grammar schools. In addition to the grammars and authors to be explained in the class of rhetoric and poetics, other books containing the precepts of the aforementioned arts were also used. The authors of these works were not specified either at the time of Calasanz or later; even the Ratio studiorum pro exteris of 1694 - following the Calasanzian tradition - left complete freedom in this matter[1594].

1589 Among these professors should be mentioned Fr. Andrea Baiano (n.670), Fr. Carlo Mazzei (p.263-267 and notes), Fr. Francesco Baldi (p.267) and Fr. Camillo Scassellati (p.267).

1590 See p.260 and notes and p.339-341 with notes.

1591 To the above-mentioned documents, we must add letter 756, Ep.III p.208: «II P. Provinciale potrà provveder dove mancano tanto all’una quanto all’altra casa, che al più saranno le Epistole Familiari col commento et Virgilio ancora col commento, che sono le lettioni Ordinarie nelle scuole maggiori.»

1592 Cf. Breve Relazione p.6.

1593 Letter of Mons. Grammay to Calasanz, Nikolsburg 22-9-1631 (EEC p.502): «Sententias Grossippi extra controversiam optimas, nostris typis evulgatas, proxima studiorum renovatione Iuventuti proponent magistri cum paradigmatis et compendiosa illa syntaxi, caetera tempus adiciet.» The complete title of these Sentences was: Pascasii Grossippi Mercurius bilinguis hoc est nova facilisque ratio Latinae vel Italicae linguae intra vertentem annum addiscendae. Mediolani 1628.

1594 See vol.cit. p.291: «Praecepta de arte Rethorica alicuius Auctoris, qui de ea brevi et facili methodo scripserit, explicabuntur.»

The same Piarist teacher often endeavored to draw up rules on this subject. This was done in Florence by Father Francis Apa[1595] and also in Rome by Father Camillo Scassellati[1596]. Among the treatises on poetics, the Prosodia and the Thesaurus poeticus by Enrico Smet were preferred[1597]. Care was also taken to obtain good dictionaries for the use of the students[1598]. As we have seen, Father Apa was particularly concerned that the students should use a small dictionary that took account of the special needs of the students[1599]. Other Fathers were also concerned in this regard[1600].

1595 See p.250. It seems most instructive to reproduce here the introduction to Fr. Apa’s Rhetoric, the full title of which is as follows.: Unius ex Pauperihus Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum De ratione Dicendi Libri Sex ex Aristotele, Cicerone et Quintiliano praecipue depromti. In Florentinorum Scholarium Rhetoricae operam navantium fructum. Florentiae anno a Servatoris Natalihus MDCXXXV.

PRAEFATIO

Joannes Franciscus ab Iesu Florentinis discipulis.

Ars Rhetorica quam in vestrorum omnium fructum utilitatis uberrimum ex Aristotelis, Ciceronis, et Fabii Quintiliani praeceptis maxime depromptam expressam atque in sex libros redactam vobis dictare studeo, Fiorentini Discipuli, tanto est humano generi emolumento, ut ea remota vix resp. ac Regna consistere posse videantur. Quod enim de Apollinis lyra, de Orphei cithara, de Amphionis testudine veteres fabulis commendarunt, non sane longe a rationis regionibus aberrat. Etenim si Primus ad Troianas moles erigendas tactis suav. quadam dulcedine chordis, saxa ac rupes longe lateque dispersas attraxerit, Alter bestiarum immanitatem, fluviorum impetus, arborum frequentiam ad modulantis citharae sonitum immota ac stupore correpta reddidit; tertius testudinis a Mercurio patre acceptae suavitate a montium asperitate saxorum surditiem ad se pellexerit, dictus et Amphion conditor Thebanae urbis, ut canit Horatius, id omne non temere quidem, sed alto ac maturo judicio poetarum excogitatum esse nemo dubitat. Nam fuit quoddam tempus, ut testatur Cicero [liber de Inventione] cum in agris homines passim bestiarum ritu vagabantur, et sibi victu ferino vitam propagabant nec ratione animi quicquid sed pleraque viribus corporis administrabant: quae tum floruit respublica? quae iura? qui magistratus? ubi leges? ubi regalis illa maiestas? ubi divina illa moderandi ratio? nihil quidem horum eo tempore exstabat, quo tempore Apollo, Orpheus, Amphion, magnus videlicet vir ac sapiens, dispersos homines ac saxorum more rigidos ac rudes, ferarumque natura immanes ac barbaros in agris tectisque silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in unum locum, eosque in humanos et civiles mores induxit, et propter rationem et orationem studiosius audientes ex rigidis et immanibus doctos reddidit. Hos igitur hominum conventus, unde postea civitates, Resp., Regna promanarunt [CIC. 1.1 Off.] non tacita et inops dicendi sapientia, sed largissimo sententiarum ac verborum torrente perfluens una potuit congregare. Quod cum ita sit, nescio quo infestissimo turbine mens hominum quorundam exagitata, ne primis quidem labris hanc dicendi doctrinam praelibare desiderat? Quod si turpe quidem est, corporis viribus sese, suaque propter roboris imbecillitatem tueri minime posse, quanto turpius, ut inquit Aristoteles, existimabitur [Rhetorica c.3] oratione se defendere non posse, quae magis quam usus corporis, hominis est propria? Ut igitur hanc ignominiam vobis haerere non patiamini, tantamque, quae inde in vos proficiscitur, utilitatem, quasi vestrorum laborum fructum percipiatis, ea qua potui maxima facilitate sex istos libros antiquorum scriptorum methodis congestos iam usui commodoque vestro dicatos, non me vobis insuave quid facturum iudicans, de Ratione dicendi perscripsi. Vos interea hoc vestri Praeceptoris vel minimum animo maximo munusculum amplectimini, eique unum ilium tanti pro vobis suscepti ponderis gratia gratum animum reddatis. Hoc autem quiquid erit oneris divini Numinis cohortatus auxilio vestraeque benevolentiae fretus subsidio libentissime exantlo.»

1596 See p.250.

1597 L.765, Ep.II p.214; L.807, Ep.III p.243; Reg. Cal. XI 11; Libro delle uscite, 17-9-1627: «per tre libri di Prosodia Enrici Smetii, scudi 0,90.» For the life and activity of Enrico Smet (1537-1614), famous philologist and doctor of XVI century, see Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Leipzig 1892) vol.34 p.478-479. The first edition of his Prosodia is entitled as follows: Prosodia in novam formam digesta. The edition verified by our religious is perhaps the Lyon edition, the full title of which is as follows: Prosodia Henrici Smetii Alostani Medicii D. promptissima ... ab auctore reformata innumerisque locis emendata et quarta sui parte adaucta. Lugduni 1624.

1598 L.1015, Ep.III p.405: «Si manda un dittionario per la seconda scuola comprato dal P. Matteo acciò tutti li scolari di quella scuola se ne possano servire.»

1599 See n.726.

1600 Letter of Fr. Antonio Boscarelli to Fr. Mario Sozzi, Cagliari 25-9-1643 (EPC p.406): «...che io stampassi un libretto di sinonimi molto necessario per gli scolari, già visto d’alcuni l’utile che cagionava in quelli: desideravano molti far la spesa per la stampa, acciò lo potessero haver tutti quelli che desideravano haver molteplicità di Vocaboli.»

As for the teaching method, which here more than in any other point was to be brief, useful, simple, simultaneous and modern[1601], we can add to what has already been said that Calasanz was very insistent that the students have a solid grounding in grammar and first principles. Even though he wanted, perhaps more than others, the brevity of the entire Latin course, he did not want to destroy the stages. He did not want the brevity of the method to be at the expense of the depth and seriousness of the study and knowledge[1602].

1601 Constit. p.2nd c.11 n.216: «Et quoniam tam in tradenda Grammatica, quam alia quavis scientia, ad discipulorum utilitatem plurimum confert, si aliquo facili, utili, et, quoad fieri poterit, brevi modo Magistri utantur, operae pretium erit, ut ex peritissimis, expertisque in hac materia viris, qui optimus fuerit seligatur.» For simultaneity see L.368, Ep.II p.330; regarding modernity, L.370, Ep.II p.331; for brevity read also L.3049, Ep.VII p.47: «M’avvisi, V. R. che sente della scuola de’ Nobili e se quel modo di insegnare è facile e breve, il che si conoscerà nel profitto delli scolari, percioché se la sintassi dura un anno, poco manco ne vorrà nella humanità, et un altro nella Rettorica.»

1602 L.357, Ep.II p.322: «Quanto al P. Bernardino non tratti costì di materia di versi con cotesti scolari perché non ne sono capaci ma si trattenga come meglio si può, che forse ordinaremo le cose di altra maniera per maggior gloria del Signore et per maggior consolatione et quiete mia...» L.366, Ep.II p.328: «Ho scritto che fece molto male il P. Bernardino in trattar cosa di versi con li scolari perché non se ne deve parlare che prima non stiano molto bene nella prosa, il che nissuno di cotesti scolari ha conseguito ancora; però si deve prima praticarli bene in saper componere bene in prosa et poi in versi.» L.367, Ep.II p.329: «Quanto alle scuole mi dispiace che trattino di materia di versi non essendo li scolari ben fondati nelle regole et fece male il padre Bernardino a metterli tanto avanti, et non si deve adesso trattar di versi che prima non siano ben provati et fondati nelle regole et nella prosa.» See also L.2226, Ep.V p.368: «...et faccia V. R. che non legga [il P. Giacomo] humanità ne rethorica se prima non sono ben fondati nella grammatica; che egli ha questa ambizione di leggere cose alte et lascia li fondamenti necessarii.»

When preparing the text of the versions for beginners, teachers had to take into account the abilities and preparation of the students[1603] and, together with the content, be morally sound and, above all, edifying[1604]. In the higher courses, according to the observations of Father Apa - who taught Latin - in order for the students to learn the living and spoken language, the themes for the versions could be taken from the comedies, from their “different ways of speaking, different expressions of affection and diverse, particularly familiar idioms”[1605]. In humanities and rhetoric lessons, students were allowed to present freely inspired compositions in both prose and verse[1606].

1603 L.1488, Ep.IV p.282: «...et l’animi ad esser diligente et accomodarsi alla capacità delli scolari non solo nel dare li volgari ma ancora in dichiarar le lezioni; et tratti tutti li scolari con benignità si che conoscano che egli ama cordialmente il loro profito così animarà li scolari ad esser diligenti nelle scuole et poi li tirerà al servitio di Dio che è il nostro guadagno grande...» Cf. also Fr. APA, Principij p.98.

1604 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal., 5, fol. 17), «Dell’esercizio delle Scuole»: «Avvertino li nostri maestri di non dar lattini alli scolari che trattino di cose secolaresche, vane, et favolose che possino divertire lo spirito delli scolari; ma siano li lattini morali ad utilità delli detti scolari.»

1605 See I Principij, «Al discreto maestro» (s.p.).

1606 See the programme of the School of Narni (Reg. Prov. 42^6): «Singulis diebus, proponetur thema cum solutae tum adstrictae numeris orationis, vel aliquid suo Marte elaborabunt Adolescentes».

Written translations from Latin into the vulgar language were not so cultivated in the early Pious Schools, at least as far as we can deduce from Father Apa’s reflections on this subject. The difficulties of an adequate and precise interpretation of a classical author were insuperable for a boy, and instead of frightening him by difficulties beyond his powers, it would be more useful - he says - to facilitate his work viva voce during the interpretation of an author[1607].

1607 Cf. Fr. APA, I Principij, «Al discreto Maestro» (s.p.): «Di latino in volgare non pare da lodare la traduzione scritta, stimata assai da molti, ma solo la dichiarazione in voce; perché soccorrendogli l’aiuto di viva voce perdono meno tempo nelle difficoltà, le quali con i Dizionarij possono malamente superare senza quel tedio e fastidio, che gli conduce a tirare d’immaginazione, e sbigottirsi, oltre che si perde l’occasione d’insegnare loro molte proprietà, avvertirgli di molte osservazioni, et arrichirgli di qualche notizia, che gli diletti e giovi.»

Given the large number of works to be corrected every day, the teachers’ concern in this regard was certainly not small. Calasanz also found a convenient solution for this, of which we do not know what it consisted, but the great esteem in which it was held by those involved has come down to us[1608].

1608 See a letter of Fr. Pierluca Battaglione from Naples on 23-9-1641 (EHI p.189), cit. en la n.691; besides, the problem of correcting the work was also a problem in the Jesuit schools.; véase Ratio Studiorum pro exteris, vol.cit., p.386 «Regulae communes professoribus classium inferiorum» 23: «Quotidie scriptiones singulorum a magistro corrigi oporteret, cum praecipuus et maximus inde fructus existat. Si tamen multitudo non patiatur, corrigat quam plurimas potest, ita ut quos uno die discipulos praeteriit altero vocet. Eam ob causam, diebus praesertim, quibus carmina afferantur, scriptiones aliquas aemulis emendandas dispertiat; aliquas ipse magister postmeridiano tempore, dum memoriter recitatur, aliquas si libuerit, domi corrigat.» Our Ratio studiorum pro exteris, del 1694, had the following dispositions regarding this matter (vol.cit., p.139 O., P.): «O. Non solum autem attendant Magistri, ut scholarum suarum alumni secundum regulas rite componant; sed etiam omnimo ut characteribus graphice, et orthographice formatis scribant, satagendo, quatenus ad manum confirmandam, et aequalitatem in scribendo servandam, in papyro lineis obsignata, seu potius suffulta, praesertim adolescentiores, rescribant lucubrationes, relicto margine pro correctionibus. P. Earum autem emendationes manu intelligibili Praeceptorum fiant, qui, si ob discipulorum copiam nequeant omnes ex integro castigare, partem saltem aliquam, commissa aemulis aliorum errorum indagine, manu sua a mendis vindicent; advertendo, ut adolescentes lucubrationis palimpsestum seu pictacium semper faciant, in quo attentius ea, quae componunt, perpoliant.»

As far as the effective hic et nunc development of Latin teaching in schools is concerned, we have only a few contemporary documents at our disposal. However, we know from some of Calasanz’ letters that he would have liked the teachers, without wasting time with previous and accompanying exhortations, to enter immediately into the subject in a good mood, with great zeal and friendliness[1609]. Father Apa wanted the teachers to explain the grammar simply and clearly “point by point and initially in broad strokes”, without many definitions and also without wanting to demonstrate their knowledge and erudition[1610].

1609 L.3980, Ep.VIII p.120: «...Bernardino, il quale inoltre che non è atto per prime scuole per non saper far versi, di natura sua è tanto timido non solo nella messa, ma anche nella scuola particolarmente se vi è qualcheduno che sappia alcuna cosa e lo vadi a sentire, siché questi mi pare piuttosto che li sarebbe d’impedimento che di profitto.» L.367, Ep.II p.329: «...ma faccia che il P. Ottavio attenda con ogni diligenza alla sua scuola mostrando da principio affetto grande di voler aiutare li scolari con tutte le sue forze senza diffondersi da principio in molte esortazioni le quali poi si potranno fare quando li scolari cominciaranno a gustar dello studio et sarà con maggior profitto...» Cf. also L.1488, Ep.IV p.282.

1610 See I Principij, «Al discreto maestro»: [The author would like] «some facilità di Maestri più zelanti del bene degli scolari, che vaghi di far pomposa mostra del loro sapere. Per questa cagione studiosamente sono state sfuggite tutte le Definizioni, et esatte Distinzioni, preferendo una semplice, o piuttosto accennata Dichiarazione, con le Divisioni distrette al possibile, per levare a’ Grammatici l’occasione di certo vano, ma vecchio errore di voler contro ogni far da filosofi.»

When explaining and interpreting the authors, the teacher would use a clear and almost “interpretative” voice to drive the reading of the text and then offer a philological explanation in the modern sense of the word. There was no lack of syntactical, historical or aesthetic explanations. The rules of rhetoric and poetics were adopted from the authors read[1611]. In order not to tyre the students, the authors could be varied. As far as the rhythm of the reading was concerned, the principle of “little but good” was applied[1612].

1611 Cf. the Dragonetti case before the Pope, p.170; also what Fr. Apa has said in this regard (nt.1607); the following provision of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris can be considered as the codification of this method (vol.cit., p.139 Q): «Auctorum interpretationes hac lege fiant in scholis. Magister primo, auditoribus e libro attendentibus, eam partem quam intendit explicare, praelegat: Mox Auctoris mentem et rationes aperiat, et ad aliquam piam directionem deflectat. Inde periodum primam relegat, construat, vertat. Tandem in caput rediens iterum periodatim explicet, attendendo notata grammatica, si Grammaticae classem doceat; Rhetorica, si Rhetoricae; narrando historias, indicando argumenta, et formas dicendi elegantiores. Quibus expeditis, explicationem ab aliquo repetat. Postremo ut omnes scripto traducant, si Grammatistae recenseant autem notabilia, si Humanistae vel Rhetores praecipiat.»

1612 L.617, Ep.III p.115: «Acciò il fratel Thomaso possa aiutar con qualche poco di tempo et commodità alli fratelli di casa sarebbe molto a proposito che leggesse meno autori nelle scuole come fa il P. Gasparo che tre volte la settimana legge Virgilio et tre altre un altro autore et tre volte un altro, il che possono esseguire poco a poco et far alli scolari far altro essercitio...»

The weekly competitions, which took place every Saturday on the topics covered in the previous days, contributed not a little to the benefit of the students with the prospect of prizes[1613].

1613 Cf. Il programa di Narni (Reg. Prov. 42^6): «Sabbati diebus cum lectiones hebdomadarias de more recitabunt adolescentes tum mutuis se altercationibus lacessent, ex omnibus quae intra hebdomadam praelecta, dictata sive ab regulis collecta fuerunt.» Regarding prizes, see Visita di Narni, 9-4-1642 (Reg. Prov. 42^30): «Ho inteso borbottare da scolari che il P. Ministro quando disputano quei dell’Abbaco porta certi santini così, così; poi quando disputano li scolari della quarta, che vi sono figli di alcuni benefattori, porta Agnus Dei et altre cose belle, e quanto quei della seconda de’ più belli; ma quando disputano quei della prima non ve ne porta.»

Finally, the academies of the students, which Calasanz planned should take place in all schools[1614], were also happy promoters of the study of Latin. These academies, held at least monthly, with their literary exercises in both prose and verse, not only encouraged students to actively participate in humanist culture, but also initiated them into the so-called “secrets of art”, as some academic essays from the Collegio Romano that have survived from Calasanz’ time show[1615].

1614 Cf. n.1287; also a disposition of the General Chapter of 1641 (Reg. Gen. 4 [1641] p.7): «...[non si possono fare rappresentazioni] eccettuati pero gli essercitij litterarij di Academie e delle Scuole.» See also L.1983, Ep.V p.184: «Mi contento facciano de’ sermoni, compositioni di poesia e qualche dialogo da recitarsi in tre o quatro al più senza scena ne mutarsi di luogo però; in altro modo non lo permetterò.»

1615 Regarding monthly accademies, cf. las Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI IO): «Per tener esercitati li Alunni farà il Superior che ogni mese si reciti dalli scolari qualche Oratione o Poema secondo parerà a detto Superior...» Regarding academic essays see Prov. Romana, Supplementum 34, Collegium Nazarenum, Liber ubi varia poemata et variae elucubrationes Oratoriae decantata et habita variis temporibus in Nazareno Collegio ab anno salutis Dominicae MDCXXXI. We are limited to reproducing here only a few titles and compositions.

See some titles: Divi Petri Apostolorum Principis Vehiculo Crucis invecti ad Caelum triumphus. De Divo Paulo Sanctissimi Christi Nominis Praecone Summo Sacra Panegyris. Querela ad Romam de Petro Cruci affixo. Ode: De Divo Paulo capite pro Christi nomine multato. Epigramma: De Transfiguratione Domini. Epigramma: Mariae Magdalenae in adversa fratris valetudine ad Christum epistola. De Sancto Francisco, Conj, epigramma. De Christi morte, dystichon. De Tremebundo Iudicio, epigramma.

Some compositions:

A) Virtutis iter arduum, epigramma:

Hoc opus hic labor est, Iuvenis, dare terga quieti

virtutique oculos; hoc opus hic labor est.

Linquere mollities animi, superare salebras

annorum et saltus, hoc opus hic labor est.

Arcta via est via vitae, lata via est via lethi.

Carpere quae tuta est: Hoc opus hic labor est.

(IOANNES BAPT., MOZZACHIODUS, spediensis, Collegii Nazareni alumnus, 1632).

B) Crepundia Bethleemitico Infanti Nazarenorum chorus humillime muneratur. Anno 1632.

Rmo. Patri losepho a Matre Dei Scholarum Piarum Ministro Generali Felicitatem.

Magnatum magnae merces, parvis parva dant superi. Sorte sua beati ambo. Neque nos elephantum ex musca simulabimus. Ex eodem praesepe [ut aiunt] cum Christo nati puero puerilia deferimus. Quid enim secius? Rideas si vagienti Pupulo Iliada moliamur: et ipse nihilominus ploret. At si securicula porrigas si coralliola si crepitaculum prodigium sit in vagitu, in lacrymula. Talia nostra sint utinam nec viliora. Quibus ut Tu Revme. Pr. benevolas admittas aures, prius faciles admove manus, hilares inflecte oculos. Allectabit, nec sit hoc dubium principio statim oblata facies ubi a Nazarenis tuis Bethelemico Infanti Crepundia devoventur. Novimus enim in huiusmodi reculis constanter non minus quam religiose repuerascere canitiem istam tuam cui creditos nos feliciter esse gloriamur. Revmae. Paternitati Tuae. Devotissimi clientes. Adolescentes Nazareni.»

If, at the end of our research into the teaching of Latin, we are not able to report such remarkable results as in the previous subjects, there are two main reasons for this: 1. the teaching of Latin was not, so to speak, a special subject in the Pious Schools, as can be said in a certain sense for the previously mentioned subjects. On this contrary, the Jesuits were also quite excellent in this subject, even if they remained faithful to Father Alvarez’s grammar, whose fundamental methodological shortcomings were remedied by the routine acquired through years of practice; 2. The continuous search for the best method made it somewhat difficult for a single, stable orientation to emerge. The teachers themselves often lacked the feeling of certainty and security of one who had absolute mastery of the subject and the method. It was precisely the misfortune that in the last years of Calasanz, when Father Apa’s method was already making gratifying progress, the internal turmoil in the Pious Schools did not allow him to introduce it and establish it definitively and with greater energy in all the schools of the Order.

Nevertheless, the new direction taken by the Pious Schools, in the midst of their uncertainty, could represent a remarkable advance on the arduous path of Latin teaching. Brevity, lightness, simplicity, the search for the essential in the confusing jungle of rules and exceptions, respect for the vital laws of the language, both classical and mother tongue, are positive conditions that were also desired by the other pedagogues[1616] of the time, but perhaps only put into practice by the Pious Schools of Calasanz, even if sometimes only by way of experiment.

1616 See n.715.

An important step in European cultural history was the noble and progressive decision of Calasanz to teach Latin culture to all the poor who were able and wished to do so. At the same time, it is impossible not to see that Calasanz zealously recognized not only the indispensable function of Latin in true European culture, but also the right of all people (including the poor) to a true human culture.

8. The teaching of the vulgar language

With Latin we conclude the series of the most important school subjects with which intellectual education was carried out in the Pious Schools. It is true, however, that Greek, philosophy and cases of conscience were also taught there. But we know very little about the teaching and the methods used. The little that we have been able to document on these subjects has already been explained elsewhere[1617].

1617 Regarding cases of conscience see p.271-273. 292-293 with notes and p.343; with reference to philosophy and logic, see p.271-274. 343, and with reference to Greek, p.268-271 and n.978.

A few remarks about the teaching of the vulgar language in the Pious Schools are not entirely useless. Since this teaching, at least at the time of Calasanz, was not yet direct, but only indirect, we will only speak of it on this occasion[1618]. The Calasanzian teachers were neither insensitive to the problems of the vernacular, nor did they lack preparation for language teaching. We have already amply demonstrated this[1619]. As far as effective, albeit indirect, teaching is concerned, we must remember how much and with what care was done with regard to the national language in the teaching of reading[1620], writing[1621] and Latin[1622]. Let us add to all this a provision of the regulations of Collegio Nazareno, according to which the students were to deliver in their academies, besides the Latin compositions, every month “a discourse in the vulgar language on the appropriate Gospel or other subject as ordered by the superior”[1623]. Such vulgar sermons were also frequently delivered on the occasion of Sunday Christian Doctrine[1624], and consequently the students had to practice writing freely in the local language. Finally, the development of the cultivation of the vernacular was strongly encouraged by the very frequent stage performances, which were almost always performed by the students in the local language[1625]. The same applied to the almost daily singing of the Laudi spirituali, which were composed or at least translated into the same national language[1626].

1618 The first positive sign of a teaching of the vulgar (national) language can be seen only in that provision of the Ratio Studiorum pro exteris of 1694, which prescribed that, towards the end of the last course of grammar, the students had to present to the teachers some compositions written in the vulgar language (vol.cit., p.141 Gg: “Anno autem ad finem vergente scripto exponent vulgari idiomate fabellas aliquot ad hoc a magistro praenarratas”). It is certainly true that, already in 1631, in Nikolsburg, Italian was taught directly (see p.308); but not as a national language, but as a language of study; therefore, as a living foreign language.

1619 See p.304-308.

1620 See p.511-512.

1621 See p.514-515.

1622 See p.240-259. 535-543, And here it should not be forgotten that Fr. Apa had written his grammar in Italian for the use of Italian children (cf. p. 252).

1623 Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Per tener essercitati li Alunni farà il Superior che ogni mese si reciti dalli Scolari qualche Oratione o Poema secondo parerà a detto Superiore e spesse volte si reciti parimente alcun sermone volgare per ordine da tutti li scolari in circolo sopra l’Evangelo corrente, o altro soggetto come ordinarà il Superiore, il che ancora faranno il giorno avanti la communione, o prima di communicarsi...» The fact that already in the Academy, during Calasanz’ lifetime, certain stylistic exercises in the national language took place, it can be deduced that in San Pantaleo, in the solemn ceremony celebrated by the Fathers and students of the Pious Schools on the occasion of the arrival in Rome of Count Magni in 1647, ambassador of the King of Poland and great benefactor of the Pious Schools, several compositions were recited also in Italian. It is true that the composers were almost always the teachers, but this happened because of the extraordinary solemnity; but the recitation of the compositions as well as that of the theater was done by the students. Cf. CAPUTI (o.c., t. l pto.393-394): «Havute qualche buone nuove in Roma propose il P. Generale che si mettesse in ordine una dotta Accademia acciò quando venisse il Conte in Roma in presenza sua fusse rappresentata dalli migliori scolari delle nostre scuole. Furono fatte molte composizioni, un Poema Latino, et una dottisima Oratione, epigrammi, anagrammi et altre compositioni et sonetti in lingua italiana come anco in lingua spagnuola» (cf. Leonetti [o.c., p.39-40]: «I compositori furono il P. Francesco della Nunziata, il P. Gioseppe della Visitatione, odierno Generale; il P. Camillo di S. Girolamo, Rettore del Collegio Nazareno e poi Generale; il P. Carlo di S. Antonio di Padova, il P. Gabriele dell’Annunziata, il P. Antonio di S. Michele.» See also CAPUTI (t.1 pto.419): «Fu fatta l’Accademia in S. Pantaleo in nome del S. Conte Magni, ambasciatore del Re di Polonia... riuscì l’Academia con molto decoro per esser rappresentata da giovani virtuosi, i migliori che fossero nelle scuole in tutte le classi capaci in questo mestiero» (cf. n.755). About fifty years later, after Calasanz’ death, the compositions had an almost total preponderance in the academies, as can be seen by a provision of the General Chapter of 1712 cf. n.900).

1624 See n.1545.

1625 See p.650-660.

1626 Cf. n.1955.

We can therefore say that this indirect teaching in the mother tongue, as it took place in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, was also extremely important. In reading and writing lessons (with the exception of the Psalter school), everything was done as it should have been done in a mother tongue school. In grammar lessons, the mother tongue was not treated as a subject in its own right, but it was by no means neglected, both as a language of instruction and as a starting point for better learning of the foreign language, i.e. Latin. It was certainly not a matter of teaching the mother tongue with a literary basis and character. The task of teaching the national language in this sense was reserved for later centuries, i.e. the age of nationalism.

The Pious Schools thus did much more, both in theory and in practice, for the teaching of the national language than some theoretical pedagogues of the 16th century, who only managed a sketch on the subject[1627]. They did more than Wolfgang Ratke (1571-1635)[1628] and much more than the great pedagogue and pioneer of the national language Johannes Amos Comenius (1592-1670), who wrote the textbooks for his school of the national language in Latin, while in the Pious Schools even the Latin grammar was written in the vernacular[1629].

1627 As, e.g., Luis Vives (ZIEGLER, o.c., p.106); Antonio de Ferraris, by nickname “il Galateo” in the writings on education (1504); L.B. Alberti, Alessandro Piccolomini (for the latter see LAMANNA, Storia della Filosofia vol.I p.594); see also Cardinal Silvio Antoniano (o.c., c.38 p.150): «Non è anco da riprendere, per mio parere, qualche studio della nostra lingua volgare, la quale si ha da esercitare cotidianamente quanto ognuno sa, et è gran vergogna veder tal’hora un gentil’huomo che non sa se non inettamente spiegare i suoi concetti nelle lettere famigliari, et commodamente si può congiungere l’essercitio di queste due lingue, et non senza giovamento, traducendo luoghi di buoni autori dell’una nell’altra.»

1628 Cf. PAULSEN, o.c. p.474; LAMANNA, o.c. II p.36-37.

1629 Cf. ZIEGLER, o.c. I p.162.

9. The emulation

We have seen how the different subjects were actually taught in the schools of Calasanz by which intellectual education was achieved. Now it remains to clarify what the main forms and methods of teaching were.

We have already spoken sufficiently about the simultaneous and intuitive methods used in the Pious Schools in relation to the academies, the weekly competitions, the textbooks and the libraries[1630].

1630 As for school books, see what we have said about the search for the best method, the grammar of Father Apa, the Doctrine of Calasanz, the teaching of reading, writing, Latin, and the relationship between the school and the parents of the pupils. There are, in general, very few school books used in the Pious Schools that have come down to us, such as, for example, Fr. Apa’s Grammar and Rhetoric, Calasanz’s Doctrine, and Fr. F. Angelini’s Breve Avviamento. But from an examination of what has remained we can glimpse the following principles: a school book should be clear, simple and easy, as brief as possible, and the printing itself should facilitate the work of the pupil, highlighting the most important things; the price of the books should be very low, so that even the poorest can afford them.

However, it seems appropriate to talk about the spirit of emulation that was also encouraged among the students in order to obtain the greatest possible diligence from them[1631]. As to the details of this emulation, it is known that the writing, reading, and abacus classes, as well as the grammar classes, were divided into two opposite divisions, with their respective decurions and other officials. In the primary classes, the winner of a dispute or reading competition was declared “emperor” for a week, with the privilege of remitting two or three times the punishment of one of his classmates[1632]. Similarly, others who were the most diligent could receive a title or a point of honor. In the grammar class, the opposing parties also had their characteristic names, which mostly came from the atmosphere of the Roman military, such as “Romani et Carthaginenses”, “equites et pedites”, “legio velox et legio florens”[1633], or - more rarely - reflected the Christian atmosphere, such as “Pars pia et pars angelica”. Here too, the victorious side was always generously rewarded, either with holy cards or with small rosaries, agnusdei, or with various books. In addition to these material rewards, senior officers often received the right to immunity from punishment and the privilege of granting their companions an amnesty from some minor penalties in a certain number of cases.

1631 L.118, Ep.Il p.159: «...procureranno piuttosto di farli imparare a gare et emulatione che con castigo, il quale usarà sempre con consiglio di V. R. et così non eccederà mai, ma farà il debito suo con merito.» See also L.2647, Ep.VI p.202: «...Ho risposto a le lettere di V. S. dandole cura particolare come con particolar affetto avevo ritenuto in Roma il suo figliuolo per esservi di presente uno studio tale che spero vi farà profitto grande, percioche vi è un maestro eccellentissimo e una emulazione tra gli nostri studenti e gl’alunni del Collegio Nazareno tutti sotto l’istesso Maestro.» These concepts had already been given to the teachers of the Pious Schools by Father John of Jesus Mary in his Liber de pia educatione (cons.4: «Exercendi sunt pueri quodam aemulationis genere ad cultum ingenii atque memoriae, non quotidianis modo scholarum actibus, verum publicis orationibus, quae festis diebus haberi possent, ut illo stimulo incitati felicius proficiant»).

1632 Breve Relazione p.6.

1633 Ibid.

While the most diligent students were rewarded in this way, the most negligent not only had to forfeit the prizes, but sometimes also had to accept a certain amount of humiliation[1634].

1634 Calasanz does not say it expressis verbis, but Fr. Berro, speaking on the subject of emulation, even describes it as follows (BERRO, o.c., t. l l.2 fol.87): «Nelle negligenze di scuola voleva che il maestro fosse dolce, e che si trovassero delle invenzioni per farli studiare senza stafile; e però non solo nelle scuole de’ grandi si usavano li punti d’onore et li nomi di dignità, ma anche con li Piccolini faceva l’imperatore, li Re, li Principi, li Decurioni, con molta gara e premii et altre essentioni, dando alli negiigenti delle Mortificazioni di Scorno, perché si adoperasse poco il stafile particolarmente nell’inferiori di S. Croce.» See also Istruzioni per i Maestri (Reg. Cal. 52, I.e., p.32: «...procurarà con premii allettar alla diligenza li scoiari, dandoli per il tempo che durarà l’off.o di imperator privilegio di non esser battuto et di far due o tre gratie alli scolari che meritano esser castigati.»

Always in the spirit of this emulation, the absolute best of the class was crowned “emperor” par excellence of his group at a private party of the class as a reward for his diligent efforts, with a crown, which was sometimes precious, and an imperial scepter. And while the office of the other emperors was renewed from week to week, an emperor elected in this way was the absolute “master” of the class in the respective school year. At least so it appears from some documents at hand[1635]. And the spirit of this emulation was undoubtedly also at work in the weekly competitions, both in Christian teaching and in the other school subjects, and in the monthly academies of the pupils.

1635 L.1425, Ep.IV p.240: «...le mando... otto o dieci imagini per premii se però si farà l’imperatore...» L.356, Ep.II p.321: «...quanto alla corona e scettro fanno molto male in cotesta casa et non meritano che più se li impresti cosa alcuna, poiché non la restituiscono mai et se la ritengono come cosa propria et è necessario ordinare che si faccia tornare alla casa di Roma...» L.1936, Ep.V p.149: «Se l’anno passato fu imprestata la corona al Maestro della seconda classe per far la festa del suo Imperatore, quest’anno al Maestro della prima classe se li doveva far non solo uguale ma maggior gratia et così non solo vi sarà imprestata la corona, ma ancora vi sarà data et pero vi tratterete con Constantino che per amor nostro ne tenga cura particolar.» L.1946, Ep.V p.157: «Il non haver mandata la corona la settimana passata fu per la scordanza del Frel. Pietro Pittor che ne haveva espresso ordine. Si manda hora et se haverà differita la festa per la domenica doppo l’Epifania arriverà a tempo.» Cf. also Processus ob furtum, 1631, martio mense, p.107 (Reg. Cal. XIII 43): «Inoltre trovandomi io in Messina innanzi o doppo Pentecoste prossimamente passato, facendosi una incoronatione dell’Imperatore nelle scuole nostre come sogliono noi altri, chi si doveva incoronare haveva una bellisima gioia fine nel capello con multi diamanti veri incastrati...»

The origin of this system of emulation undoubtedly goes back to the Jesuits, who inspired Calasanz to use it as a very effective incentive for the diligence of his students, as an evaluation of their vital forces and as an effective exploitation of their energies[1636]. We also know that a modest and prudent emulation did not displease Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, with whose views Calasanz so often agreed[1637]. It was a way that was certainly not without its dangers, for it could easily degenerate into hatred, selfishness, excessive ambition and rivalry, perhaps even among teachers[1638]. But applied with the prudence and moderation required by Calasanz, it could become a valuable instrument of intellectual education and natural medicine to eliminate, as far as possible, all means of coercion and especially corporal punishment.

1636 J.B. HERMAN, o.c., p.120-123.

1637 See o.c. c.43 «Dell’emulatione tra fanciulli»: «Avvertici pero il maestro che la modesta emulazione non passi in invidia et odio tra loro... giova anco tal volta far elettione di un putto meglio istruito et dargli una certa sopraintendenza d’alquanti putti; onde s’accenda in lui un nobil desiderio di portarsi bene nel suo piccolo regimento, et con altri simili modi è utile andar nutrendo una virtuosa e generosa emulazione nei fanciulli.»

1638 Cf. HERMAN, o.c. p.121.

In addition to emulation, the frequent prizes distributed among the most diligent students were another very effective incentive for the pupils’ activity, especially on the occasion of the almost daily visits of the local superiors or the less frequent visits of the Father Provincial, which took place every year in each of the schools[1639]. In addition, prizes were publicly distributed to the most diligent students two or three times a year[1640]. In this way, the pupils’ diligence was very well encouraged and corporal punishment was only used in extreme cases, such as a final ratio rerum[1641].

1639 Cf. Breve Relazione (p.5: «...et alli più diligenti dà alcuni santucci di Stampa.» See the distribution of prizes of the Christian Doctrine (nt.1561); also L.4131, Ep.VIII p.207: «Ho mandato a V. R. una scatola grande con molte cose di devotione per premii alli scolari.» L.150, Ep.II p.191: «Non manchi di diligenza circa le scuole che vadino bene acciò non si possino lamentar con ragione et vada di quando in quando rivedendole e premiando quelli che li parerà che si portano bene cominciando dalli piccolini.» L.262, Ep.II p.267: «...il superiore vada sempre hor in una hor in altra scuola rivedendo come si portano li scolari, dando ad alcuni diligenti alcun premio.» See also Fr. Berro (o.c. II p.85): «Ogni giorno anzi mattina e sera, visitava tutte le scuole, e si tratteneva dove vedeva maggior bisogno, si per dare al Maestro il vero modo d’insegnare in atto pratico, come per rifrenare la vivacità de’ scolari e premiare la diligenza di quelli portando per tale effetto delli Premii.» See also Libro delle uscite, 7-4-1636 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Al P. Andrea della Passione per comprare premii per scolari per diverse case, scudi 2.»

1640 Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno pto. 7 (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Si daranno premii pubblici alli Alunni più diligenti due o tre volte all’anno in tutto scudi cinque avvertendo che nel tempo delle vacanze non lascino di far spesse volte alcuni essercitii letterarii e dispute per mantener quanto hanno imparato.»

1641 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.202): «Denique propter eos, qui tam in diligentia suis studiis adhibenda, quam in his, quae ad bonos mores pertinent, peccaverint, et cum quibus sola verba et exhortationes non sufficiunt, Corrector constituatur, qui pueros in timore contineat, et iuxta Superioris praeceptum eos verberet.»

Finally, if we try to give in brief an essential synthesis of the intellectual education imparted in the Pious Schools on the basis of the investigation carried out, we can conclude that the general pattern was the emphasis that the Calasanzian educator placed on his own intellectual formation, that is, the positive, practical and careful orientation towards brevity, simplicity and clarity. And starting from this orientation in the concrete teaching of each discipline, they achieved in practice what other theoretical pedagogues and pedagogues of the time had perhaps better conceived and projected, but far less perfectly realized. Thus, the perfection of the truly serious and methodical system introduced in elementary education, in the teaching of catechism, in the frequent use of the intuitive method and in the new orientation introduced in the teaching of Latin deserves special attention.

With the exception of a few cases, such as the Higher School of Mathematics and the School of the Nobles in Florence, the Collegio Nazareno in Rome and the schools of Nikolsburg, Podolin and Cagliari, the best forces of the Pious Schools were dedicated to elementary education or the lower grades of middle school. For this reason, all the values, factors and positive data of intellectual education imparted in the Pious Schools remained somewhat hidden and worked, so to speak, under water. However, a profound observer of things and cultural events can recognize that precisely this humble and conscientious work, undertaken with spirit and in accordance with the demands of the modern world and in the active expectation of a better world, free of all prejudices and open to all positive values, was one of the most important intellectual activities in the preparation and shaping of the modern era.

Certainly, the new intellectual orientation of the Pious Schools had its raison d’être alongside that of the Jesuit Fathers. While the latter, despite their merits and immortal achievements, were hampered by a certain inertia and weight of tradition, the Pious Schools, daughters of a more modern age, were perhaps able to face the problems of the new era more freely, more quickly and more courageously. This is particularly evident in the century that followed the death of Calasanz.

Alongside the still somewhat baroque spirit, the undeniable formalism and verbalism and the aversion of other schools to the positive sciences[1642], the spirit of the Pious Schools was everywhere characterized by being more in tune with the new scientific currents and the new orientations and problems of society.

1642 Cf. ZIEGLER, o.c., p.116-121; LAMANNA, o.c., vol.l p.520-621.

We must therefore conclude that, after the presentation of the facts, any assertion or assumption that denies the seriousness of the intellectual education imparted by Calasanz in his schools lacks any foundation[1643].

1643 Vidari, while recognizing many of Calasanz’s merits, is of this opinion (cf. o.c., p.91): «L’unica istituzione nella quale si può vedere un’elementare impronta pedagogica è quella delle Scuole Pie... ma l’istituzione creata dal Calasanzio se era, può dirsi, il primo tentativo di una scuola elementare gratuita per il popolo, trovò poi nella finalità propriamente caritatevole e nella impronta strettamente ecclesiastica un impedimento a svolgere e perfezionare l’aspetto educativo didattico, che pure includeva. Solo più tardi essa si trasformò e migliorò.»

It is necessary to recognize once and for all and to keep in mind that the Pious Schools of Calasanz were really schools in the most modern and concrete sense of the word. They were real schools for the people, and not just an asylum for abandoned and poor children, or an oratory intended only for the moral and religious education of boys.

There is no doubt that the Pious Schools also served, to a considerable extent, to provide social support and the moral and religious education of pupils. But how could they have done anything else without denying the charity of Christ and without renouncing the most essential part of any true education? The Calasanz Institute was therefore not only a true school in the most concrete and modern sense of the word, but with it and in it, popular education in Europe at that time reached its greatest event and its greatest efficiency in terms of informative and educational impact through its well-coordinated social, intellectual, moral and religious education.

IV. Moral and religious education

1. Its purpose

Although intellectual education played a very important role in the Calasanzian educational system, there is no doubt that the moral and religious education of the youth was the goal and the main task of the new Pious Schools. This was clear from the outset, as the main reason for their foundation was precisely this task[1644]. This is also expressed in the memorandum addressed to Cardinal Tonti in 1621, in which Calasanz explains the aims of his institute in detail[1645]. The Constitutions approved in 1622 also confirm the same intentions and goals[1646]. Finally, the Saint’s numerous letters also repeatedly emphasize the good moral and religious education of children as the main aim of his institute[1647].

1644 See p.112-117. The Bull of Paul V Ad ea per quae, promulgated on 6-3-1617, which gave birth to the “Pauline Congregation of the Poor of the Mother of God of the Pious Schools”, emphasizes such a purpose. (Bullarium Scholarum Piarum p.19-20): «...ac gratis, et nullo stipendio, mercede, salario, aut honorario accipiendo, pueros in primis elementis, Grammatica, Computo, ac praecipue in Fidei Catholicae rudimentis erudiendos, bonis et piis moribus imbuendos, ac demum christiano more educandos, operam, laborem, ac studium conferre debeant...»

1645 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «[L’istituto delle Scuole pie è] degnissimo per aggirarsi tutto intorno alla salute delle anime e de corpi insieme. Nobilissimo per esser officio Angelico e divino essercitato da’ gl’Angeli Custodi de quali in questo gl’huomini si fanno Adiutori. Meritoriissimo per stabilire et essercitare con ampiezza di carità nella chiesa uno efficacissimo rimedio preservativo e sanativo dal male induttivo et illuminativo al bene di tutti i giovanetti di ogni conditione e così di tutti gli huomini che prima passano per quella età per mezzo delle lettere e dello spirito, de costumi, delle creanze, del lume di Dio, e del mondo.»

1646 Constit. (Prooemium n.2): «Si enim diligenter a teneris annis Pueri pietate et litteris imbuantur, felix totius vitae cursus proculdubio sperandus est.» Ibid. (n.6): «Erit ergo Instituti nostri a primis elementis modum recte legendi, scribendi, computa faciendi, linguam latinam, pietatem praecipue, et Doctrinam Christiariam Pueros docere...»; and also, ibid. (p.2nd c.10 n.203): «Cum finis ad quem nostra Congregatio per exercitia Scholarum Piarum intendit, ut supra diximus, sit puerorum eruditionem circa christianam pietatem, tum etiam circa humanas litteras, ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam...» J. M. LESAGA and others, Documentos fundacionales p.185.

1647 L.1374 Ep.IV p.204: «Procurate di insegnar a tutti in scuola et nell’ Oratorio quanto importi il Sto. nome di Dio nel cuor di giovinetti che è la dottrina più alta che si può insegnar in questa vita et la più meritoria facendola solo per puro amor del Sig.; essendo vero che inter opera divina divinissimum est cooperari saluti animarum.» L.4176 Ep.VIII p.227: «...essendo l’istituto nostro non solo le scuole di lettere, ma quello che più importa del Sto. Timor di Dio.» L.2623 Ep.VI p.188-189: «Raccomando a V. R. et a tutti quelli di casa che attendino con ogni diligenza all’essercitio delle Scuole e massime dello spirito e sto. Timor di Dio che è il nostro proprio Istituto nel quale vi è maggior merito che attendere alle persone grandi le quali hanno molte religioni che l’aiutano e li scolari hanno solamente la nostra. Però ci stiano molto avvertiti.»

So let us first examine what, according to Calasanz, was the ultimate goal of moral and religious education, what were the secondary and immediate goals and, finally, what were the different stages and the different means.

This investigation and research is worthwhile, because only in this way can we reasonably expect a proper understanding and a fair evaluation of Calasanz’ entire pedagogical work.

The supreme -immanent- aim of moral and religious education in Calasanz’ educational system was undoubtedly to make each of the students “capable of sanctifying and glorifying themselves in heaven”[1648], “to heal or preserve or, as it were, save their souls”[1649] and “to make them recognize and abhor the gravity of sin and how gentle it is to be in the grace of God”[1650]. Calasanz wanted the students, who were well instructed in the letters and educated in piety, to become men in the footsteps of Christ[1651] who were “resolute and advanced in piety and holiness”[1652], “devout Christians with good manners and cultivated”[1653]. They would thus be happy throughout their lives and have reached the longed-for haven of eternal life[1654].

1648 Memorandum to card. Tonti, o.c.

1649 L.1558, Ep.IV p.337. L.1933, Ep.V p.147: «Alla Molto illustre Signora in Xro. Ossma. Sigra. Flaminia Risi et Racani a Narni. Molto Illre. Sigra. in Xro. Ossma. Ho visto quanto V. S. mi scrive et prima la ringratio della charità et amorevolezza che si è compiacciuta di mandarci. Il Sig. gli ne dia sempre la rimuneratione con conservar nella sua gratia santa li suoi figlioli Celestino et Francesco che sarà per loro maggior beneficio, che se fussero li più ricchi de Italia; non mancarò di far oratione ogni giorno per loro acciò il Signore le conceda questa gratia.»

1650 Memorandum to card. Tonti, o.c.

1651 L.1243, Ep.IV p.115: «...per il desiderio grande che io ho del bene di tutta la sua famiglia et in particolare del Signore Francesco il quale nel tempo che è più grato a Dio che è la gioventù doverebbe servire a seguire Xro benedetto et non al mondo percioché Xro. benedetto paga la servitù con beni eterni et il mondo inganna con beni apparenti et falsi et tira gli huomini, massime se muoiono nella gioventù alle pene eterne...»

1652 Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni: Reg. Cal. XI 5.

1653 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno: Reg. Cal. XI 10.

1654 Constit. Prooemium n.2: «...felix totius vitae cursus proculdubio sperandus est.» Ibid. p.2a c.10. n.203: «...ut sic edocti vitam consequi possint aeternam.» Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI I 0): «...ut ad meritum aeternae gloriae pervenire mereatur»

Immediately next to this goal appears another transcendent one, namely the increase of the praise and glory of God, which is to be realized precisely through well-mannered and sanctified men, young people and children[1655].

1655 L.1873, Ep.V p.108: «Quanto alli giovinetti di cotesti paesi di cosi buoni ingenii ne ho molta consolatione perciochè desidero che il S. sia sempre lodato da tutti loro, siano di questo o di quel paese, di questa o di quella parte, et fattichino tutti tre con l ‘istesso animo che si dovessero stare mille anni». See also the corresponding part of Memorandum to card. Tonti: «[L’lstituto delle Scuole Pie] è graditissimo non solo agli huomini ma anco a Iddio, molto più che la conversione di un peccatore benché rallegri il cielo, poiché non solo qui si convertono molti da molte offese di Iddio, ma giornalmente si preservano molti altri anco nell’innocenza battesimale liberandosi in conseguenza dalla manifesta dannazione la maggior parte di quelli che in età puerile morendo per le colpe talvolta senza scrupolo e consideratione commesse, e senza contritione confessate se non taciute si dannarebbono.»

A third, supernatural goal of moral and religious education at the Calasanz Institute was to make men living and active members of the mystical body of Christ and to lead them to realize, through their innocent prayers, the holy exercise of mediation, intercession and reparation[1656].

1656 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «[L’istituto delle scuole pie è] necessariisimo per la corruttela dei costumi e dominio de vitii che regnano in quelli di mala educatione e per i bisogni di Sta. chiesa a quali con oratione continue de fanciulli vicendevolmente nell’oratorio si soccorre.» On the contrary, poorly educated young people have a diametrically opposite effect on the economy of divine grace, as Fr. Castelli noted in his Relazione (Relazione della qualità e utilità dell’istituto delle Scuole Pie [Reg. Cal. 69c]: «...Onde non è meraviglia che per tal trascuraggine di chi l’impara o di chi l’ insegna [il timor di Dio] si veda spesso nei giovani più dissolutione che divotione fin a darsi in preda a bruttissimi vizi, come ben sanno i confessori, cagionati non tanto dalla mal inclinata natura quanto dalla male allevata gioventù e cagioni forse di molti gravi castighi della divina giustizia che senza sapersene più certe cause prova ben spesso il misero mondo».

But besides these three objectives of a supernatural and religious character, there was a fourth, very important and significant objective towards which the moral education of Calasanz and his children was directed, and that was the general moral and social reform of the Christian republic, to be carried out by individually and inwardly reformed people[1657] who were willing to serve God and help their neighbors[1658]. Knowing the goal, we can go on to examine each of the stages and methods used in the moral and religious education given in the Pious Schools of Calasanz. -

1657 Constit. (Prooemium n.2): «In cuius diligenti exercitatione Generalia Concilia, Sancti Patres, necnon Philosophi recte sentientes Reipublicae Christianae reformationem consistere, unanimi consensu affirmant.» Ibid. (p.2nd c.8 n.175): «Cum per diligentem puerorum eruditionem, ad quam tamquam in suum peculiarem finem, nostra Congregatio intendit, Reipublicae reformatio, ut plurima oecumenica Concilia affirmant, dependeat...» See also p.117-118 of the present work; as well as in a passage of the Memorandum to Card. Tonti (o.c.): [L’istituto delle scuole Pie è] ragionevolissimo per i principi e per le città a quali torna molto conto haver vassalli e cittadini morigerati, obbedienti ben disciplinati, e fedeli quieti et habili a sanctificarsi e ingrandirsi in cielo nonché innalzare sé stessi e le Patrie loro, con i governi e dignità della terra. Il che meglio si conosce da gl’effetti contrarii delle persone mal allevate che con l’attioni lor vitiose perturbano la pace del popolo e inquietano il pubblico». «[Lo stesso è] graditissimo non solo agli huomini che tutti universalmente gl’applaudono e lo desiderano nelle loro patrie, forsitan presaghi del bene della riforma universale de corrotti costumi che è per seguire per mezzo della diligente coltura delle piante tenere e facili a maneggiarsi de giovanetti prima che indurischino e diventino difficili per non dire impossibili a moversi come vediamo de gl’ huomini fatti che con ogni aiuto d’orationi, sermoni e sacramenti molti pochi mutano vita e davvero si convertono.»

1658 See the Oremus of the dressing of the students of Collegio Nazareno. (Reg. Cal. 10): «Oremus. Da quaesumus, Omnipotens Deus, ut hic famulus tuus N., qui ut Tibi ferventius deserviret, et proximis utilis esse possit ad studia litterarum in hoc collegio incumbere desiderat, plena fide et forti animo in sancto proposito permaneat.» See also Constit. (p.1st c.1 n.8): «Ut ministerium nostrae Congregationis in Christiana Republica ad Dei laudem, et proximorum utilitatem feliciter progrediatur.»

2. The preventive method

It is obvious that the first steps and the first movements of this education were directed towards an activity of salvation and restoration, or at best preservation, of the abandoned youth[1659]. In fact, wherever the Pious Schools opened their doors, this was their first aim and their first concern: to free children from the corrupting power of leisure, from the corrupting environment of misery, sin, and bad companions[1660]. In close connection with these orientations, the Pious Schools wanted to begin with the education of young children in order to prevent, as far as possible, any harmful influence that sin could exert on their innocent souls[1661]. It was also on this basis that all new students of the Institute, before becoming regular students, made their general confession so that they could break completely with the past and begin a completely new life under the protection of Christ and His grace[1662].

1659 See Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «[Le Scuole Pie] risanano e preservano e riscattano le anime.» The Constitutions of Collegio Nazareno also say something on this subject (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Havendo la felice Memoria dell’Ilustrissimo Signore Card. Michel Angelo Tonti da Rimini di Nazareth et Vescovo di Cesena considerato con pietà Christiana quanti giovanetti di bellissimo ingegno, et atti a far gran riuscita nella repubblica [del Signore] restavano nell’ignoranza per non aver loro comodità d’imparare le lettere ed insieme li buoni costumi...»

1660 Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.201): «In scholis nostris nec iuramenta, nec iniuri verbo vel facto illatae, nec quid inhonestum, aut dissolutum in discipulis permittatur; sed curabunt magistri, ubi occassione se obtulerit ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere...» L.386, Ep.II p.350: «Non manchi di usare ogni diligenza in aiutar li scolari et mass.e in far tornare alla buona via li sviati...» See also p.52-57. 71. 343-350. 372-373. Also BERRO (o.c., t.l 1.2 fol.4-5): «[A Savona] si levò per primo un pessimo et antico abuso di fare a sassi non solo alle mura della città, ma anco nelle principali strade con grandissimo danno delle anime e de corpi. Perché adunavansi a suono di tamburo con insegna arborata i giovani di un quartiero contro l’altro, et incontrandosi si combattevano con sassi, non solo a mano, ma con le fionde ancora; dalla quale fontione ne venivano molti feriti e malamente trattati con fomento di molte inimicizie. Si levò dico tale scandalo per la Iddio gratia dalla Città per l’Assistenza delli Padri che seco li conducevano; et molte altre cose buone si facevano in loro compagnia e per loro indirizzo». Reguarding Rome see BAU, o.c., p.535-536. Also the letter of Venerable Glicerio Landriani to his uncle (EPC, III. p.1636): «...e spero che il Signore si vorrà servir di me per questa opera sua, la quale è tanto importante che mi fa stupire, perché questi figliuoli de’Poveri, che sogliono andare per le piazze senza nessun freno di Timor di Dio N. S. dandosi in preda ad ogni disonestà di parole, e di atti brutti, qui si ritirano dall’ otio e dal male, e con aggiuto divino si occupano in esercizii, et per lo spirito et per la Dottrina Xriana…» See also Memorandum to card. Tonti, in which the Institute is called “eficacissimo rimedio preservativo e sanativo del male”, and the Difesa, by the lawyer Firmiani (Reg: Cal. 68), where, among other things, he says: «...nam quotidiana experientia videmus, quod isti pauperes et foetidi pueri consumerent tempus declinando ad vitia et ad pessimos mores perturbando eorum parentes et domum, si non essent in civitatibus Patres Scholarum Piarum, qui summa pietate ipsos erudirent christianis moribus et doctrina aliisque piis et salubribus documentis, quod facere dedignantur Patres alterius Instituti...» Cf. also Memorandum of Fr. Caspar Dragonetti to the Congregation of the Holy Office (Reg. Cal. XII 42): «...essendo proprio dell’istituto delle Scuole Pie d’insegnar li fanciulli et particolarmente li poveri molti dei quali per la povertà o trascuraggine delli Padri non vengono alle Scuole, ne pigliano arte alcuna o esercizio ma vanno dispersi et otiosi et così facilmente si danno a diversi giochi et massime delle carte, et è necessario che quando non hanno danaro per gioccare che rubino, prima in casa et poi dove possono o vero trovino danari in altri pessimi modi, et per obviar ad un principio di male tanto pernicioso nella Repubblica li Padri delle Scuole Pie si offeriscono a far la fatica d’insegnarli per charità se le Signorie loro Illustrissime si compiaceranno di pensar et procurar alcun modo di aiutare detti poveri fanciulli che sarà liberarli dalle forche et galera dove per l’ordinario sogliono andar quando sono grandi quelli che da piccoli si allevano con tali vitii, et sarà un opera di gran servizio di Sua Divina Maestà la quale accresca nelle Signorie loro Illustrissime il suo Sto. Spirito sempre.»

1661 Cf. Memorandum to card. Tonti, o.c. Apart from the passages already cited, see also the following one: «...non solo qui si convertono molti da molte offese di Iddio, ma giornalmente si preservano molti altri ancora nell’innocenza battesimale.»

1662 Cf. p.390.

The Institute maintained this wise preventive measure not only in the first contact with the student, but also in its entire system of moral formation, as a first fundamental step. The constant vigilant control, the attractive example of the educator, the meticulous regulations that extended to every single area of the student’s life and sought to eliminate any easy opportunity for sin, were the most important instruments for this purpose[1663].

1663 Cf. p.139-145. 193-194 and Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «...Acciò li alunni si allevino secondo il desiderio del Card. Fondatore di bona memoria divoti cristiani, ben accostumati et letterati per il qual fine e stato istituito il Collegio Nazareno si danno gl’infrascritti avvertimenti per levar molte occasioni di deviar li giovani dall’lstituto e per assuefarli al Sto. Timor del Signore.» Particular attention should be paid to the respective passage of the Breve Relazione: «Si tiene cura particolar dell’honestà togliendo via strettissimamente tutte la occasioni...»

Once the child was removed from the corrupt environment and secured against its harmful influence, the first positive step was taken towards its moral and religious education.

First of all, an attempt was made to wean him from the bad habits of the past and to inculcate good habits; and all this with a persistent insistence on “good education”, on the first elements and the basic requirements of a good human and civic education.

He had to renounce idleness, dangerous games in the streets and squares, blasphemies, imprecations, insults, fights and lies[1664], and gradually accustom himself to diligent daily work, to the control of passions, to modesty, to soft words, to respect his superiors and himself.

1664 Cf. Regolamenti Scolastici p.529-541; Constit. p.2a c.9 n.201.

The impeccable example of the educators, the polite and disciplined behavior in the classes and the diligent reading of books on politeness and good manners were useful for this effect[1665].

1665 Cf. The same Regolamenti; also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Non dicano [i maestri] mai parole ingiuriose, né sopranomi agli scolari, ma con affabilità trattino con loro, e li riprendano caritativamente degli errori. Così riuscirà molto buono il guardarsi di chiamarli con la voce Tu, ma conformarsi con l’usanza commune e dirli Voi e così in plurale Voi leggete, fate Voi, fermatevi, scrivete, e nel resto sempre; ancorchè si parli con piccolo; ed avvezzare li figliuoli stessi a tale creanza fra loro. E per questa e per l’altre giovarà non poco il leggere ogni giorno nella scuola alcuna parte del libretto delle buone creanze, con avvertire li particolari, mentre vi mancheranno.» See L.432, Ep.II p.380: «...et faccia che tutti li scolari siano ben creati con tutti et prema assai in questo della creanza et modestia degli scolari.» Cf. also n.1227.

Other educators and pedagogues of that time also insisted a lot on good education; cf. e.g. Cardinal Silvio Antoniano (o.c., p.147): «Non è poi necessario ricordare in particulare al maestro che avvezzi i suoi scolari alle buone creanze, honorando i maggiori, facendo quegli atti di riverenza che a giovanetti costumati si richiede, et stando con tutto il corpo, et massime con gli occhi et con la bocca composti, osservando silentio, et guardandosi da ogni minima parola non solo inhonesta, ma né anco indecente».

At the same time as these first steps in the moral education of the student, his more open religious education also began. The original aim was to instill the first elementary ideas of the existence of God, his greatness, goodness and fatherly authority into the children’s tender souls. At the same time, a holy fear of God was to be awakened in them, i.e. a kind of attitude of filial piety, of loving vigilance; they should be afraid of offending him, of doing anything in any way contrary to his holy will[1666].

1666 Cf. P. Joannes a lesu Maria, Liber de pia educatione c.1 p.9 «De prima institutione puerorum»: «Principio navanda opera est, ut pueri statim ac malum a bono secernere incipiunt, in Maiestatem Divinam mentis oculos collineent. Ex hac quippe directione, e velut sacrificio matutino felix vitae totius pendet excursus. Instruendi ergo sunt pueri, qua ratione Deus sit Summa Bonitas et Sapientia ut erga ipsum bene afficiantur; qua item ratione sit Suprema Maiestas et Iustitia, ut ipsum colere, ac timere discant. Praeceptio haec prima a magistris creberrime repetenda est; ut quoddam pietatis velut sigillum alte pueris imprimatur.» Also, c.3 «De tartareae poenae timore» (p.11): «Pueritia quae honestum aestimare nescit, poenam saltem timere novit. Quocirca de tremendis inferorum suppliciis crebro cogitandis monenda est, ut quae verbera metuit ignem horrere perdiscat. Et quidem formido haec pondus habet universum ad aetatis lasciviam coercendam, si a magistro consiliis tempestivis alatur; et appositis horrendi cruciatus descriptionibus vires acquirat.»

Cf. also Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni, «Regole del maestro, vol.cit., p.17; cit. in this work in n.1227.

This fear of God, the principle and foundation of every wise and prudent Christian life, was gradually transformed into reverent love, into filial piety towards the divine majesty, towards the eternal Father. Then it remained forever the most important basis of religious education in the Pious Schools. This was due to a happy intuition for the abilities and dispositions of children in the area of religious life[1667].

1667 Cf. L.1931, Ep.V p.144: «Il timor di Dio che è il principio della Sapienza consiste in star sempre vigilantissimo a non far cosa che sia offesa di Dio et perché semo di natura nostra tanto fragili si chiama beato colui che sempre sta in timore; questo dovemo tener tutti noi et insegnarlo sempre alli scolari.» Cf. also L. 791, Ep.III p.230: «Quanto alle scuole intendo che vanno bene; il Sig. ci dia a tutti sempre maggior cognitione del gran bene che si fa, non solo d’impedire che li fanciulli non facciano male, ma ancora che imparino il santo timor di Dio che è un’attione non solo meritoria di maggiori beni, ma ancora molto satisfattoria per li nostri errori; pero tutti d’accordo faranno in questo gran servitio a Dio et molto utile al prossimo et a sé stessi.» Also, L.4182, Ep.VIII p.230: «…che faccia quanto può li scolari timorosi di Dio...» L.1374, Ep.IV. p.204: «Procurate di insegnare a tutti in scuola et nell’oratorio quanto importi il santo timor di Dio nel cuore di giovanetti che è la dottrina più alta che si può insegnar in questa vita et la più meritoria facendola solo per puro amor del Signore, essendo vero che inter opera divina divinissimum est cooperari saluti animarum.»

N.B. Of this fear of God as the first religious sentiment that should be instilled in the tender spirit of children, the regulations of the Society of Jesus also speak of (Ml ser.3a constit. 4 mon.43 «Regulae circa bonos mores scholasticis et externis servandos» reg.2): «Omnes timorem divinum prae oculis mentis habeant et toto corde complectantur, ac mundi honorem qui contrarius sit legi Dei, pestem credant sentiantque certissimam ac pernitiosissimam esse orbi universo.» Also the aforementioned work of Cardinal Silvio Antoniano (c.35 p.146-147) mentions: «Come i maestri debbano cotidianamente esercitar i fanciulli nella pieta christiana? Dice la Divina Scrittura il timor di Dio e il principio della Sapienza, pero il buon maestro habbia per cura principale di inserire e nutrire questa benedetta pianta nell’animo tenero dei fanciulli.» Long after Calasanz, another educator, St. John Bosco, insisted on the matter (see Don Bosco, educatore vol.2 p.370-374). It should be noted that the phrase “insegnare il timor di Dio ai fanciulli”, so many times emerging in Calasanz’ letters, according to the common usage of that time, has a broader meaning than the purely literal one, and means, simply, to teach religion to children and to educate them in a religious spirit. Cf. L.4176, Ep.VIII p.277: «Essendo l’istituto nostro non solo le scuole di lettere ma quello che più importa del santo Timor di Dio.» L.1413, Ep.IV p.232): «…et le dirà di più [al fratello Carlo] che attenda ad insegnare alli scolari il sto timor di Dio al che è obbligato sotto pena di peccato et forse egli non vi pensa». L.3098, Ep.VII p.80: «Mi meraviglio che il P. Guglielmo sia diventato, per non dire negligente, tanto avaro nel suo talento il quale non consiste in dire la messa ma insegnare alli scolari con le lettere il santo timor di Dio». L.2742, Ep.VI p.245: «Da quella scuola [scrivere e abbaco] vanno al secolo ad imparare alcuna arte et importa assaissimo che vadino bene insegnati il santo timor di Dio». Lastly see the complete title of Breve relazione: «Breve relazione del modo che si tiene nelle Scuole Pie per insegnar li poveri scolari li quali per l’ordinario sono più di settecento non solo le lettere, ma ancora il Sto. Timor di Dio.»

3. Christocentric education

Once a certain natural and supernatural disposition for an intense moral and religious life had been achieved in the soul of the disciple through good habits and education and through the holy fear of God, a second step was taken. It consisted in illuminating the student’s understanding before his mind and will by the systematic exposition of the most important truths of faith and by the exposition of the highest ideals which he should follow in the Christian life.

By means of a very careful religious instruction, of which we have already spoken[1668], the whole panorama of the Christian faith was explained and brought before the student, with special attention to its highest and most fundamental mysteries. Then the highest ideals of the Christian life were proposed to the students, so that they spontaneously followed them, captivated by their infinite goodness[1669].

1668 Cf. p.522-534.

1669 L.2099, Ep.V p.254: «Non manchi della dovuta diligenza nella scuola si per le lettioni si ancora per render gli scolari capaci ed istruiti nella cognitione e dell’amor di Dio.»

The first of these ideals was the most holy and lovable person of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Calasanz was certain that it was precisely the age of youth, full of healthy and fresh energies, that was best suited to make it an integral offering to the Lord[1670]. To this end, he wished that, in addition to the regular teaching of Christian doctrine, the whole life and passion of the Lord be proposed and explained to them with special care and zeal, according to the book written by Calasanz himself[1671].

1670 L.1243, Ep.IV p.115, cit. en la n.1651.

1671 Alcuni misteri della vita e passione di Cristo Signor Nostro: Tria pia exercitia a S. Iosepho Cal. concinnata, p.5-9. We have to add Orologio della Passione di Cristo, written also by Calasanz (vol.cit., p.9-10). Other books could also be of great help in this matter; cf. e.g., Fr. Franciotti’s Giovane Cristiano, which in c.9 (vol.cit., p.56-59) speaks of «delle trentatre ragioni per le quali il Salvatore del mondo è degno d’esser amato».

With the same aim, he also wanted the feasts of the Lord, especially Christmas, Palm Sunday, Easter and Corpus Christi, to be celebrated with great solemnity. Christmas with the setting up of nativity scenes and speeches by schoolchildren, Palm Sunday and Corpus Christi with processions[1672]. The Saint also wanted the Lord, who is present in the Most Holy Eucharist, to be worshipped by the students in spirit and in truth in a special way and form, through continuous prayer, always and everywhere in the highest and most heartfelt manner[1673]. For the same purpose, in addition to Continuous Prayer, there was also the pious custom of greeting the Blessed Sacrament as soon as they arrived at church by reciting on their knees: “Adoramus te Christe et benedicimus tibi, quia per sanctam crucem tuam redemisti mundum”[1674]. Also the exposition of the Most Holy Eucharist, accompanied by a short talk by one of the students[1675], and the various books and cards of saints to promote Eucharistic devotion[1676], the very solemn processions on Corpus Christi[1677] and the Laudi spirituali, which were sung in honor of the Blessed Sacrament[1678].

1672 As for the nativity scene and the manger there are the following sources: Letter of Fr. Santino Lunardi di San Leonardo, Savona 21-11-1629 (EHI p.1354): «Ci ingegneremo di fare nella nostra chiesa per il prossimo Natale il presepio e rappresentar quel sacro misterio quanto potremo al meglio, e faremo recitar un dialogo et altre compositioncelle ad alcuni de nostri scolari per trattenimento spirituale della gente che concorrerà». L.968, Ep.III p.368: Per la scuola maggiore vedarò di mandar un altro assai più intelligente del P. Ciriaco; il quale credo sia andato a Lucca per portar le figure per il preseppio come coteste di Napoli.» L.27, Ep.II p.77: «Il P. Gasparo per corrispondere al desiderio grande che ha di lasciar alcuna cosa di perpetua memoria in coteste scuole di Frascati ha comprato qui figure d’importanza per far un presepio quale sarà di gran divotione et porta seco molte cose necessarie per darli la perfettione a suo tempo; haverò molto caro che in tutto quello che l’ingegno vro. et architettura lo possa giovar lo fate con ogni diligenza con questo però che non l’impedischa in maniera alcuna l’opera della scuola...» Cf. Christmas feast in Collegio Nazareno, in n.1615. The economy books also offer some evidence of the preparations made for Christmas. (Dom. Gen. 48; 18-12-1634: «Al F. Pietro della Passione per il Presepio, giuli due»). It is also useful to know that, in the church of San Pantaleo, one of the altars is that of the manger (cf. BAU, o.c., p.295). As for the Corpus Christi and Palm Sunday procession, see the notes on pp. 461-464.

1673 Cf. p.392-393; also L.3460, Ep.VII p.280: «Si procurarà d’introdurre la devotione del S. Sacramento come V. R. scrive tra li nostri scolari per esser cosa molto santa.»

1674 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Si istruiscano a fare la dovuta riverenza nell’entrare in chiesa, cioè col ginochio destro piegato sino in terra, quando vi sia il santissimo e dire: Adoramus Te Domine lesu Christe et benedicimus Tibi, quia per sanctum crucem et passionem tuam redemisti mundum. Et non vi essendo, basterà la riverenza col capo; e così osservino il medesimo nel partirsi, e quanto gli occorre passare per le chiese.»

1675 L.1442, Ep.IV p.250-251: «...alle feste non si predichi più alle 40 hore, o Espositione del Santissimo che si fa ogni settimana, come per il passato si è fatto, ma se parrà conveniente farà un fanciullo un sermoncino.» Incidentally, such an exposition was made at other times with some frequency for the extraordinary needs of the Holy Mother Church. L.2086, Ep.V p.247: «Hanno fatto bene a seguitar l’usanza degli altri circa l’esporre il Santissimo Sacramento e devono procurar tra loro, e con gli scolari di placar l’ira del Signore por tanti mali impedimenti e che ci difenda da nemici così potenti e tanto avidi di apportarci ogni male come sono i Turchi»; and for the necessities of the Order: L.2153, Ep.V p.290: «Sara bene che ordini che ogni sera al dir delle lettanie cavassero la pisside sopra l’altare applicando detta oratione per il buon frutto della visita senza splicar alli scolari ne a maestri il fine».

1676 L.923, Ep.III p.334: «Havuta la lettera questa mattina a buon hora ho mandato alle scuole acciò comprino l’imaginette della divotione del Smo. Sacramento et li libretti del concerto spirituale, se verranno a tempo come spero, li manderò insieme con li piatti grandi.»

1677 Cf. p.513-516; also L.437, Ep.II p.382: «Nissuno vuole lasciar li suoi per portarli fuori di Roma come ha detto il Signor D. Antonio da parte di Mons. Cesi. Pero pararanno con frasche verde quello che havevano di parare con panni che cosi fu fatto a Xro. benedetto quando intro solennemente in Gierusalemme; non ammetta li musici a mangiare in casa, ma se li accomodi alcun altro loco et procuri che passino le cose con divotione et quiete.»

1678 We transcribe here one of these laudi, which is found in the collection printed by Grignani for the use of the students of the Pious Schools.:

LODE XXII

DEL SANTISIMO SACRAMENTO

Dimmi cor mio / che fai, che pensi? / Sveglia ‘l desio / raccogli i sensi. / ecco ne viene / l ‘amato bene, / con gioia, e riso / dal Paradiso

Angeli Santi / a schiere, a schiere / celesti amanti / per lui godere,

vengon veloci / con liete voci / cantand ‘amore / al mio Signore

Dolce mio bene, / dicon ogni hora, / cara mia speme / il cor t’adora, / tu nostra vita, / bontà infinita, / chi te sol ama / ogn’hor ti brama.

Canterò anch ‘io / con lieto core / di te mio Dio / l’immenso amore; / e se nel petto / langue l’affetto, / tu ‘l foco prendi, / e cor n’accendi.

Distese il Cielo / la tua bontade, / quasi un bel velo / ma, ahi, che pietade / quanto mi amasti / quanto cibasti / di te ‘l mio core, / o immenso amore.

O pan di vita, / vero ristoro, / o calamita / ricco tesoro, / in te si posa / l’alma tua sposa / tu sei il suo bene, / tu la sua speme.

Ogni altro bene / signor io spreggio / quel mi da pene, / questo richieggo; / ma che sia in Cielo / senza alcun velo / nella sua essenza, / la tua presenza.

Già tutte l ‘hore / manna pioveva, / ogni sapore / l’Hebreo godea; / ma, qui, o Dio, / doni al cor mio / a mille a mille / celesti stille.

Caro Signore / dolce mio bene, / senza il tuo amore, / ahi vivo in pene; / te sol dunque ami / te sol io brami, / lungi dal petto / ogn ‘altro affetto.

(GRIGNANI, o.c., p.34-36.)

The frequent exhortations of the teachers, of whom Calasanz himself was the first, also contributed greatly to the schoolchildren’s true devotion and love for the Lord. He often reminded the children: “Little children, praise the Blessed Sacrament”[1679]; or he had them say: “Lodato e ringraziato sempre sia il nome di Gesù e di Maria, S. Carlo e S. Filippo in Compagnia” (May the names of Jesus and Mary be blessed always, accompanied by St Charles and St. Philip)[1680]. The frequent recitation of the holy rosary with its mysteries of the life, passion and resurrection of the Lord and the devout and attentive presence of the students at the daily sacrifice of the Mass, during which the meaning of the rosary was explained to them with fatherly care, were extremely useful for the same purpose[1681]. In this way, they had the opportunity to experience and feel concretely the infinite and eternal love that the Son of God has shown for the human race.

1679 Processus ne probationes perirent p.185, testimony of Fr. Joseph Fedele (Reg. Cal. 31).

1680 Testimony of Dionisio Micara; TALENTI, o.c., p.499; Summarium super dubio n.9 § 58.

1681 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Dell’udire la Messa: Pertanto è bene che li maestri istruiscano li figliuoli nel modo, che devono tenere per cavar frutto dall’assistere al santo sacrificio...»

Finally, we can consider as the culmination of every devotion, of every personal approach of the disciple of the Pious Schools to the Lord their communion, at least monthly, a sweet and frequent union, which better than any other exercise and devotion could achieve the physiognomy of the beloved ideal to be represented more and more faithfully in the faces of the disciples, and with the increase of resemblance to the divine model, their love and fidelity to him could grow more and more[1682].

1682 Regarding daily Mass and monthly communion, see Regolamenti scolastici p.426; Orario scolastico p.412; otherwise, both Holy Mass and communion will be discussed later.

N.B. It may be that already in the time of Calasanz was practiced also that devotion in honor of the Holy Eucharist according to which the students, at the end of each lesson, stood up and said the following invocation: “Laudetur Sanctissimum Eucharistiae Sacramentum necnon Beatissimae Virginis Mariae Immaculata Conceptio” (see the respective articles of P. PICANYOL in Eph. Cal. VIII [1939] 70 and in Eph. Cal. XXI [1952] 91-92).

Undoubtedly, such invocations correspond very much to Calasanz’ personal devotion to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar (see n. 1679 and 1680).

Moreover, it should be noted that already Cardinal Silvio Antoniano insisted a lot on the devotion to the passion of the Lord and to the Eucharist (cf. o.c., c.10 p.37-38 «Della grande utilità del ricordarsi spesso la passione di Cristo Nostro Signore»; c.22 p.45-46 «De la Santissima Eucaristia et come il padre deve procurare che il figliuolo ne sia devoto»)

4. Marian devotion

The second ideal that Calasanz wanted to present to the pure and impressionable eyes of his children and young people was the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Mother of God, in accordance with his great personal devotion to Our Lady[1683]. Calasanz wanted his order (Ordo Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum) and his children to be forever associated with the most holy Mother of God[1684], the most beloved, the most chaste, the poorest and the greatest of all educators[1685].

1683 His religious name was «Giuseppe della Madre di Dio». Regarding his personal devotion to Our Lady, see BAU, o.c., c.27 p.480-501: «Piedad y devocion marianas»; see also L.3982, Ep.VIII p.121: «Non so dire altro se non che mi raccomando et mi raccomanderò sempre al SSmo. Crocifisso et alla Beatissima Vergine sua Madre acciò si compiaccia di proteggere questa sua Religione» L.58 (Ep. II p.112): «...et avverta che semo poveri della Madre di Dio et non delli huomini pero l’importunità sia con la Madre Nostra et non con li huomini perciò ella non si infastidisce mai delle nostre importunità, ma li huomini si...» L.641, Ep.III p.130: «... la Madonna santissima è tanto cortese che accetta ogni divotione per piccola che sia però si faccia con gran cuore o gran affetto.» Cf. Fr. L. PICANYOL, Le culte marial dans l’Ordre des Clercs Reguliers Pauvres de la Mere de Dieu des Êcoles Pies: Eph. Cal. XXI [1952] 90-91 «Devotion de Calasanz a la Madonne» and also L.621, Ep.III p.118: «...ho inteso che costì vi sono l’infrascritti mancamenti ... Che nella sala grande delle scuole si permette che si giuochi al pallone il quale alcune volte forse batte nell’Imagine della Madonna Santissima.»

1684 L.1928, Ep.V p.142: «V. R. cammini con una santa semplicità insegnando le lettere et il santo Timor di Dio alli scolari senza fare inventione nuova et procuri di imprimere in tutti la devotione della Purissima Vergine procurandola prima in se che ne vederà effetti grandi mass.e in occasione di tentatione.» See also Ordini per Litomysl pto.3 (Reg. Prov. 52^5): «A Sanctissimo Spiritu Sapientiam assiduissime efflagitent. Beatissimae Virgini Deiparae et Sanctissimis Patronis frequenter ac ferventer in precibus se commendent.» Cf. also Constituzioni dell Collegio Nazareno c.8 «Del divino officio et altri essercitij spirituali» (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «1. Essendo fatto il Collegio Nazareno sotto l’invocazione e protettione della Beatissima Vergine Madre di Dio, si esortano tutti li Alunni di portar al giorno della Santissima Annuntiatone particolar riverenza e devotione...» Regarding this matter see the testimony of Fr. Giuseppe Fedele (Proc. ne probationes perirent: Reg. Cal. 31 93): «…con le sue esortazioni persuadeva efficacissimamente la devotione verso la Beatissima Vergine dicendo spesso: ‘Figliuoli, chi è devoto della Beatissima Vergine è impossibile che non si possa salvare.» Cf. also the testimony of Fr. Francesco Biscia, theatine p.185 (Processus ne probationes perirent: Reg. Cal. XXXI): «Diceva a tutti: figlioli lodate il SSmo. Sacramento e ricorrete alla Beatissima Vergine, che è Madre Nostra.»

1685 On the subject of the Virgin Mary as the greatest educator, here is a reflection of Calasanz himself made in Corona delle dodici stelle (Tria pia exercitia p.13): «Sia lodato il divino Figlio che volle esser da Lei in sua puerizia educato.» Regarding the cult of Our Lady by the whole Order, see the above-mentioned article by Fr. Picanyol (Eph. Cal. XXI [1952] 89-91), p. 152. 158. 163 of the present work and also Fr. Berro (o.c., t.31.3 f.297): «Osserva lettore, ma con semplicità di cuore: che si come mai nomina [Fr. Stephen Cherubini, great adversary of the Saint] in luogo alcuno il N. V. P. Gioseppe della Madre di Dio Fondatore e Propagatore di questo si santo Istituto delle Scuole Pie: così qui vuole anche mortificare il Splendido Nome di Maria, Madre purissima di Dio, che dal nascimento di questa povera Congregatione delle Scuole Pie il detto V. Padre pose per Arma sua come se non se stesso ma Maria consceva per Fondatrice.» See also the testimony of Fr. Giuseppe Fedele (Processus ne probationes perirent: Reg. Cal. 31 p.37): «Volse che il suo Istituto si nominasse Chierici Regolari delli Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, e per la devozione che desiderava imprimere ne’ cuori di tutti e particolarmente dei suoi religiosi, fece fare una Medaglia con l’impronta della Madonna Santissima e d’un religioso che stava in ginocchioni a’ piedi di essa, in atto di ricevere dalla Beatissima Vergine quella Medaglia e di chiamarsi suoi schiavi.» Regarding this Marian slavery see the article of Fr. John Noyué (in magazinne El Pilar, Zaragoza, 22 agosto 1942), in which he argues that, more than a century before Blessed M. Grignion de Montfort began to preach about the necessity and excellencies of Marian slavery, Calasanz had already been its precursor. See also the review of this article in the Rassegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica XIII (1943) 58. As for the cult of the Blessed Virgin practiced by the Order, see also the Ordini per le Scuole Pie di Narni e di Campi, 1630: (Reg.· Cal. XIII 32): «lntendendo del nome che ha di scolaro delle Scuole Pie esser obbligato a congiungere con le lettere la pietà cristiana e profitto nelle cose spirituali, per il quale fine è stata costituita nella Chiesa Cattolica la nostra Religione a maggior gloria di Dio e della Beata Vergine Maria»; and a letter of Calasanz (L.1928, Ep.V p.142-143): «Et quanto all’opera delle Scuole Pie di Roma dica ognuno quello che vuole, che se non piacesse, non sarebbe ricercata quotidianamente da molte città et terre principali et spesso vi vengono vescovi a dimandarla per le loro diocesi. V. R. procuri di farla costì con s.ta semplicità per puramente far servitio a Dio et alla Purissima Vergine.»

Her sweet maternal image, her purity, her humility, her obedience, her life spent in daily work and faithful service to Christ, could serve them as an ideal of supreme attraction. To achieve the desired effect, to bring Our Lady closer to the children and the children closer to Our Lady, everything possible was done. First of all, the powerful means of meditation and prayer were used.

The rules of the various schools never ceased to direct the attention and childlike devotion of the pupils to the most holy Mother of God, the Mother of them all[1686]. The school day, with its fixed program, with its determined devotional practices, allowed the tender spirit of the children - well oriented - to penetrate more and more into a sincere and filial devotion to the most pure Virgin and Mother. In the school timetable we see that in the morning, immediately after saying their private prayers at home in accordance with the school regulations[1687], the pupils addressed their devout prayers to Our Lady by saying a Hail Mary in a low voice after the Our Father as soon as they entered the classroom[1688]. At the beginning of the lesson, after the Veni Sancte, they recited the Salve with the accompanying Oremus[1689]. At the end of the lesson, the same students recited the Litany of the Blessed Virgin in a low voice, together with other prayers[1690]. During Holy Mass, the rosary was often prayed in private[1691]. At the end of the sacrifice, the students recited a Pater noster and a Hail Mary and prayed for Holy Mother Church and for the Pious Schools[1692].

1686 Cf., v.gr. Ordini per Litomysl: Reg. Prov. 525, cit. Before in n.1685.

1687 Cf. n.1261.

1688 Cf. n.1222.

1689 Cf. n.1225.

1690 Cf. n.1229.

1691 Cf. Ordini per Narni e Campi p.4 (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Udiranno messa ogni mattina in chiesa nostra dopo la scuola non ostante che altrove vi fussero stati presenti, stando ogn’uno con modestia e silentio al luogo assignato, recitando la corona che doverà ciascuno sempre haver seco, o altre orationi a suo beneplacito...»

1692 Cf. n.1232.

The same prayers were repeated by the pupils in the evening lessons[1693]. In addition, they all went to church in the afternoon to pray either the Litany of Loreto[1694] or the “Crown of the Twelve Stars of Our Lady”[1695]. In the mornings and afternoons, when they came home accompanied by their teachers, the children prayed the Holy Rosary in a low voice[1696]. When the bell rang in the morning and in the evening, the Angelus was prayed[1697]. Finally, in the evening, when they came home, all the pupils, true to Calasanz’ advice, prayed five Hail Marys “in honor of the five letters of Mary’s name” as a final prayer[1698]. In addition, on the advice of Calasanz himself, they all concluded their devotional exercises with the confident recitation of Sub tuum presidium (We fly to your patronage…)[1699].

1693 Cf. n.1225.

1694 These letanies were sung every Saturday, L.2209, Ep.V p.345: «...qui solo il sabbato si cantano le littanie et le feste della 1a e 2a classe la messa ma senza spendervi pur un quattrino».

1695 Cf. n.1230.

1696 Cf. n.1185.

1697 Moreover, according to Fr. Talenti, they prayed it every hour and a quarter with the ringing of the school bell (TALENTI, o.c., p.500); however, according to an ancient Spanish document (Eph. Cal. VIII [1939] 70), whose origins goes back to the time of the Saint, the pupils prayed the following invocation at each ringing of the school bell: «Laudetur Sanctissimum Eucharistiae Sacramentum, necnon beatissimae Virginis Mariae Immaculata Conceptio. Resp. In saecula», adding an Ave Maria.

1698 TALENTI, o.c. p.500.

1699 Ibid.

The crowning glory of the Marian devotion of the students of the Pious Schools, however, was the following offering to the Blessed Virgin, which each student made during the continuous prayer before the Blessed Sacrament: “Most pure and most holy Virgin, worthy Mother of the Son of God, Jesus Christ, Savior of my soul, I too offer you my whole being. Accept, O Lady, my gift. Accept, O Mother of Grace, my little offering; favor and protect this wretched creature, full of sins, and obtain for me from Jesus the forgiveness of all my faults. Help me now and always and at the hour of my death. Salve Regina, etc.”[1700] In addition, there was the daily evening recitation of the “Crown of the Twelve Stars of the Blessed Virgin”. This series of Marian prayers was composed entirely by Calasanz around 1623 for the use and service of his students[1701], and the saintly Pedagogue wanted them to pray and meditate on them daily with great devotion. This is an excellent practice and was rightly desired by the Saint, for if one looks at it closely, it would be difficult to find a simpler, more beautiful and dense prayer for school children that contemplates such sublime mysteries as the Incarnation, the Immaculate Conception and the Divine Maternity in such a harmonious unity[1702]. A spirit of profound devotion to the blessed and pure Mother of God and of sincere thanksgiving to the Most Holy Trinity, the source of so many mysteries and so many graces, pervades the entire prayer in such a way that those praying could not help but feel the same feelings and think the same thoughts when contemplating such a marvelous economy of the Divine Incarnation. The thoughts and words were chosen in such a way that even schoolchildren could understand them. Thus, they could not contemplate Our Lady’s zealous, humble and faithful correspondence with Divine Grace and Divine Destinies without becoming enthusiastic about following God’s holy will always and everywhere as it manifested itself in the course of life. Surely the magnificent image “of “the woman clothed with the sun”[1703] remained forever and indelibly in their hearts as a pledge of fidelity until death, as the epitome of an immaculate life and morals.

1700 Tria pia exercitia a S. losepho Calasanctio concinnata p.19. The oldest documents on the subject date back to the years 1693-1694; but since it was only a matter of reinstating already existing pious practices, it is highly probable that it was also practiced during the life of Calasanz.

1701 L.755b, Ep.III p.206-207: «Modo di recitar la corona delle dodici stelle della Beatissima Vergine. Da recitarsi dagli scolari nelle nostre scuole. La corona della Immacolata Concezione della B. V. allude a quella misteriosa corona di 12 stelle con le quali già vide S. Giovanni Evangelista coronato il capo di quesa donna reale, da santi Padri communemente interpretata la Vergine Maria; e però contiene 12 Ave Maria in onore delle 12 gratie che la Sma. Trinità le concesse, cioè: quattro il Padre Eterno, quattro il Figlio e quattro lo Spirito Santo, e tre Pater Noster. Si comincia la corona con il primo Pater al Padre Eterno, che per Figlia l’elesse; seguono 4 Ave Maria in honore delle quattro gratie che le fece. La prima La predestinò per Madre del suo unico Figliuolo; la seconda La preservò senza macchia di peccato originale nella sua lmmacolata Concezione, la terza L’ornò di tutte le grazie nella sua Natività; la quarta in onore del castissimo sponsalizio con S. Giuseppe, suo dignissimo Sposo.

Il secondo Pater si dice al Figlio Gesù, che per Madre tra tutte le donne la scelse; seguono quattro Ave Maria in honore delle quattro gratie che Le concesse. La prima: l’lncarnazione dell’Eterno Verbo fatto uomo nel sacro ventre di Maria con portarlo nove mesi in esso rinchiuso; la seconda: la Natività di Gesù nella stalla di Betlemme e il latte miracoloso con che lo lattò; la terza: l’educazione di Gesù nella sua puerizia; la quarta le rivelazioni di altissimi misterii che dal suo santissimo Figliuolo ebbe circa la redenzione del mondo.

Il terzo Pater è allo Spirito Santo che sposa l’elesse, con le quattro seguenti Ave Maria in honore delli quattro doni che esso le communicò; il primo che Maria fu la prima a cui più chiaramente fosse rivelata quella voce Spirito Santo: Spiritus Sanctus superveniet in Te, etc.; il secondo: l’esser Madre e Vergine per opera dello Spirito Santo; il terzo: fu tempio vivo della Santissima Trinità per virtù dello Spirito Santo; il quarto: fu esaltata in cielo sopra tutte le creature dallo Spirito Santo.

Si termina la detta corona con la Salve Regina per la Santa Chiesa Cattolica, propagazione della fede, pace fra i Principi Cristiani, et estirpazione delle eresie. Questa divozione verso la Beatissima Vergine desidero che sia abbracciata da tutti li nostri scolari ogni giorno, acciò in premio di si picciola fatica siano fatti degni della protezione di essa Vergine in vita ed in morte, Amen. Gioseppe della Madre di Dio, Ministro Generale.»

N.B. As for the most remote origin of such prayers, see L. PICANYOL, La corona delle dodici stelle (supl. de Ephemerides Calasanctianae [1954] n.4).

1702 Cf. P. SAPA, o.c., p.115-116.

1703 Mulier amicta sole, et Luna sub pedibus eius, et in capite eius corona stellarum duodecim (Rev. 12).

So far, we have outlined the common daily program. Among the school days, Saturday was especially dedicated to Our Lady: in the afternoon of this day, the litanies were sung, if possible, with even greater solemnity[1704].

1704 Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Et il sabbato si tenga la lampada accesa avanti alla sua Imagine nell’Oratorio, et in quel giorno si dicano con qualche solennità le proprie littanie».

Sundays and feast days strengthened the cult and veneration of the Mother of God among the schoolchildren even more. The feast schedule shows that the students gathered in the oratory every Sunday, where the older pupils prayed the Office of Our Lady after a brief admonition from one of the priests and the little ones prayed the rosary[1705]. On the seven Marian feasts there were vacations with oratory[1706] and only on one Marian feast, the dedication of St. Mary of the Snows, were there vacations without oratory[1707]. The program of these feasts was anything but a pompous, spiritless manifestation. With their masses, solemn songs and music, processions, frequent communions and sermons written and recited by the students, they undoubtedly helped to consolidate Marian devotion more and more in the souls of the students[1708].

1705 Cf. n.1239.

1706 Cf. p.420-422: «21 novembre, Presentazione; 8 dicembre, Immacolata; 2 febraio, Purificazione; 25 marzo Annunciazione; 2 luglio, Visitazione; 15 agosto, Assunzione; 8 settembre Natività.» Cf. also Constit. p.2a c.4 n.120. It is instructive for us to see how Calasanz and his Order were among the first to celebrate with solemnity the feast of the Immaculate Conception. We also know that he and the whole Order had very close relations with Count Michael Adolph Althan and his Christian Militia of the Immaculate Conception (cf. p.406). Also the “Crown of the twelve stars” was composed in honor of the Immaculate Conception.

1707 According to Fr. Erra, Calasanz had a particular devotion to Our Lady of the Snows, object of piety and filial devotion on the part of the religious of St. John Leonardi, and every year on August 5th he led the school children in procession to St. Mary Major, recalling the miracle of the snow (cf. ERRA, o.c., p.333). That this devotion to Our Lady of the Snows was spread by the Piarist Fathers even in faraway Bohemia is evident from the following letter of Fr. Ambrosio Ambrosi, addressed from Nikolsburg to Fr. General (EEC p.16; Nikolsburg 7-8-1631): «L’altro giorno raccontando il F. Gioseppe a suoi scolari il miracolo della Neve delli 5 d’Agosto in Roma, essi non se ne stupivano niente quasi che nelle loro regioni sia solita cosa il ciò fare».

1708 L.150, Ep.II p.190): «Quanto alla festa che dice il P. Ambrogio voglio che si faccia molto semplicemente, bastarà far alcune cartelle de versi et recitare in casa alcun paio di sermoncini. Et la Madonna Santissima non si porti in processione senza nuovo avviso...» L.75, Ep.II p.129: «Ms. Quintio si è offerto questa mattina di venir costà per la Domenica infra Octavam Nativitatis Virginis con il suo figliuolo che suona il cornetto per eccellenza, anco il violino con dui o tre compagni se bisognarà, ma vorrebe che si trovasse un organetto in ogni modo per far la cosa con maggior perfettion et potrà esser che per detto tempo io ancora vi venga con l’aiuto del Signore il quale ci benedica sempre...» L.625, Ep.III p.121: «Ho letto la gran festa esterior che havete fatta in honore della Madonna Sma. et Dio sa se vi è perso più che guadagnato, che la Madonna Santissima vuole più divotione che di simili feste, siane pur lodato il Signore.» L.1085, Ep.III p.453: «Quanto alla festa della Sma. Annunziata ne sia lodato il Signore sempre, che sia stata con tanta frequenza di Smi. Sacramenti celebrata, che è il vero frutto che da simili solennità si deve cavare, piaccia al Sig. che vada sempre di bene in meglio.» L.1355, Ep.IV p.191: «Ho molto caro che sia riuscita bene la festa della Sma. Annunzjata mass.e havendo usata tanta semplicità nell’apparato della chiesa, che è quello che più piace a Dio et e più conveniente a noi.» Cf. also Notizie sulla fondazione di Frascati (Reg. Cal. XII I 7): «Et approssimandosi la festività della Purificazione rissolsero di apparar similmente l’oratorio et celebrar quella festività con maggior solennità et di distribuir le candele benedette in detto Oratorio quali il P. Prefetto mando da Roma a tutti li scolaril il che fu fatto con molta divotione.» Cf. also L.641, Ep.III 130-131, with notes. Finally, see Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal., XI 10): «1. Essendo fondato il Collegio Nazareno sotto l’invocazione e protettione della Bma. Vergine Madre di Dio, si essortano tutti li Alunni a portar al giorno della Sma. Annunziata particolar riverenza e divotione; et oltre le divotioni particolari di ciascuno si ordina che ogni giorno a certa hora si dica divotamente una parte del Rosario o la corona. Et il sabbato si tenga la lampada accesa avanti la sua Imagine nell’Oratorio, et in quel giorno si dicano con qualche solennità le proprie lettanie. Il giorno della Santissima Annuntiatione si faccia festa solenne conforme ordinerà il P. Superiore, quella festa si debba tener propria del Collegio». «Si provvegga che ciascuno habbia il suo Rosario, Medaglia benedetta e l’offitio della Madonna, acciò lo dicano ad arbitrio loro per divotione, et alcune imagini attaccate al luogo dove studiano.»

In addition to the feasts, the numerous small images of Mary made available to the students, as well as the many churches, oratories and chapels specifically dedicated to the veneration of Our Lady, were of undeniable benefit to the growth of Marian devotion[1709]. The devotional books, which served as a source for the sermons and Marian exhortations of the Fathers, or as books for meditation, spiritual reading and singing for the youth, also undoubtedly made a solid contribution to Marian devotion. Among these books, Giovane christiano and Giovanetto christiano by Father C. Franciotti deserve special mention. These two books, with their clear, simple and sober presentation, have contributed to rooting and establishing devotion to the Most Holy Mother of God among children and young people[1710].

1709 L.182, Ep.II p.213: «Si stampano hoggi alcune imagini della Madonna Sma. del Crocifisso et del P. Abate, si mandarano subito.» «Il Signor Manilio fu hieri qui et mi mostrò una imagine della Madonna Sma. per far un stendardo...» L.213, Ep.II p.231: «Si mandano otto imagini della Madonna Santissima di Frascati et otto fogli de’ santi piccolini per dare a fanciulli.» L.13, Ep.II p.64: «Ho havuto li Santi, pero non quelli che speravamo cioè le stampe di questo Papa, spero serviranno per altra occasione et faremo stampar di quelle stampe della Madonna di Sta. Maria Maior che havemo costì il ferro o il rame intagliato perciò che compariscono molto bene, riuscì molto gratioso l’incontro fatto al Papa con le banderole di diversi colori et con molto gusto di tutti generalmente.» Cf. PICANYOL, La Madonna nelle chiese dei PP. Scolopi, suppl. de Eph. Cal. (1954) n.5.

1710 Cf. Il Giovane cristiano c.11 p.62-63 «Quattuordici ragioni per le quali la Santissima Vergine è degna d’esser amata»: «Se bene per innumerabili ragioni conviene che sia honorata la Santissima Vergine nondimeno:

1. Perché è vera Madre di Dio, da esso ab eterno eletta.

2. Perché è superiore ad ogni pura creatura in gratia e doni soprannaturali.

3. Perché è mediatrice posta tra Dio e noi per farci havere le gratie del paradiso.

4. Perché si humiliò tanto, quando disse Ecce Ancilla Domini, per la quale humiliatione, le si deve ogni essaltazione et perciò questa ancora che ogni huomo Le serva e l’honori.

5. Perché fu la prima che per Voto dedicasse a Dio la sua Verginità.

6. Perché fu eccellentissima et perfettissima nella Fede, come nella morte del Signore dimostrò.

7. Perché pigliò la cura di tutti i fedeli, quando il Figliuolo le disse: Ecce Filius Tuus.

8. Perché nella Passione del Signore patì eccessivo dolore, per il quale fu spiritualmente crocifisa con lui.

9. Perché fu sempre purissima senza havere anco inclinatione al peccato.

10. Perché non essendo persona più amata da tutta la Santissima Trinità, siamo certi d’impetrar per mezzo suo qualunque mercede.

11. Perché nel genere suo è stata cagione instrumentale della nostra salute.

12. Perché nel Cielo tiene hora il Prencipato della gloria sopra tutti i Serafini.

13. Perché essendo servi del suo Figliuolo, siamo anco servi di Lei.

14. Perché havendo io con i peccati offeso il Figliuolo, che insieme con Figliuolo fu offesa da me».

C.12, «Che l’uso delle Congregationi massime sotto la Protettione della B. V. è antico»; c.13 «Della Congregatione particolare della Madonna della Neve»; c.17 «Dieci modi con i quali si può honorare la Santissima Vergine».

P.2a c.2 «Della purità della Santissima Vergine».

Cf. also Giovanetto Cristiano c.18 p.100-103 «Della particolar devotione che deve havere verso la Beata Vergine» (cf. SILVIO ANTONIANO, o.c. c.35 «Della particolar divotione verso la Santisma Madre di Dio»).

Finally, it does not seem out of place to cite the fact that, among the Cento laudi spirituali printed by Grignani for the use of the students of the Pious Schools in Rome (cf. p.303. 644), there are 16 in honor of the Virgin. We reproduce here the one with the number 21:

DELL’ ASSUNTIONE DELLA BEATA VERGINE

D’ Hinni, e voci, organi, e corde, / suon concorde / a le stelle oggi mandiamo / e cantiamo / di Maria, che al Ciel ascende, / l’alto grado, ov’ella intende.

Vien nel Ciel accolta in seno / lieta a pieno / dal suo Figlio, che nel Mondo / nobil Pondo / fu da Lei con dolce affetto / stretto al bel virgineo petto.

Se a suoi servi il pio Signore / tanto amore / mostra grato, e gli fa degni / de suoi regni; / che farà verso di quella / ond’ei nacque, Empirea stella?

Qual sia mai, ch’ osi narrare, / o pensare, / gli ornamenti, i doni, i fregi / divin pregi, / che alla Madre Iddio comparte / nella sua più bella parte.

(GRIGNANI, o.c., p.33-34.)

And the one with number 60:

IN HONOR DELLA BEATA VERGINE

Vergine il cui gran merto alto s ‘estolle / si che sol, cede a Dio, che qui nascendo / huomo mortale a te figlio esser volle.

Se per noi pugna il poter tuo tremendo / contr’al commune nemico armato, e forte / spezzando l ‘armi, e l ‘arti sue scoprendo.

Se tu l‘inferno chiudi; apri le porte / de regni del tuo figlio, a tuoi devoti, / ad onta del peccato, e della morte.

Qual sia compensa mai, che i nostri voti / adegui, e gli alti, inmensi tuoi favori / faccia lungi, ed appresso illustri, e noti.

Questi in humil ghirlanda inserti fiori / a tuoi gran merti osiamo offrir ov ‘anco

inserto è il puro ardor de nostri cori.

Prendili, e nel color vermiglio, e bianco / la nostra fede, e’l zelo ardente, e pio / de non sdegnare il cor, rimira al manco; / che se povero il don, ricco è’l desio.

(GRIGNANI, o.c., p.97-98.)

In addition to these common practices of piety and Marian devotion, the most devout students also had others in the Marian Congregations that existed in every school[1711]. Membership of these congregations was free, and their members formed an autonomous association with self-elected boards and a common treasury[1712] and pledged to serve Mary faithfully.

1711 Constit. (p.3rd c.5 n.311 «Formola per le visite»: Reg. Cal. XIII 37): «Quanti Oratori sia Congregationi di Secolari e scolari, di che numero di presente, sotto quali titoli. E quali Padri o Fratelli vi hanno cura.» Reg. Gen. 4: Cap. Gen. 1637 p.2a p.8: «Che si faccia o tenga l’Oratorio e Congregazione di Scolari in tutte le feste di precetto.»

1712 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «E faranno la Domenica mattina la Congregatione con li suoi ufficiali come ordinarà il P. Superiore.» L.2009 (Ep. V p.200): «Per varii mali occorsi in alcune case per gli oratorii et congregationi si è datto ordine che la chiave della porta di detti luoghi stii appresso del Superiore sempre, eccetto che per far le fontioni solite la dovranno dimandare i Maestri assegnati e finito il tutto subito restituirla al Ministro, et dove usano di haver qualche denari nelle Congregationi et Oratorii, non hanno li scolari soli haverne la chiave, perché spesso hanno fatto delle burle, e in Narni proprio altre volte è accaduto, ma si provvede che la cassetta o armadio habbia due chiavi differenti una per l’ufficiale posto dagli escolari, l’altra per il Ministro della casa, il quale potendosi essere presente, mentre si hanno da levare denari sarebbe di maggior sicurezza, perché li maestri talvolta s’accordano con gli scolari, che non ardiscono di contradirgli, et si sono valsuti de denari a mal uso loro.» The regulations of such congregations were, in general, Calasanz’ proposals and he himself had asked for the most relevant indulgences for them. Cf. the letter of the students of Pieve addressed to Calasanz, Pieve 20-5-1642 (EHI p.1699): «Al Revmo. in Xro. Ossmo. il P. Gioseppe della Madre di Dio, Ministro Generale de’Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie Roma. Revmo. Padre. Giacchè questa nostra terra è stata gratiata da V. P. Revma. dell’istituto suo santo, e di già si è dato principio con nostra grandissima soddisfazione e spiritual consolatione, e perché sappiamo che non si comincia bene se non dal Cielo, prima di ogni altra cosa procuriamo d’erigere una Congregatione come fa il P. Francesco di S. Tommasso d’Aquino d’autorità del P. Mario Provinciale. Con questa le chiediamo anche umilmente la sua santa benedizione gratia d’esser fatti degni d’esser aggregati a godere i privilegi che gode la Congregatione de’ Scolari Maggiori costì in Roma et insieme le Regole. E qui umilmente prostrati ai suoi piedi ce le dedichiamo per servi e figli obbligatissimi e La preghiamo di ricordarsi di noi nelle sue sante Orationi.» Cf. Calasanz’ answer (L.4000, Ep.VIII p.133): «Alli Scolari di Pievi di Cento. Pax Xristi. Dilettissimi Figli nel Signore, gusto e gusterò sempre d’intendere il vostro fervore e profitto spirituale e corporale ancora, e parmi sia stata santa e buona resolutione di cominciare la congregatione, e desidero che la frequentiate e che ve ne approffitiate con mostrar modestia e timore di Dio, perché con esso potrete sperar di fare anche profitto nelle lettere... Mando al P. Francesco le Regole, dal quale le riceverete. Fate d’osservarle. Iddio vi benedica. Roma il 10 giugno 1642.» Regarding the indulgences, cf. n.1716.

They had their Sunday and festive assemblies[1713]. They celebrated their Holy Communion on the feasts of Our Lady and the Apostles, in addition to the monthly communion that was obligatory for all[1714]. They were always characterized by their fervent and fervent prayer, both communal and private, by their voluntary mortifications[1715] and by all their other pious practices and devotions, preferably of a Marian nature[1716]. Their annual feasts, in which they venerated Our Lady under the invocation which the congregation had chosen as the special object of their devotion, were a real event for the whole school and even for the whole town. And so it was, either because of the many indulgences that the participants could obtain, or because of the external pomp, the lectures and academies, etc.[1717] The laudable aim of this spontaneous and voluntary Marian devotion of the pupils, which was promoted with such skill and paternal care by the Fathers of the Pious Schools[1718], cannot be estimated rightly today. Berro’s account of the holy life and pious death of a young man who was a member of the Congregation of Rome perhaps gives us an idea of this subject[1719].

1713 Decretale ove si contengono tutti i decreti fatti nella Congregatione delta Santissima Assunta. Nelle Scuole Pie di Roma, 15-6-1687. Anno 1647. Decreto 1 «Della frequenza delle Congregazioni» (Dom. Gen. 42): «A dí 6 Genn. 1647. Non essendo dovere che si preggi avere il carattere di servi della Beata Vergine, quelli che non li prestano il dovuto servizio con la frequenza alle Congregazioni inculcata dalle nostre regole [pars prima, c. 4] e vedendosi per altro che le semplici ammonizioni non avevano il fine desiderato dell’emendazione, fu espediente venire alla determinazione di alcune pene, acciò fossero di stimolo alla maggior frequenza et insieme di più emolumento alla medesima Congregazione...»

1714 Visita della casa e della chiesa di Duchesca (Reg. Prov. XII 11; November 1633): «Adolescentes Congregationis sacra Eucharistia reficiuntur semel in mense et singulis festis Beatissimae Virginis et Apostolorum ex obligatione Congregationis.»

1715 Cf. BERRO (o.c., t. 1 1.2 fol.6): «...con il divino aiuto divenne si buon figliuolo che faceva ammirare tutti, intanto che desideroso di fare penitenze molto si affligeva e maltrattava con digiuni e discipline non solo il Venerdì della Congregazione come nella casa sua; et per fine coronò la sua vita con una santa morte, doppo la quale se li trovarono le spalle tutte peste e nella sua cassa oltre la disciplina ordinaria e catenella si trovò un altra disciplina che haveva alcune palle di piombo appese dalla quale si accorsero, che se bene con poca discretione con santo zelo però si era si maltrattato.»

1716 The nature of these practices of piety is known from the following memorandum of Calasanz: Congregazione delle Scuole Pie di Roma. Memoriale al Santo Padre per indulgenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 49, 1): «Sono molti anni che li scolari delle Scuole Pie di Roma per le continue esortazioni delli Padri di esse scole sono infervorati nella devotione della Beatissima Vergine et sotto il Nome di Congregatione della Natività di essa Vergine frequentano nell’Oratorio delle dette scuole il sacramento della confessione e comrnunione, et inoltre mentre dura l’annuale essercitio dell’imparare delle scuole, dove è grandissimo numero di scolari a vicenda mezza hora per volta e così continuamente un certo numero di scolari fanno oratione sempre in detto Oratorio per l’essaltazione della S. Chiesa, unione de’ Principi christiani, et estirpatione delle eresie, et imparano a sapere fare bene oratione et a sapersi ben confessarsi, e communicarsi con frutto, et altre cose necessarie al viver christiano; et acciocchè in si buoni essercitii vadino sempre facendo maggior frutto si supplica V. Bne. si compiaccia di voler concedere a tutti li scolari di detta Congregatione, et anco in articulo di morte, e nella festa della Natività, Concettione, Purificatione, Visitatione, Annuntiatione et Assuntione della Bma. Vergine e parimente quando in numero di cinquanta assieme visitarano le 7 chiese di Roma, e fuor di Roma sette chiese a loro elettione ovvero sette altari in una chiesa, ovvero visitando quello del Smo. Sacramento 7 volte, quando non vi è commodita di sette chiese, confessati et communicati conseguiscano Indulgenza plenaria, visitando prima il loro Oratorio facendo oratione per l’accrescimento della S. Chiesa.

Et inoltre sempre che recitaranno l’off.o della B. M. Vergine, li 7 salmi o l’officio de Defonti, o la corona, o litanie di essa Vergine, o dei Santi, o cantaranno alcuna laude alcuni insieme o ogni uno in particolare acquistino la terza parte delle pene dovute per li suoi peccati. Et di più quelli che la mattina faranno la direttione delle attioni di quella giornata a Dio, e quello ringratiaranno per li benefitii ricevuti o si raccomandaranno alla Beatissima Vergine dicendo un Salve Regina, ovvero all’ Angelo Custode dicendo tre Pater nostri e tre Ave Marie in riverenza della Sma. Trinità, et anco ogni volta che faranno l’essame della coscienza, o vero faranno qualche mortificatione publica in Oratorio 3a parte della remissione delle pene.

Et di più l’Indulgenza delle Stazioni della quadragesima di Roma, visitando il loro Oratorio e dicendo 5 Pater nostri et 5 Ave Marie.

Et di più per ogni volta che verranno al Oratorio o alla Dottrina Christiana o sentiranno l’essortazioni, o leggeranno libri spirituali, o baciaranno la terra nominando il Nome Santissimo di Gesù, o cantando parte o tutto del offitio della Bma. Vergine conseguischino 300 giorni di Indulgenza.

Et per ogni altra opera pia et di carità conseguiscano l’istessa indulgenza suddetta.

Et perché questo santo Istituto si dilata in diverse parti si supplica V. B.ne si compiaccia di concedere facoltà al P. Generale di detti Padri che tanto alle Congregazioni di Roma, come a quelle fuora di Roma possa per via di aggregazione communicare le suddette indulgenze et gratie. Che il tutto si riceverà per gratia singolarissima da V. Bne... quam Deus...»

Cf. also Visita della casa e chiesa della Duchesca, noviembre 1633 (Reg. Prov. XII 11): «Oratorium Congregationis Scholarium Adolescentium. Succesive visitavit Oratorium Congregationis Scholarium Adolescentium positum in latere ipsius ecclesiae, sub invocatione Assumptionis Beatae Virginis in quo congregantur ipsi adolescentes singulis dominicis et festis de praecepto Sanctissimae Virginis et Apostolorum, ad recitandum Officium Beatissimae Virginis et audiendum sacrum, in quo oratorio pariter audiunt missam omnes scholares, et fuit canonice erectum per Rev. Patrem Stephanum de Angelis.

Adest altare ex fabrica constructum cum Icona Assumptionis Beatae Virginis cum baldachino desuper posito, cuius ornamenta et paramenta sacerdotalia accipiunt a sacristia ecclesiae nostrae.

Adsunt in ipsa Congregatione regulae pariter per eundem P. Stephanum subscriptae, ac Indulgentia plenaria a SSmo. Dno. nostro Papa Urbano concessa.

Haec congregatio nullos habet redditus, sed in omnibus administratur et regitur a patribus nostrae Religionis; ad praesens ex penuria patrum regitur a fratre Camillo a S. Hieronymo. Ad praesens fratres adolescentes dictae Congregationis sunt numero viginti septem. Pater mandavit apponi in fenestris fenestras ex tela vel carta cera linita, ad arcendum frigus et ventos.

In hoc Oratorio et in alio artistarum fiunt scholae discipulorum ex angustia loci. Pater mandavit scholares regi minore tumultu quam poterit.

Adolescentes Congregationis sacra Eucharistia reficiuntur semel in mense et singulis festis Beatissimae Virginis et Apostolorum ex obbligatione Congregationis.

Pater mandavit per ministrum dictae domus, ut augeatur numerus Adolescentium in ipsa Congregatione, ipsumque invigilare pro illorum bono regimine, et singulis dominicis et festis, in quibus congregantur ipsi adolescentes, illos invisere, illosque suadere ad officia pietatis et religionis et ad augendam ipsorum devotionem, frequentiam et numerum summopere insudare, cum praecipuum nostrum munus sit puerorum adolescentium curam habere.»

1717 Visita della casa e della chiesa della Duchesca, 1633 (Reg. Prov. XII 11): «Mos est a principio fundationis huius domus ut in die Annuntiationis B. Virginis, titularis ipsius ecclesiae mulieres ingrediantur in claustrum ad videndum Oratoria et scholas, quae illo die omni studio ornantur et divina officia a pueris adotescentulis et aliis fratribus recitantur.» Cf. Also Reg. Gen. IV: Cap. Gen. 1637, fol.10 p.15: «Che non si lascino entrare dentro la clausura per visitare con occasione d’indulgenze nelle feste delle Congregazioni di scolari: e si ordina che dal Pre Provinciale sia osservata la clausura».

1718 Cf. n.1716 (Reg. Prov. XII 11).

1719 BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.2 fol.6): «Alla porta di S. Giovanni nel borgo che va alla Madonna della Misericordia stava un Maniscalco per quel che mi ricordo di casa Allegri, che mandava due de’ suoi figli alle Scole Pie di circa quattordeci anni, uno de’ quali era stato molto dissoluto e giocatore e poi per mezzo della nostra Congregatione, che frequentava, e con il divino aiuto divenne si buono figliuolo, che faceva ammirare tutti, intanto che desideroso di fare penitenze molto si affliggeva e maltrattava con digiuni e discipline non solo il Venerdì nella Congregazione come nella casa sua: et per fine coronò la vita sua con una santa morte, doppo la quale se li trovarono le spalle tutte peste e nella sua cassa oltre la disciplina ordinaria e catenella si trovo un’altra disciplina, che haveva alcune palle di piombo appese dalla quale si accorsero, che se bene con poca discretione con santo zelo però si era si maltrattato.»

Finally, the particular piety of some of the boarders of Nikolsburg, shown with so much fervor, with so much sincerity, with so much innocence and purity of heart, with so much love for the Blessed Virgin under the title of Loreto, can be considered as a fruit of the Marian devotion of the students of the Pious Schools. It is true that the beautiful initiative that Our Lady of Loreto, titular of a shrine near Nikolsburg, should be served, praised and glorified by pure and innocent children, came from Cardinal Dietrichstein[1720]; but the execution of this idea, the education and even the musical instruction of these children, was the delicate task of the Fathers of the Pious Schools. They did everything they could to fulfill their task well[1721]. In fact, it was one of the Fathers who composed the music for the litanies that were sung there[1722].

1720 Letter of Fr. Ambrogio Leailth; Nikolsburg 6-8-1631 (EEC p.617): «...di più fece il Cardinale una fundatione di novi putti, li quali sono sotto la cura nostra, da questi novi putti ogni giorno è cantata una messa nella casa di Loreto; il motivo del Cardinale fu in questa fundatione acciò la Vergine fusse lodata e servita da vergini; questi putti si pigliano di otto anni, e stanno poi nel Seminario in sin alli anni 14, di poi succedono altri, il Cardinale non celebra mai messa se non è cantata da questi putti, tanto ama la purità.» Regarding the Sanctuary, see a relation of the same cardinal Dietrichstein (Bericlzt über die Diocese Olmütz durch den Card. Franz Dietrichstein im Jahre 1634, Dr. B. Dudik, O.S.B. [Wien 1870] p.19): «Si de locis piis ac quotidianis devotorum hominum peregrinationibus obviis sermo sit, inter illa Domus Lauretana, in praefata mea haereditaria civitate Nikolspurgensi propriis meis expensis cum attributione census ante paucos annos exstructa multis miraculis clara, magnaque hominum non modo diocesanorum sed etiam ex remotis provinciis confluentium multitudine refertissima primas sibi vindicat.»

1721 Ibid.: «...ogni sabbato andiamo tuti con li figliuoli alla Madonna di Loreto; è lontano dal Seminario un tiro d’archibuscia; per la strada vanno tutti insieme e vanno per mezzo della città; non si vederebbe che uno parlasse della qual cosa tutti si maravigliano...»

1722 Cf. n.868. The following document, contemporary or shortly after Calasanz, shows how permeated the lives of these young Lauretanians were by Marian devotion: Regulae et exercitia Lauretanorum (taken from a manuscript volume with the title Germania et Hungaria Scholarum Piarum; Archiv. Dom. S. Pant., Hist. Bibl. 23): «...Diebus ferialibus surgent hora quinta per quadrantem se in silentio et modestia induent, pectent, et lavabunt. Ita compositi subito Orationem matutinam ante Imaginem Beatae Virginis peragent. Peracta Oratione studiis suis incumbent in summo silentio usque ad pulsum Scholarum, quo audito lectiones vel domi praeceptori vel in Scholis Decurionibus recitabunt. Postea se ad Lauretum conferent, Divinisque ea qua par est modestia et attentione intererunt, muneri suo in Missa Chorali decantanda devote et accurate Satisfacientes. Reduces ad Scholas se subito conferent, in cantu se exercebunt, usque ad prandium; quod semper praecedat Solita Benedictio et sequatur gratiarum actio per Hebdomadarium, qui etiam notabilem partem ex vitis Sanctorum ad mensam leget, curabunt autem omnem modestiam in mensa observare. Finita mensa recreabunt se honesto aliquo lusu, simul dumtaxat, praecaventes omnem partialitatem, ut ab invicem separentur. Post recreationem ante Imaginem Beatae Virginis flectendo recitabunt Litanias Lauretanas, posthac stando ex utraque parte 5 Psalmos in honorem Eiusdem Sanctissimi Nominis ordinatos devote orabunt, quibus finitis flectando hymnum: Veni Sancte Spiritus, demum; Sub tuum praesidium dicent. Finitis precibus studiis vacabunt usque ad tempus Scholarum. Post quas ad Lauretum se conferent Litanias et antiphonam tempori convenientem decantaturi. Reduces rursum studiis incumbent usque ad caenae tempus, praecedente Benedictione et continuata sacra lectione ut in prandio. Sumpta caena sequetur Recreatio per Horam, Preces Vespertinae cum examine conscientiae, et tandem se conferent cubitum in silentio et modestia, omni licentia post preces garriendi sublata.

Diebus dominicis et festivis, quibus surgent hora sexta; compositi et induti devote recitabunt Officium Beatae Virginis usque ad tempus eundi ad Lauretum. Reduces inde se mox conferent ad Oratorium, exhortationem Ordinariam ibidem audituri, illo finito ad Sacrum cantatum, post quod sequitur prandium, post prandium recreatio usque ad duodecimam, qua audita Coronulam ut supra orabunt, et usque ad tempus Doctrinae Christianae Catechismum discent, post Catechismum Vesperas et Completorium ex Officio Beatae Virginis orabunt, iis absolutis, impetrata facultate poterunt se honesto lusu recreare usque ad tempus eundi ad Lauretum, unde reduces studia sua prosequentur more solito.

Diebus recreationis mane postquam ex Laureto rediverint, ut tempus fructuose impendant, poterunt se exercere in Musica, quisque pro sua capacitate, et ea quae intra septimanam discent penes Regale probare, prout Praefectus aut Praeceptor ordinaverit qui vero ad huiusmodi exercitium non fuerint requisiti poterunt se in scriptura addiscenda exercere, matutino tempore alius lusus nemini sit licitus. A meridie vero absoluta Coronula, si tempus faverit, impetrata facultate a Praefecto poterunt ire spatiatum, quos semper comitabitur Praeceptor invigilans sedulo ne quid minimum contra bonos mores committatur, qui eos rursus reducet hora, qua Litaniis in Laureto satisfacere debebunt.

Praeceptori se semper morigeros exhibebunt sine obstinatione aut contradictione. Is vero muneri suo quam diligentissime studebit satisfacere, Vitae integritate et exemplo bono praelucere, proinde precibus omnibus illorum intersit, ut haec exercitia accurate peragantur curet. Sedulo illos instruat tam in cantu quam litteris et bonis moribus, in Laureto cantantibus assistat, ne quam levitatem exerceant, attendat... Nemini permittitur sine licentia Praefecti exire, aut alios studiosos in Seminarium inducere, neque pueros sine licentia Praefecti facile foras visitare.

Servus iisdem sedulo ministret, munditiem pro possibilitate curet, tam in Musaeo quam Dormitorio, Musaeum quotidie everrat, Dormitorium saltem bis per Hebdomadam, surgentibus aquam ad lavandum suppeditet, lectos decenter sternat, iis mane studentibus Sacrum audiat, dum in Schola vel Laureto sunt, Seminarium diligenter custodiat, aut [si Scholas frequentaverint] claudat, quae ad mensam pertinent, rite subministret, necessaria ab Officialibus Collegii procuret, neque sine licentia Praefecti exeat.

Feminarum ingressus omnino sit prohibitus, quod si lotrices veniant, per servum lotio nigra extradatur.»

This institution of the Lauretan children could not be maintained in every school of Calasanz. But from what we have said and documented on this subject, it is easy to deduce that Calasanz would have wanted the Purest Virgin to be the object of meditation, service and devotion by the pure and chaste children and young people in all his schools, not only by word but above all by deed. Father Talenti also gives solemn proof that Calasanz had already prepared a medal for Leo XI to commemorate his coronation, which he was unable to give him due to the unforeseen death of this pontiff. But he offered his successor Paul V another medal with the image of the Holy House of Loreto and the students in adoration before the Child Jesus offered by Mary, accompanied by St. Joseph and St. Anne, the Eternal Father and the Holy Spirit[1723]. The picture itself, which depicts the children adoring the Holy Trinity and the Holy Family, and the inscriptions[1724] show with solemn eloquence the height and depth that the saintly pedagogue believed the students’ devotion to Mary should reach.

1723 Cf. TALENTI, o.c. p.89-90.

1724 «Initium sapientiae timor Domini». «Sanctae Domus Lauretanae pia meditatione mysterium pueri Scholarum Piarum venerantur, atque cum pro se tum vel maxime pro Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Pauli V. Salute, ac S. R. E. felici statu implorantes, tam piae oblationis auxilium deprecantur. Romae, Anno Domini MDCV. Mense Maio.»

5. The cult of the saints

In the sacred and venerable hierarchy of ideals that Calasanz proposes to the students of the Pious Schools, the Word made flesh and its venerable Mother are followed by the illustrious and noble legion of saints. As much as Calasanz was rooted in a deep liturgical sense[1725], he could not fail to follow the spirit and perennial pedagogy of Holy Mother Church, which since its origins has never ceased to propose to its children the attractive and imitable example of the saints. It can be said that all the saints of the liturgical year were worthily presented to the students. This purpose was served by the daily Mass, which was sung even on the great feasts of first and second class[1726]; also by the hymns, the laudi and the epigrams, written in excellent calligraphy in honor and praise of the saints of each day and displayed in pictures on the walls of the schools, the oratory, or the church[1727]. The same purpose was served by the various pictures depicting the saint and the most important scenes of his life[1728], the solemn oratorios held in his honor[1729], the daily reading of his life[1730], the short exhortations of the Fathers, which always took an example from the lives of the saints[1731], and finally the solemn hagiographic stage representations[1732]. In this way and with these means, all the main saints of the liturgical year were presented to the schoolchildren with great vividness and edification, so that the young people had an example for their daily lives. But if in this heavenly legion of saints, one could have a special predilection for adoration and veneration, this was certainly reserved for the holy children. Calasanz realized with an unusual psychological intuition that if the perfect life of the saints attracted by its very power schoolchildren who naturally aspired to holiness, perfection and heroism, they were even more attracted to the holy life of their peers, that is, the holy children. In this way, the disciples could see even more clearly that holiness was not something distant or separate from their tender age, but on the contrary, they were encouraged to lead a life that was as similar to their own as possible. With this method, Calasanz tried to present the sublime ideal of holiness as something easily attainable and to make it something real, concrete and effective for his students.

1725 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.162’; in this work, n.57 and n.850.

1726 L.2209, Ep.V p.345: «...qui solo il sabato si cantano le littanie et le feste della prima e seconda classe la messa, ma senza spendervi pur un quattrino.»

1727 Cf. p.234-235 with notes; and L.676, Ep.III p.153: «...ma neanco si cura dei mei avvertimenti [il fratel Luca] avendoli fatto intendere che di quando in quando mi mandi in lode de’ santi che occorrono alcuni eprigramma...» L.299, Ep.II p.290: «Mando qui li versi che mi domandarono li giomi passati acciò habbiano tempo di farli scrivere bene et dipingere le cartelle.» L.807, Ep.III p.243: «Quanto al fratel Domenico vorrei che ogni settimana facesse uno o dua epigrammi et scritti in buona mano dal fratel Giacomo li attaccasse alla porta della scuola o vero della chiesa in lode di quel santo che occorre nell’offitio quella settimana, come fanno qui li nostri accademici...» L.910, Ep.III p.323: «...si fece hieri la solennità di S. Pantaleo più curiosa assai che altra volta di inventioni di colonne et cartelle di diverse sorti, di versi che ha datto comunemente soddisfazione, ho detto che la descriva il P. Francesco et la mandi costì forse in verso.» Such compositions also sometimes had their own music; cf. n.866. Of these pieces we did not found any in the archives of the motherhouse of San Pantaleo, but the book of the Cento laudi Spirituali, printed for the use of the students of the Pious Schools, contains some. We transcribe here one composed for the feast of All Saints:

LODE XXXXVI

NELLA FESTA DI TUTTI I SANTI

Lodiamo l’orme, / che in belle forme / stamparo i santi / tra doglie ‘e pianti / lodiam con dolci canti / lodiam l ‘orme de Santi. / Per tutti i canti / seguire i Santi / orme felici / contra a’ nemici. Lodiam, etc. / Fu il loro sentiero / tormento fiero, / pien d’altre tanti / gioiosi vanti. Lodiam, etc. / Impresser tutti / orme di tutti / ma fersi al fine / orme divine. Lodiam, etc. / Nelle vie loro / formaro in oro / orme beate / dal Ciel amate. Lodiam, etc. / Dovunque andaro / lieti segnaro / co i piè del core / orme d’amore. Lodiam, etc. / tra il ferro e’ l foco / si facer loco. Lodiam, etc. / Felice morte / beata sorte / se a immortal vita / morte è invita. Seguiam, etc. / Doppo al martire / viene il gioire / e doppo viene / al mal il bene. Seguiam, etc. / E così il Sole / discacciar suole / col suo splendore / il cieco horrore. Seguiam, etc. / Beati voi / prima hora, e poi / spirti felici / di Christo amici. Seguiam, etc. / Lieti cantiamo / lieti esaltiamo / l ‘alte vittorie / le vostre glorie / cantiam in bel concerto / cantiam de Santi il merto / Godete hormai / passati i guai / ne gli alti chiostri / gli almi honor vostri. Cantiam, etc. / Passaro lieti / selve e spineti, / passaro avanti / gli accesi amanti. Lodiam, etc. / Non neve o ghiaccio / diè loro impaccio, / non poggio o valle / lor chiuse il calle. Lodiam, etc. / Per tutti i passi / non furon lassi, / ne fiume, o mare, / felli restare. Lodiam, etc. / Per rupi, e balzi / andaro scalzi, / Vivete in Cielo / accesi in zelo / vita sicura / senza paura. Cantiam, etc. / Si che arrivaro / al dolce e caro / porto beato / del Ciel amato. Lodiam, etc. / Dolce fatiche, / battaglie amiche, / se tanto bene / per voi s’ottiene / sequiam pur tutti quanti / seguiam l’orme de Santi. / Vivete in Cielo / accesi in zelo / vita sicura / senza paura. Cantiam, etc. / Pregate intanto / de Santi il Santo / che il nostro pianto / rivolga il canto. Cantiam, etc. / Pregate il Santo / tre volte Santo / che noi rimiri / da gl’altri giri. Cantiam,etc. / Onde ancor noi / Possiam con voi / Dar lode a Dio / clemente e pio. Cantiam, etc. / E cosi insieme / le gioie estreme / lieti gustiamo / del sen d’Abramo. Cantiam, etc. / O felice hora / quando l’aurora / di dolce morte / doppo aspro inverno / un sol eterno / fia che ne apporte / un sol eterno / cantiam in bel concerto. Cantiam, etc.

1728 Libro di uscite della casa di S. Pantaleo, 7-5-1625 (Reg. Cal.XI 11^3): «Per li Santi del Mese mandati a Norcia, scudi 0’30.» Libro di uscite della casa di S. Pant., 18-3-1634 (Dom. Gen. 48): «Al fratel Filippo per comprare i Santi del mese per Genova, giuli 4.» L.800, Ep.III p.239: «...farò cavar il disegno di S. Giusto e Pastore et lo mandarò subito fatto. Mandarò ancora per adesso con li fratelli che verranno costì per aiuto di coteste scuole delle immagini et forse ancora delle stampe come feci in Genova, acciò possano costì farsele stampare.» L.213, Ep.II p.231: «Si mandano otto immagini della Madonna Sma. di Frascati et otto fogli de’ santi piccolini per dare a fanciulli.» L.884, Ep.III p.304: «Quanto alle lampade di carta pitta per adesso non si può dar soddisfazione perché chi le sa far sta occupato nel dipinger per la festa di S. Pantaleo.»

1729 Cf. p.422.

1730 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «...et stiano ad udire la lettione attentamente [durante il pranzo e la cena] la quale sarà prima della vita del Santo che occorre quel giorno se vi sarà; e poi di alcun libro spirituale secondo la capacità de’ giovinetti.»

1731 Cf. n.844 and n.1227; from this practice was born the Centuria di esempi notabili di alcuni Fanciulli e Giovani, divisa in dieci distinzioni secondo l’ordine de’dieci Precetti della Divina Legge, raccolti da vari e gravi Autori, del P. Giovanni Francesco di Gesù Sacerdote de’ Chierici Regolari Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie, printed only in 1649, in Naples, y los Sagri Trofei de’ fanciulli, printed in Roma, in 1660.

1732 Letter of Fr. Santino Lunardi; Ancona 1-2-1646 (EHI p.1362): «È un pezzo che Vostra Paternità no ha havuto le mie lettere perché sto occupatissimo per cagione particulare di una rappresentazione che stimo in breve per fare sopra il martirio di S. Ciriaco, Patrono di questa città, e speriamo che sia per esser di soddisfazione perché li recitanti che sono tutti scolari si portano competentemente bene». In his following letter he writes (ibid., p.1363; 11-2-1646): «L’opera contenente il martirio di S. Ciriaco Patrono di questa città si è recitata tre volte nella nostra chiesa con soddisfazione tanto grande, che non poteva esser più. La seconda volta che si recitò fu presente l’Eminentissimo Sig. Cardinale Facchenetti, Vescovo di Signigaglia e ne riceve grandissimo gusto, e nel partir fece un segnalato encomio lodando la composizione, e chiedendone una parte che li era piaciuta straordinariamente, et il modo di recitar delli scolari tutti giovinetti di dieci in quindeci anni...» Cf. also letter of Fr. F. Bafici addressed to Fr. General el 5-12-1640-(EEC p. 78): «La Rappresentazione fu quella di Gioseffo Patriarca venuta di costà, tradotta in tedesco dal Fr. Agostino di S. Carlo, in verso…» L.1967, Ep.V p.174: «...il suo Carlo Antonio [figlio del S. Cinquevie] quest’ anno ha disprezzato molte giornate il veder il corso per ritrovarsi nella rappresentazione di S. Orsola che hanno fatto li alunni del nostro Collegio nella quale egli haveva tre o quattro parti differenti et per esser stata propostami otto o dieci dì prima del Carnevale, hanno fatto assai meglio che io pensavo». L.389, Ep.II p.53: «Quanto alla rappresentazione di S. Maddalena essendo cosa breve e divota la potranno recitare ma con questo che non ci mandino qui per panni né per altre cose che ci siano di impedimento.» L.1735, Ep.V 14-15: «Quanta poi alla rappresentazione di S. Gioseppe in modo alcuno non si faccia nella quaresima, ma se fussi preparata per il Carnevale all’hora si potrebbe fare, pero essendo cosa breve che non passasse hora e mezza o al più due hore.» Cf. also p.307-308 n.1145-1146, Letter of Fr. Bafici addressed to Fr. General; Nikolsburg 24-9-1639 (EEC p. 72): «È stata ultimamente da noi esibita la rappresentazione di S. Bonifatio.»

The students of the Pious Schools, who imitated the holy life of their “little friends”, were able to repeat the famous phrase of St. Augustine: “If they could do it, why not you? “This aspiration certainly expressed their inner certainty, their noble and spontaneous inclination towards an ideal that was so close to them and relatively easy to achieve.

The first among these saints were the two martyrs of Alcalá, Saints Just and Pastor, who, still disciples of the first elements, gave their tender lives for the faith in Christ under the empire of Diocletian[1733]. Their feast day, August 9, was always celebrated with special solemnity: with hymns, laudi and verses, with solemn academies[1734], performances[1735] and with the Holy Communion of all the students. Their holy cards were printed and distributed among the schoolchildren[1736]. The same was done with the three young martyrs of Sicily, Saints Alphius, Philadelphius and Cyrinus[1737]. And not only on their feast days, but also on the other days of the school year, the teachers often focused their lectures on the lives and virtues of these saints, full of effective teachings[1738].

1733 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.295, according to which one of the chapels of the church of San Pantaleo was dedicated to Saints Justus and Pastor; and the deposition of Fr. G. Fedele (Processus ne probationes perirent fol. I 84: Reg. Cal. 31): «...e nella puerile età faceva celebrare solennemente loro la festa delli Santi Giusto e Pastore, che viene alli sette d’ Agosto, e delli Santi Alfio et Filadelfio e Cirino, facendoli tutti comunicare in questa festa, per esser tutti martiri d’età tenera.» L.1642, Ep.IV p.262: «Haverò caro di intendere che festa hanno fatto costì il giorno di S. Giusto et Pastore, qui si fece assai bene con gran concorsi; vi venne la Signora Donna Costanza con molte altre signore.» L.849, Ep.III p.278: «Mandi un libro che sta costì detto Iconologia, etc., che qui ne havemo bisogno per le compositioni da farsi per la festa di S. Giusto et Pastore.» L.800, Ep.III p.239: «... farò cavar il disegno di S. Giusto e Pastore et mandarò subito fatto.» L.771, Ep.III p.217: «...ho caro che il Signor Aniello perficioni la sua capella. Quella però del Signor Vitto Giacomo, vedano tra tutti di dargli titolo a proposito della devotione degli scolari come di S. Giusto et Pastore o altro che parerà più a proposito loro.»

1734 Cf. BAU, o.c., p.1162, quoting Caputi (t.3 p.6a p.43 n.170): «Alli sette d’ Agosto fu fatta una Academia di S. Giusto e Pastore de’ quali fu introdotta questa festa dal Padre Fondatore per dar esempio alli scolari che prendessero buoni costumi dalla vita e martirio di questi santi, alli quali non solamente fece far una cappella con un bellissimo quadro al Naturale fatto dal famoso Pittore chiamato il Porno Aransio (Pomarancio) come si vede nella chiesa di S. Pantaleo fatto fare a spese della Signora D. Costanza Barbarina cognata di Papa Urbano VIII de’ quali era molto devota; con l’esempio suo concorrevano molte Dame a questa devotione cui facevano una bellissima festa e molte concorrevano con elemosine acciò sia celebrata con ogni solennità; e non contento di questo introdusse anco che si facesse questa festa all’oratorio delli scolari con bellisimi apparati e musica, con farvi accademia con un panegirico, poema, epigrammi, tutto recitato da scolari megliori delle nostre scuole con altre compositioni curiose che dedicava a qualche Principe o Cardinale per dar animo ai scolari...»

1735 Cf. Eph. Cal. IV (1935) 114, where in the bibliographical index of the works of Fr. Carlo Mazzei there is also the work entitled Constantia commendata in SS. MM. Justo et Pastore germanis fratribus per primanos et secundanos in Scholis Piis (Romae 1647).

1736 L.213, Ep.II p.231: «Si mandano otto immagini della Madonna di Frascati et otto fogli de’ santi piccolini per dare a fanciulli.» Their images in the Church were given special treatment; cf. Libro delle Uscite della casa di S. Pantaleo: Reg. Cal. XI 113 (12-8-1625): «15 libretti d’oro per indorar la cornicia di S. Giusto e Pastore, giuli 3». In addition, it was desired that the altars dedicated to them would be privileged. Cf. L.791, Ep.III p.230: «Quanto all’Altare privilegiato per la capella di Sti Giusto e Pastore ne ho parlato col Sig. Cardinal de Torres nostro vicino et mi disse che fuor di Roma non si concedono dove non siano otto messe quotidiane et ne anco si concedono per tutta la settimana continua, ma per alcuni giorni di essa, faro la prova di ottenerla, ma in cotesta chiesa non vi sono otto messe quotidiane ne delli nostri vi possono essere così presto tutte otto et quando vi fussero pensarei haverlo con qualche vantaggio».

1737 Cf. The testimony of Fr. Fedele, cit. in n.1733; also, P. BARTLIK, o.c., «annus Christi 1628» (Eph. Cal. IX [1940] p.130): «Sanctorum trium regum, quibus in veteri Ecclesia S. Pantaleonis aram erexit [Fr. Caspar Dragonetti] ad honorandum sacrosanctum Epiphaniae mysterium, cultum promovit prouti etiam sanctorum trium puerorum Martyrum Alphii, Philadelphi, et Cyrini, quorum martirio sua patria Leontinum decorata est.» Their feast is celebrated generally on May 10th.

1738 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «Non trattino con gli scolari cose non pertinenti agli esercitij scolastici, lasciando affatto ogni curiosità e quando hanno qualche poco di tempo, i loro ragionamenti siano di cose spirituali, e li raccontino qualche esempio di virtù premiata e di vizio punito, et in particolare nei fanciulli». «Dopo pranzo nelle feste si insegnerà la Dottrina Cristiana in chiesa nostra, overo nelle altre secondo che lo stimerà spediente il Superiore locale, e mentre si vano raunando, dovrebbe assistervi uno de’ nostri, e se fosse sacerdote, riuscirebbe con maggior gravità il quale cercarà di trattenere gli figliuoli con qualche discorso spirituale e con raccontare alcuni esempij, e particolarmente dei santi occorrenti e de’ fanciulli...»

In addition to these holy children, St. Joseph, the chaste spouse of the Virgin Mary, St. Charles Borromeo, the great cardinal of the Counter-Reformation, and St. Philip Neri, the gentle reformer of Roman morals, were also proposed to the pupils as objects of their special veneration. Their feasts were also celebrated with great solemnity. On the feast of St. Joseph, his office was even recited[1739].

1739 Cf. TALENTI, o.c., p.499; Summarium super dubio n.9 p.58, testimony of Dionisio Micara: «Spesso il Calasanzio soleva dire o far dire: Lodato e ringraziato sempre sia il nome di Gesù e di Maria, S. Carlo e S. Filippo in Compagnia». Regarding St. Philip Neri see also p.247-248; moreover, the following letter of Fr. Giambattista Constantini di S. Tecla, from which it is deduced that this Father wrote a little work on the life of St. Philip (EHI p. 787; Norcia 2-6-1646): «Circa li libretti di S. Filippo Neri già da me stampati si contenti V. P. mandarmi risposta se ci ha o no, desiderandone detto Padre [P. Ercole Polini, della Congregazione dell’Oratorio] almeno tre dozzine.» Regarding St Joseph, see L.204, Ep.II p.225: «Mando ancora due figure di S. Giosef, ma non l’ho trovato se non di questa maniera con Xro. et la Madonna come vederà». L.208, Ep.II p.228: «Quanto all’ofitio di S. Gioseppe ne mando pure due altri con una figura dove sono le meditationi circa la vita di Gioseppe». L.3355, Ep.VII p.226: «V. R. mi scriva l’occasione con che si è fatto l’essercizio delli scolari in chiesa il giorno di S. Giuseppe, che si soleva fare nel cortile delle scuole». See also, p.420-421 and L.4453, Ep.VIII p.377.

The Pious Schools and their students especially venerated St. Thomas Aquinas, above all because of his angelic purity, but also because he was such a famous doctor of Holy Mother Church[1740]. On the occasion of his annual feast, a special celebration was held in which all students were given a blessed cord with the following prayer: “Per merita Angelici Doctoris puritatis donum Deus tibi concedat. Resp. Amen.”[1741]

1740 According to the lstruzione per i Maestri (Reg. Cal. XII 52; Arch. Scholarum Piar. V [1940] 32), every day, at the beginning of the lessons, a short prayer was recited, imploring his intercession for the success of the studies.: «Al fin delle Scuole faranno dire a tutti le litanie della Beatissima Vergine et al principio l’ oratione solita di Sto. Thomaso o altra col Angele Dei».

1741 Cf. PICANYOL, Ex libro losephi Font: Eph. CaI. XII (1943) 61; see also article of Fr. Picanyol in Eco dei nostri centenari n.4 p.9. Also the testimony of Fr. Fedele (Processus ne probationes perirent p.309-310 [Reg. Cal. 31]: «Quanto grande fosse la sua purità di vita, lo dimostra l’intima applicazione che haveva et hebbe in tutto il tempo della sua vita alla buona educazione dei Giovinetti, premendo particolarmente nella modestia e candore dei costumi, e nel regolare tutte le loro operationi per insinuarli sentimenti di integrità et innocenza di vita. In ordine a che il Giorno di S. Tommaso d’ Aquino [se non erro il giorno] ordinava a tutti li giovanetti che da lui e da suoi Religiosi erano istrutti che si provvedessero di un cingoletto con il quale doppo havergli dato il detto Servo di Dio la beneditione, gli faceva cingere li fanciulli a titolo d’impetrare da Sua Divina Maesta per l’intercessione di S. Tommásso ed imitatione del medesimo il dono della castità.»

On that day, all students commended themselves to his special protection[1742].

1742 This feast, later on, had an extraordinary development in some houses in Italy, Spain and Bohemia. Cf. the above-mentioned article by Picanyol. We are pleased to note that the Pious Schools preceded Leo XIII, who declared St. Thomas Patron of Catholic schools, with this gesture by more than two centuries.

With regard to the liturgical celebration of all these feasts, we should note that Calasanz generally wanted it to be simple, pious and positive, without much externality, with simple and edifying speeches and with frequent use of the sacraments[1743]. Undoubtedly, such a celebration of the saints’ feasts, held “with great heart and with great affection”[1744], which thought more of “devotion” than of “recreation”[1745], a celebration which did not allow “so much gunpowder and so much mortar”[1746], but which actually sought the true spiritual fruit with reflection, prayer and the sacraments, could not fail to achieve the goal sought by the Pious Schools. Christ, the Blessed Virgin and the saints entered the real and concrete world of children and young people with powerful ideals and as effective spiritual forces that enlightened their understanding and attracted their will. In this way, the spiritual world of young people became ready to take more concrete and decisive steps on the path that leads to Christ, on the path that leads to his kingdom, where he reigns in a gentle and inexpressible communion of life with the saints.

1743 L.413, Ep.II p.367: «Procuri che la festa si faccia con gran divotione et che li scolari che sono di communione si communichino et li piccoli si confessino come spero che haveranno fatto». L.162, Ep.ll p.199: «Io non credo di poter venire a cotesta festa ma vi verranno alcuni dei nostri et non conviene far per l’avvenire simili esteriorità di festa ma più positivamente che sia possibile». L.180, Ep.II p.212: «Quanto alla festa voglio che si faccia positivamente come la fanno li PP. Cappuccini senza musica né paramenti come li anni passati ma sibene con frequenza di confessione et communione delli scolari et con alcuni sermoni per esempio buono del popolo». L.871, Ep.III p.294: «L’avviso della communione generale di così gran numero di scolari fatta il giorno dell’Ascenzione mi è stato di grandissima consolatione per esser questo uno dei principali o vero principal mezzo per far copioso frutto col nostro istituto nelli giovinetti. Il Sig. li vada sempre acrescendo nel fervore santo per diventar tutti santi.» L.872, Ep.III p.295-296: «Gran disturbo è per li religiosi l’occupatione circa tante cose ogni anno, come sono queste della festa presente et costì li cappuccini né quei di S. Bonaventura né quei di capo Croce si intrigano in simili cose per non distrahersi in cose che appartengono più a secolari che a religiosi reformati et ogni cosa tocca a negotiar et proveder a noi, però non penso col aiuto del Sig. far altre volte come si è fatto per il passato.» L.625, Ep.III p.121: «Ho letto la gran festa esterior che havete fatta in honore della Madonna Sma. Et Dio sa se vi è perso più che guadagnato che la Madonna Sma. vuole più di divotione che di simili feste, siane pur lodato il Signore.» L.1085, Ep.III p.453: «Quanto alla festa della Sma. Annuntiata, ne sia lodato il Sig. sempre che sia stata con tanto frequenza di Smi. Sacramenti celebrata che è il vero frutto che da simili solennità si deve cavare piaccia al Sig. che vada sempre di bene in meglio». L.870, Ep.III 293: «Mi pare un gran disturbo per cotesta casa di Frascali et anco per questa di Roma il far la festa con tante esteriorità, però dovemo procurar di farla per l’avvenire con più semplicità e meno disturbo. Questo di tanta polvere et mortaletti non mi piace niente, ma come ho detto col tempo si accomodarà ogni cosa...»

1744 L.641, Ep.II p.264.

1745 L.1800, Ep.V p.55.

1746 L.870, Ep.III p.293.

In this context, it should also be noted that Calasanz, in order to make the salutary influence of these sublime ideals that he presented to his children even more effective and vivid, considered it useful to make use of the extremely effective means of the contrasting examples of some sinners known from sacred history and civil history. Such examples could instill in their souls a genuine contempt, indeed a hatred of sin and a horror of its sad consequences.[1747] “Contraria iuxta se posita magis elucescunt.” Thanks to this psychology, the ideals introduced, rooted with paternal and priestly care in the world of youth thirsting for eternal values, shone with greater intensity and with “more lasting certainty”. In the powerful sphere of influence of such ideals, a lively and spontaneous desire for the full realization of the entire Christian law in the practice of their lives, their youthful existence, did not fail to arise in the young pupils of the Pious Schools. The task of the Calasanzian educator was to help, encourage and support so that this desire could be truly satisfied and translated into concrete and effective action. It was then up to the teachers to show their students “the path to spiritual life”[1748]. Thus, the educators remained in the realization of the most practical, positive and concrete part of the moral and religious education of children and young people[1749].

1747 L.1410, Ep.IV p.231, cit. in n.844; cf. also n.1227. Such examples are also found, in large numbers, in Centuria di esempi notabili, of Fr. Apa; cf., e.g., the prec.1 n.3 «Della devotione del fanciullo Samuelle e del castigo dato da Dio ad Eli Sacerdote, perché non riprendeva i suoi indevoti figliuoli» (o.c., p.10); the prec.2 n.3 «Come il giovanetto Davide ebbe vittoria et uccise nel nome di Dio il Gigante Golia, che bestemmiava l’esercito d’Israele» (p.54); the prec.4 «Della maleditione data a Cam dal suo Padre Noè per i suoi mali portamenti verso di lui» (p.114); the prec.6 n.4 «Si riduce un giovane per la fornicatione e lussuria a pascer porci, e poi riconosce il suo peccato, e si converte» (p.118).

1748 L.688, Ep.III p.162.

1749 Cf. Constit. (p.2nd c.9 n.201): «Curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit, ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere».

6. The exercise of the theological and cardinal virtues. The principal virtues of the student. The education of purity

The main point here was to make students willing and able to make use of one of the most powerful means for all true moral and spiritual progress, namely the close and daily examination of their conscience. Indeed, without this reflection of the student on himself, without this intimate and delicate self-control in relation to the ideals he aspires to, without this clear, profound and impartial criticism of his own points, without this incentive to sincere repentance and to solid and spontaneous resolutions to change, true moral and religious progress would be impossible. It is certainly in the sanctuary of conscience that the true holy children of God are made. But even if the educator should not and could not enter this sanctuary, he should do everything to make it truly what God wants it to be: the unshakable rock of human spirituality, the mysterious meeting place of the divine and the human, the tender sense of the eternal laws of God.

For this reason, the students of the Pious Schools were instructed to make their examination of conscience every day[1750], and they were carefully taught how to do it well[1751].

1750 Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno, where we can read: «per la notte a hore 3 e due quarti: Oratione e essame di coscienza un quarto d’hora». Cf. also P. Joannes a Iesu Maria (Liber de pia educatione c.13 p.20 pt. 7): «Examinent propriam conscientiam antequam cubitum eant; ubi per quadrantem horae poterunt orationem protendere».

1751 Cf. Breve Relazione (p.8): «Si tiene parimente in luogo publico... il modo di essaminar la coscienza.» See also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «...[all’oratione continua] assisterà uno dei nostri e questo anche potrà istruire i figliuoli... il modo di essaminare compitamente la coscienza.»

N.B. The examination of conscience as a preparation for holy confession will be dealt with later, when we speak of confession.

While they tried to educate the conscience of the young people and make it more sensitive every day in order to make it a prudent and sure guide of their souls and actions, they also thought of developing the theological and moral virtues in them. This method is really logical, for the conscience cannot develop without having a suitable object for the effective exercise of its faculties, nor can acts of virtue be truly perfect without the effective guidance of the conscience. The practice of such an education was as follows: It began in the morning with the so-called offering of the virtues, i.e. the dedication of all the actions of the beginning day to the Lord[1752]. This offering could also be renewed at the beginning of the evening lessons[1753]. Its text was written by Calasanz himself[1754].

1752 Cf. Breve Relazione (p.8): «Si tiene parimente in un loco publico la lista delli essercizij spirituali... et la direttione et atti di virtù da farsi ogni mattina» (cf. n.1225).

1753 Cf. n.1225; also P. IOANNES A IESU MARIA, o.c., c.13 «De catalogo exercitiorum spiritualium, quae pueris congruunt (p.20): 1. Directio matutina actuum illius diei ad gloriam Divinae Maiestatis et Beatissimae Virginis Mariae, cuius studiossimi esse debebunt.»

1754 Cf. Tria pia exercitia a.S. Josepho Calasanctio concinnata (p.10): «Direzione da farsi ogni giorno. Ah clementissimo Signore, Creatore del Cielo, e della terra, io confesso, che sono infinitamente obbligato ad amarvi sopra tutte le cose per la vostra immensa bontà. E mi pento con tutto il cuore d’avervi offeso per il passato, e propongo con l’aiuto vostro di non offendervi più per l’avvenire. Ed offro tutto me stesso al servizio vostro con i pensieri, parole, et di tutta la vita mia, e particolarmente di questa giornata, unite alli meriti infiniti dell’Unigenito Figliuol vostro, e Redentor mio Gesù Cristo, e della Beatissima Vergine e di tutti altri Santi in remissione delli miei peccati in ringraziamento di tutti i benefizi, che insino alla presente ora con tanto amore mi avete fatto, impetrare le virtù necessarie, e meglio servire et amare con tutto il cuore la vostra divina Maestà tutto il tempo della mia vita e finalmente per protestare l’altezza della Maestà vostra, ed unirmi con quella. Amen.»

As for the theological virtues, the saint wanted the students of the Pious Schools to know and repeat every day the supernatural acts of faith, hope and charity. For this purpose, special sheets were printed with the text of these acts[1755], and this text was even displayed in the atrium of the school building[1756]. These acts were probably performed in the morning, more precisely after the first common prayers[1757]; but they were also performed in the Continuous Prayer[1758], and at other times during the day, such as in the afternoon lessons[1759] and during recreation[1760].

1755 L.2835, Ep.VI p.323: «Quanto alli fogli da stamparsi V.R. lo faccia quanto prima e faccia che in tutte le scuole s’imparino, che pare gran vergogna et è gran mancamento che scolari grandi non sappiano fare gli atti di fede, speranza e carità, humiltà e contritione tanto necessarij.» L.3027, Ep.VII p.30: «Desidero che V.R. sopraintenda in che tutti gli scolari sappiano li misterij della Vita di Xro. et li essercitij spirituali et atti di virtù conforme gli fogli stampati in Roma et in questo sia molto sollecito»

1756 Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.8): «Si tiene parimenti in un loco pubblico la lista degli essercitij spirituali... et la direttione et atti di virtù da farsi ogni mattina.»

1757 Cf. previous note, also Riti comuni: «La mattina dopo queste orationi si potrebbe fare direttione degli atti, che è nel libretto a posta degli essercitij degli scolari con la prima virtù; e poi sonando le hore overo di quando in quando le altre, ad una per una.»

1758 Cf. Tria pia exercitia (p.15-16): «Exercitium pro oratione dicta continua fieri solita per discipulos Scholarum Piarum (impressum Romae 1693. Ex Italico latine redditum et reimpressum Wildbergae 1694)»

Actus fidei. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, unus in essentia et trinus in personis, Pater, Fili et Spiritus Sancte, ego firmissime credo totum id, quod credit et docet sancta catholica, apostolica, romana Ecclesia, sicut eidem Tu, prima Veritas infallibiliter revelasti; et pro ista fide paratus sum dare millies vitam. Credo in Deum Patrem, etc.

Actus spei. Confido et spero, Domine mi, per infinitam bonitatem et misericordiam tuam, necnon per merita passionis et mortis Iesu Christi Redemptoris mei, remissionem omnium meorum peccatorum, et tuam sanctam gratiam, ut Te non amplius offendam, sed cum tali auxilio pertingam ad aeternam beatitudinem. Pater Noster, etc.; Ave Maria, etc.

Actus charitatis. Amo te et volo Te amare, Deus meus, super omnia ex toto corde meo et ex totis viribus meis; quia Tu solus es unicum et summum Bonum meum et quia solus dignus es infinities amari; ita pariter amo et volo amare proximum meum propter Te. Pater noster, etc.; Ave Maria, etc.»

1759 Cf. n.1225.

1760 Riti Comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1): «Di quando in quando si possono interrompere li giochi, e farli fare qualche atto di virtù, oppure esercitarli con orationi giaculatorie per non ingolfarsi tanto nel giuoco, et assuefarli più destramente alla presenza di Dio». Cf. also P. IOANNES A lESU MARIA, o.c. c.13 «De catalogo exercitiorum spiritualium quae pueris congruunt» (p.20) «Cura presentiae Dei, ut scilicet curent Dei frequenter meminisse; dignos erga eum actus fidei, spei, amoris et contritionis producant»

To the acts of the three theological virtues, Calasanz wanted to add acts of humility and contrition[1761], virtues that can be attributed to charity itself. Contrition was particularly emphasized so that students could always live in the grace of God. Such acts were performed at the end of classes, both in the morning and in the afternoon[1762], and also during the Continuous Prayer[1763]. What deep and lasting impression did it make on the students to repeat such acts of contrition several times a day? This is proved by the case of a young man who, when his father was hanging dangerously from the branch of a tree, immediately made him recite the act of contrition as he had learned it in the Pious Schools[1764]. When this practice was done fully and methodically, the result was that the students were - humanly speaking - always in the grace of God and always living and working in his holy presence. But the supernatural acts of the theological virtues could not be performed well without the vow, at least implicitly, of an ever more faithful exercise of the moral virtues, especially the cardinal virtues. It can never be a true moral and religious education if the sure foundation for all the moral activities of the pupil is not first laid precisely through these virtues[1765].

1761 L.2835, Ep.VI p.223, cit. in n.1755.

1762 Cf. n.1229.

1763 Cf. Tria pia exercitia (p.16): «Actus contritionis. Poenitet me et doleo, Deus meus, quod Te toties et toties offenderim; cum Tu sis meum unicurn, verum, et perfectissimum Bonum; et propono firmiter mediante tua divina gratia amplius Te non offendere et potius mori quam committere vel minimum peccatum, propono fugere velle omnes ocasiones, quae me ad peccandum inducere possunt; et sum itidem paratus ad Te semper amandum et Tibi serviendum. Confiteor», etc.

1764 Cf. BARTLIK, o.c., «annus Christi 1601» (Eph.Cal.1 [1932] 244-245): «Accidit quod Revmus. Episcopus Lucensis D. Guidiccionius in Urbem appulsus, aliqua dierum suae hic demorationis in principalem quendam hortum exspatiatus fuerit, aurae capiendae, animique recreandi causa. Custos horti tam gratioso hospiti certa fructuum specie gratificaturus, festinus arborem conscendit, sed oppido infeliciter, nam vix in arbore fixit pedem, ruptis ex improviso suppedaneis ramis, ruens aliis inhaesit pendulus obverso capite deorsum. Filiolus Scholarum Piarum discipulus, non procul inde adstans, viso sui Patris periculo, exclamat fortiter: Pater mi! Pater mi! sequere me praeorantem; et voce quidem flebili, sed tamen intelligibili et distincta dicebat: Domine Deus, paenitet me Maiestatem tuam peccatis meis multis et magnis offendisse, etc ... Actum nempe contritionis puerulus, octennis forsan, integrum est prosecutus praeorando. Et vix finiit, Episcopus intervenit, ac pendenti de arbore hortulano per suos famulos succurri mandans; ad puerulum conversus, quis Te [inquit] ea docuit, quae tuo Patri modo dictasti? Frequento, respondit puerulus, Scholas Pias, Magister meus me similia docuit, monuitque ut quandocumque me videro in periculo vitae constitutum hac uterer orationis formula. Hinc Patri meo periclitanti cogitans profuturam, subiit in memoriam repente, ut eidem hanc oratiunculam praeorarem. Hisce auditis, visus est Dominus Episcopus non mediocriter laetari, et pro sua liberalitate praemiato puerulo, etiam Scholas Pias invisere dignatus est, qua occasione Patri nostro Iosepho innotuit».

1765 Cf. doctrine of St. Thomas: «Gratia non destruit sed supponit et perficit naturam.»

For this reason, in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, much emphasis was placed on the formation of the student’s moral virtues. These virtues “mores hominum secundum rectae rationis praescriptum componunt”[1766], i.e. they make man live according to the norms dictated by rational nature.

1766 E. GENICOT, lnstitutiones Theologiae Moralis 14 (Bruxellis 1939) vol. I p.193.

The ideal to be achieved in this area of moral virtue was the ideal of a perfect Christian student. According to Calasanz, this is a young man who is aware of his purpose and duties, who is dedicated to his studies, diligent, pious, modest, sincere, kind, happy, healthy and, above all, pure[1767].

1767 This was the ideal conceived by the Saint. It can be seen, first of all, in a prayer composed by him for the dressing of the students of Collegio Nazareno. (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Da quaesumus, Omnipotens Deus, ut hic famulus tuus N. qui ut Tibi ferventius deservire et proximis utilis esse possit ad studia litterarum in hoc Collegio incumbere desiderat, plena fide et forti animo in sancto proposito permaneat, tribue ei Domine humilitatem, castitatem, charitatem, oboedientiam omniumque virtutum incrementa ut ad meritum aeternae gloriae pervenire mereatur per Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum». Also from Constituzioni del Collegio Nazareno («...e si suoni la Campanella ad ogni hora, come sarà ordinato, acciò imparino così li Alunni la virtù dell’obbedienza, humiltà, modestia. Et che si tengano bassi et humili, acciò si ricordino di esser poveri e per questo se l’impongano offitii bassi»), from the Constitutions of the Order (Constit. p.3a c.6 n.317: «...[confessores scholarium] in laudem castitatis, Veritatis, Religionis et aliarum Virtutum... habeant aliqua sanctorum exempla») and from many similar letters of Calasanz as L.450, Ep.II p.392: «Procuri che vadano bene le scuole et che li scolari della p.a classe stiano con la modestia et obbedienza che si deve...» L.1923, Ep.V p.139: «V.R. haverà cura come Prefetto alle scuole acciò stiano modesti et respettino alli Padri». L.225, Ep.II p.238: «V.R. mandi a chiamar il Cechieneri et li dica da parte sua che lo riceveranno nelle scuole ma lo avertano che per l’avenire sia obediente et attenda con ogni diligenza allo studio...» L.4000, Ep.VIII p.133: «Alli scolari di Pieve di Cento. Pax Xsti. Dilettissimi Figli nel Signore... et desidero che la [Congregatione] frequentiate e che ne approfitiate con mostrar modestia e timore di Dio, perché con esso potrete sperar di fare anche profitto nelle lettere». L.859, Ep.III p.286: «Il figliuolo del Sig. Felice poco profitto fece nelle nostre scuole e ne ha fatto poco ancora nelle altre perché non studia et nella scuola non sta attento et in casa non lo solicitano niente tutavia se havesse perseverato nelle nostre scuole haverebbe forse fatto assai più profitto che fuori». L.563, Ep.III p.64: «In Ciaia pure ci offeriscono altro loco dove sono infiniti fanciulli poveri di quei pescatori et in questi fanciulli che vengono alle scuole vi sono di bonissimi ingenij et sono molto docili et vengono con gran diligenza alle scuole...» L.1773, Ep.V p.38: «...et con gran gusto hanno inteso che li giovinetti di coteste parti siano ornati di tanta modestia et silentio il che li farà più capaci per imparar le lettere...» L.180, Ep.II p.212: «Se viene a scuola per imparar può venir, ma per andar a spasso dall’una all’altra sarà più tosto d’impedimento che di profitto». L.471, Ep.II p.405: «Quanto alli giovinetti che stanno otiosi usi diligenza o che vadano a lavorar o alla scuola o faccia che il Barigello vi metta un poco l’authorità sua che così si risolveranno di attender a qualche cosa et non star otiosi». L.1243, Ep. p.115: «...io spero che Le sarà obbediente perché facendo altrimenti sarà grandemente castigato da Dio». L.1793, Ep.V p.51: «Il sabbato sera verranno costì per la festa dui o tre de nostri con dui soprani delli Alunni; non sono risoluto ma li insolenti dell’ anno passato furono mandati via et questi che hoggi vi sono, sono molto modesti...» L.638, Ep.III p.129: «Io vi sto del continuo nel novitiato et non ho visto mai li novitij cosi allegri sani et contenti come adesso».

N. B. It is to be supposed that Calasanz followed the same criteria with the school children that guided him with so much satisfaction in the formation of the young novices.

On the subject of the obedience of the pupils, we should still refer to the corresponding parts of the Orders for the schools of Campi and Narni. (Reg.Cal. XIII 32): «Anderanno sera e mattina alle case loro con la squadra in compagnia de Padri con silentio e modestia, avvertendo di obbedire ai semplici cenni dei Padri nelle cose che gli verranno ordinate». «Tutti porteranno ogni rispetto et obbedienza a qualsivoglia de Padri nostri tanto in scuola, quanto in chiesa, o per le strade, o in altro luogo, avvertendo di esseguire quanto li sarà imposto senza mostrare repugnanza e però trovandogli in qualsivoglia luogo sempre li salutino, il che faranno con altri sacerdoti et altre persone ecclesiastiche». L.١٧٧٣, Ep.V p.38): «Mi è stata cara la sua lettera et similmente al P. Francesco et fratello Camillo e con gran gusto hanno inteso che li giovinetti di coteste parti siano ornati di tanta modestia et silentio il che li farà più capaci per imparar le lettere». L.2249, Ep.V p.392: «Quanto al fratello Giulio quando li suoi scolari fussero tanto modesti che non havessero bisogno di altra correzione si potrebbe star senza castigarli il Prefetto». Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Che si parli sempre modestamente con voce bassa ed humile, che si riveriscano insieme e si assuefacciano alle buone e sante creanze, che si astengano da contese et ingiurie e dal toccarsi insieme, e dal burlare indecentemente. Che siano colli Superiori molto obbedienti, e con tutti molto affabili, nel resto si lascia alla prudenza del Superiore». See also the regulations of the Breve Relazione, cited on pp. 344-350. About the purity of the students will be discussed later.

The educator had to “inculcate these virtues in the minds of the children and accustom them to them with fruits”[1768]. The most important means of practicing these moral virtues was to instill in the students a certain love and initial desire for them and at the same time to awaken in them a hatred of their opposite, i.e. sin[1769]. And this was to be achieved both by imparting attractive ideals through liturgy, preaching, exhortations and congregations, as we have seen above[1770], and through the exemplary life of the educator[1771]. And also through the supernatural means of prayer, which was held primarily by the educator for this purpose[1772], but also by the student himself[1773], and finally through the frequency of the sacraments[1774].

1768 Cf. n.1225.

1769 Cf. n.1227; n.844; Constit. (p.2a c.9 n.201): «...curabunt magistri ubi occasio se obtulerit ad obsequium et amorem virtutum eos benigne inducere...»

1770 Cf. p.465-492.

1771 Cf. p.193-194, with notes; see also what has been said about the charity, patience, humility and poverty of the Calasanctian educator. (p.139-162).

1772 Cf. p.165-167 with notes.

1773 Cf. n.1841

1774 This will be discussed later; cf. also BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.2 fol.4): «Erano le scuole esercitate da Padri con tanta carità e diligenza che in poco tempo si vidde indotta nella gioventù una modestia e divotione non ordinaria, poiché oltre all’essercitio delle Scuole, Oratorii, Congregationi e Dottrina Christiana, con la frequenza delli santissimi Sacramenti, della Penitenza et Eucarestia erano quotidianamente con li PP...»

Having said all this, the diligent, patient and merciful support of the teacher and the entire teaching staff through their pedagogical art, the prudent orders and school regulations and finally the vigilant control of the pupil corresponded to the achievement of all the rest[1775].

1775 Regarding control, see what was said above on p.342; also BERRO (o.c. t.1 1.2 fol.4): «Erano [gli scolari] quotidianamente con li Padri poiché il dopo pranzo nei giorni di festa fra la Dottrina et il Vespro, e le Vacanze ne andavano con i Padri tutti in più luoghi della città per loro recreatione, venendo essercitati in diversi modestissimi giuochi et di tempo in tempo anco in lodi spirituali delle quali così li figli, como ancora chi vi si tratteneva ne traeva profitto grande per le anime loro».

In all this formation of the moral virtues of the student, the great energy with which Calasanz insisted on the spirit of sincerity and truthfulness in children and young people, as an indispensable condition for any solid education in truth, deserves special mention[1776].

1776 Constit. (p.3rd c.6 n.317): «Habeant methodum facilem interrogandi eos, et in laudem Castitatis, Veritatis, Religionis et aliarum Virtutum... habeant aliqua Sanctorum exempla...» Processus ne probationes perirent, testimony of Fr. Francesco Biscia, theatine (Reg.Cal. 31 fol. 7 p.185-186): «...come osservante fu della Verità, onde a fanciulli istessi che dicevano qualche minima bugia, li correggeva dicendogli: disgratiati, non sapete cosa è bugia, e li castigava acremente, e questo lo so per haverlo visto e osservato». Cf. also BAU, o.c. p.487; In this regard see also the treatise on the eighth commandment in Centuria di esempi, del P. Apa (o.c. p.258-299), where the seventh example is: «Un giovane dice bugia contro sé stesso e ne perde la vita; salvando miracolosamente la sua una donna, perché non volle essere bugiarda»; the first, «Daniele e Susanna», and the third, «Si industriano molti d’ingannare S. Giosafat, ma restano delusi e convertiti».

Cf. with this c.55 de la Educazione Christiana dei Figliuoli, of cardinal Silvio Antoniano, «Della virtù della verità» (p.59-61): «Per tanto, il buon Padre avvezzi il suo figliuolo ad essere verace a fuggire sopra modo le bugie et ogni vitio contrario et opposto a quella virtù, come la duplicità, la simulatione, l’hipocrisia, la giattanza et altre simili».

He also insisted on modesty, humility and a spirit of reflection; virtues that are rare in children, but necessary and fundamental for true spiritual and intellectual development[1777]. Special attention and care were given to the education of young people in purity[1778]. The system used for this purpose was meticulous and effective and can be described as preventive par excellence. First, the ideal of purity was taught to the students using a positive method. Then, with attractive examples[1779] and at the same time, every effort was made to ensure that the main actor in this education, i.e. the Calasanzian teacher, also possessed the same virtue, untainted and unpolluted, with whose charm and splendor he could attract the students like a “magnet” to practice it[1780]. Then, by the same positive method, they tried to make them mortify their senses in order to ensure the supremacy of the will and the mind in all their actions[1781].

1777 As for modesty, in addition to the documents cited above, we can still see c.14 of the often-cited Liber de Pia educatione, with title «De cultu modestiae» (p.21): «Maximi certe ponderis est in aetate tenera modestiae cultus, quo illa more angélico decoretur. Quapropter eam ultimo loco, velut singulare ac pretiosissimum ornamentum eius aetatis posuimus. Magistri ergo pueros hortentur, ut oculos et totius corporis moderationem ad Iesu Christi Domini Nostri in ea aetate cum hominibus versantis exemplar coaptent, et nihil ferant incivile, et quovis genere incompositum admittant.» As for the function of this modesty and humility in the life of the student, in addition to the passages already cited, it seems instructive to consult what has been said about the humility, modesty and simplicity of the Calasanctian “educator” (p.148-152). Regarding humility, see also Varie lettere. Domanda per l’habito, 17-7-1632 (EHI p.115): «Revmo. Patri Generali Scholarum Piarum Ioannes Baptista Arascerius S. P. D. Quanti fecerim semper Religionem Vestram P. Reverendissime te facile ex humanissimo praeceptore meo intelligere arbitror; cum nihil aliud moleste tulerim ab ineunte aetate, nisi pueritiam, qua prohibebar vobis in hac luctuosa vita adiungi socium! expleto verum iam modo decimo quarto anno idoneam ad habitum suscipiendum vestrum aetatem habere confidens, has nullo quidem verborum ornatu refertas litteras ad Te exarare animum induxi meum, ad Te inquam, apud quem pluris semper, ut audio plus habet humilitas ponderis, quam doctrina superbis, non clarissimis humilitatis ornata fulgoribus. Quam virtutem, et fundamentum et basem virtutum omnium docente Xro esse, persuasum atque apertum est omnibus; et cum nulla sit modo in universo terrarum orbe Religio quae magis huic humilis Xri. aientis: Sinite parvulos venire ad me, respondeat humilitati, quam vestra, cumque multa mihi de pietate, tuaque erga humiles benevolentia dicatur, peto abs te mirum in modum, ut me humilimum abjetissimumque recipias promittoque me divina suffragante gratia ita in Religione gesturum ut nunquam poeniteat Te liberalitatis et clementiae tuae, Tu vero quod optimum Dei honori et saluti meae maxime utile fuerit, decernas. Vale Savonae, decimo sexto Cal. Aug. 1632».

1778 Already the Breve Relazione stated on this point as follows (vol.cit. p.8): «Si tiene cura particolare nell’honestà togliendo via strettissimamente tutte le occasioni con la qual diligenza e con la frequentia de sacramenti per gratia del Signore si conservano li Scolari in gran purità, moltissimi delli quali quando sono di età si vestono religiosi in diverse religioni». Calasanz’ exhortations on this subject are frequent. (cf. L.374, Ep.II p.334): «...Manca solamente che V.R. persuada alli scolari grandi che lascino la strada grande del senso che li guida direttamente all’inferno et che si diano alla frequenza de sacramenti se vogliono vivere et morire come si deve et il loro buon esempio sarebbe di gran frutto nelli altri scolari come adesso è di grandissimo danno et essi non lo conoscono». Calasanz had been advised by the author of Liber de pia educatione to be very solicitous in the education of purity (cf. c.10 p.17 «De cultu castitatis»): «Rarum est castitatis privilegium, ita ut aetas prima, vel sponte vel seducta miserrimo spectaculo, sordescat. Ex quo eficitur, ut semel corrupta iners lentaque ad omnia pietatis officia fiat. Quocirca diligentissime laborandum est; ut castitatis amor puerorum animos apte descripta tantae virtutis pulchritudine capiat. Laudes ergo castimoniae celebrandae et praeclara virginum utriusque sexus exempla proponenda sunt... denique corporis ieiunio, verberibusque castigandi modus prescribendus est». See also Exhortatio sexta ad Magistros (p.34): «Contemplentur vestem divinae gratiae candidam, qua pueritia pie culta procedit amicta, et candorem illibatum tueri pergant, caelestesque inspirationes, quas in ea aetate deprehendunt, vigilantissime foveant, ut antequam pueri saeculi vanitate seducantur, in tuto aliquo statu collocentur, ubi sine salutis aeternae iactura, vel etiam cum auctiore puritate, vitam casto Dei Timore amoreque contextam feliciter ducant».

N.B. Cardinal Silvio Antoniano also dedicated several chapters of his book to this subject.: c.87 «Dell’errore di alcuni indulgenti alla giovinezza» (p.85-86); c.88 «Delle cautele che si deve usar nel ragionar della castità» (p.88): «...fa grandemente di bisogno che il buon padre mentre ragiona co’l figliuolo di materia cosi lubrica stia ben avvertito et non discenda ai particolari» (this passage is also quoted in the encyclical Divini illius, of Pio XI); c.98 «Della frequenza dei sacramenti et dell’amor di Dio» (p.92-93); c.95 «Di varii rimedi per conservare la castità et prima della custodia degli sensi» (p.88-89); c.86 «Della cura paterna della castità del figliuolo» (p.85): «...il vitio de la carne è una rete grandissima con la quale il diavolo trahe infinite anime nella perditione eterna. Et benché niuna età è sicura da gli stimoli carnali... tuttavia più comunemente suol infestare questo nemico domestico la adolescenza, et la giovanezza, quando la copia del sangue è maggiore, et boglie più forte, et però è necessario a cominciar di buon’hora a far ripari contra l’incendio che abbrucia tante anime... et però conviene che la buona educatione sia in questa parte sollecita continuando di tempo in tempo con opportuni rimedij, con i quali, et con la divina gratia principalmente... potrà il nostro giovanotto conservarsi vaso puro et mondo del signore preparato per il cielo in honore et santificatione».

1779 As, e.g., the Virgin Mary, the holy children Justus and Pastor, St. Thomas, etc.; various examples about chastity and the opposite vice are given in Centuria d’esempi, by Father Apa. It is instructive to see how he treats this argument.: prec.6 proemio (p.181): «Nel sesto precetto della divina legge ci comanda Iddio, che non facciamo fornicatione, nel che ci vengono proibiti tutti i peccati carnali. Questa deformità della carne talmente dispiace al nostro Iddio che per essa castigò tutto il mondo co’l diluvio, e purgò con quelle acque le brutte macchie della libidine, bruciò le cinque città di Sodoma, perché tutti gli abitatori di quelle bruciavano nell’amor nefando, che finalmente non si legge che tanto universalmente e con tanto vigore abbia punito nessuno altro misfatto, quanto questo dell’impurità, quindi è che esso si elesse la Madre Vergine, et avendo permesso, che i suoi nemici mille false calunnie gli apponessero non volle mai però permettere che di simil fatto lo calunniassero, e se egli con speciale amore accarezzò il glorioso Apostolo et Evangelista S. Giovanni, fu perché quello era vergine, come poi perseverò in tutto il tempo della sua vita. Il Dottor delle genti S. Paolo va numerando i peccati della lussuria e poi pronuncia contra gli immondi quella tremenda sentenza, cioè questi tali non possederanno il Regno di Dio, anzi vuole, che tra i Cristiani, i quali sono stati santificati co’l santo Battesimo per mezzo del sangue di Cristo, ne pur si nomini la fornicazione, che però i servi di Dio sono fuggiti da questo peccato, come dall’unica peste dell’anima: imperocché quantunque ogni peccato sia peste dell’anima nostra nulla di meno questo della carne corrompe et ammorba in tal maniera tutto l’huomo, che gli si tende quasi impossibile il poter ritornare alla nettezza dell’anima, e alla bellezza e purità delle sante virtù; la onde le conversioni di alcune persone state prima immonde si predicano per tutti miracolose, come di una Maria Magdalena, di un’ altra Maria Egittiaca, di S. Agostino, che stimava impossibile che S. Ambrogio poteva vivere senza donna, e di altri molti. Dai seguenti esempi dieci si potranno molto ben raccorre i mezzi adoperati da gli amici di Dio per conservare intatta questa gioia, e i gran mali che son avvenuti a quelli che non si sono curati di violarla. I. Quanto patì prima, e poi fu da Dio esaltato il Giovanetto Gioseppe per difesa della sua purità (p.183). II. Come fu desolata un intiera popolatione per la fornicatione d’un Giovane (p.191). III. Il giovane Tobia ammogliandosi con buona intentione non è offeso dal demonio (p.194). IV. Si riduce un giovane per la fornicatione e lussuria a pascer porci, e poi ricohnosce il suo peccato, e si converte (p.198). V. Un giovanotto, per non voler acconsentire alle libidinose voglie di un Re muore Martire (San Pelagio, p.202). VI. De la gran purità di S. Edmondo, e come si liberò dall’importunità di una Giovane che l’incitava al peccato (p.206). VII. Come l’Eremita S. Giacomo riportò nella sua gioventù gloriosa vittoria della sua carne (p.209). VIII. Della modestia e purità di S. Bernardino da Siena (p.214). IX. Della grande purità di S. Emerico Principe di Ungheria (p.218). X. Della meravigliosa castità di S. Casimiro Principe di Polonia» (p.222).

See also the prec.9 «Non desiderare la donna d’altri» (p.308-310): «Nel nono comandamento delta divina legge ci viene dal nostro Iddio proibito il desiderare la donna altrui, nel che si possono comprendere tutti gli peccati disonesti, che si vogliono fare co’l solo pensiero, perche vedendo Iddio l’intimo de’ nostri cori, ci vuole mondi, casti e puri, non solo nell’esterno, ma ancora nell’interno, et in tutti i nostri pensieri, i quali se ben all’huomo sono nascosti nulladimeno all’omnipotente Re del cielo sono manifestissimi. Pero il Santo Giob temendo di non offender co’l suo pensiero il suo Signore disse di se: Io ho pattuito coi miei occhi di ne pur pensare a fanciulla alcuna; e il medesimo Cristo nel Sacro Evangelio ci avvertisce di simile fallo, che co’l solo pensiero si commette che dice: chi vedrà una donna con desiderio non buono, ma inonesto, già è incorso nel peccato di lussuria. E di vero la purità della Religione Cristiana per questo è assai lodevole, che non solo proibisce all’huomo in che o con le parole si incurre o con le opere, ma ancora i falli della sola mente confessando di avere per Signore un Dio, che penetra fino ai minimi pensieri dell’huomo. Quindi è che i Servi dell’ Altissimo hanno fatto ogni opera per mantenere pura la loro mente, et i loro pensieri, fuggendo ogni benché piccolissima occasione di si fatte colpe et adoperando mezzi efficacissimi, e maravigliosi per non dar luogo ne’loro cuori a laide et impure tentationi, come da’ seguenti esempii si potrà chiaramente vedere, scorgere: I. Un giovane tentato di carnalità è prima liberato dalla tentazione, che egli adopri mezzi efficaci per vincerla (p.311). II. Un giovane co’ denti si tronca la lingua, e gittala in faccia a una rea femina per non dar luogo a sozzi pensieri (p.313). III. S. Benedetto essendo giovane vince una gagliarda tentatione di carne co’l gettarsi nelle spine (p.316). IV. Come S. Vincenzo Ferreri fece resistenza a una gagliarda tentazione lasciva, e del castigo dato da Dio alla Donna che ne fu cagione (p.31). V. Un giovane caduto co’l pensiero in peccato di senso fu con particolare misericordia del Signore ritratto dall’esecutione di quello (p.323). VI. Che rimedio fu adoperato da un discreto superiore, per liberare dalle tentationi laide un giovanetto suo suddito (p.328). VII. Va un giovane per peccare con una sposa di Cristo e ne riporta gravissimo castigo (p.331). Vlll. S. Tomasso d’ Aquino vince animosamente l’importunità di una donna maritata che l’incitava al peccato (p.335). IX. Come un giovane liberò una Santa Vergine dal pericolo di perdere la verginità, e ne riportò per premio il morire martire di Cristo (p.340). X. Come S. Ignazio di Loiola rintrasse un giovane dal pensiero di peccare inonestamente con una donna» (p.347). Our Lady is very well presented as the ideal of purity in the two books of Fr. Franciotti Il Giovane Christiano and Il Giovanetto Christiano; cf. some chapters of Second part of Giovane Christiano: I. Della Bianchezza della Neve, sua prima conditione significante la purità dell’animo (p.86). II. Della purità della SS. Vergine (p.90.). III. Della candidezza della purità (p.94); for other chapters cf. p.317-319.

1780 Cf. n.429; regarding purity in the Calasanzian educator see p.158-162.

1781 See all that has been said about modesty (p.597-598 and 599), and about mortification in the Marian congregations (n.1715), and what the author of the Liber de Pia educatione had advised Calasanz in c.9 of his book (p.16): «De immoderatis appetitionibus coercendis. Experimentis plurimis perspectum est, pueritiam optime ad pietatem educari si crebro cohibeatur a parentibus vel magistris, ne ad propia desideria explenda praeceps feratur. Quamobrem oportebit pueros non indulgenter habere: sed incompositos motus compescere, ut patientiam ediscant... ut temperanter agere discant.» See also Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «5. Il venerdì non essendo occupato di festa che habbia vigilia, si darà solamente pane in sufficienza e vino et una minestra et se parerà al Superior ancora la pietanza et alla sera un poco di pane e di vino per mortificarsi in memoria della passione del N. Redentore». «Si assuefacciano a mortificarsi.»

At the same time, in this positive education for purity, a strictly preventive method was not neglected, which consisted in the scrupulous and vigilant control of the students, and in endeavoring to keep them away from any occasion where the precious virtue might be endangered[1782]. In accordance with these principles, efforts were made to keep them away from bad companions, from immoral words, conversations, books and theaters, from less lawful or dishonest games, and from dangerous baths[1783]. Restrooms were controlled and supervised[1784] and having a place in the school where students could be left alone was avoided[1785].

1782 Cf. Breve Relazione p.8.

1783 Cf. p.426-433. 537-540.

1784 Cf. n.1098.

1785 Cf. n.1207.

We must note here that Calasanz had a particular concern for the older students[1786]. Therefore, he did not want to admit them to his schools if they were over sixteen years old and something suspicious was seen in them[1787]. Or he would only admit them on a trial basis and after a prior general confession[1788]. The same applied to boarders. In this case, he also lowered the age limit to a maximum of fourteen or fifteen[1789]. In schools and boarding schools, he wanted older pupils to always be separated from younger ones[1790] and for peers to avoid excessive intimacy, hand-holding or other physical contact[1791].

1786 Cf L.368, Ep.II p.330: «Procuri quando li venga l’occasione di indur lo scolaro Giannino nipote del nostro benefattore ms. Francesco alla Religione o nostra o dei capuccini acciò non si svii costì con cattive compagnie che essendo un poco più di età ne passa gran pericolo.» L.374, Ep.II p.334; cit. en la n.1778.

1787 Cf. Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «...et li scolari grandi da 16 in su, se non saranno di buoni costumi non si accettino.»

1788 Ibid.: «...Et accettandosi si confessino prima et frequentino li sacramenti, altrimenti si mandino via.»

1789 L.2236, Ep.V p.377: «Cuanto poi al aprir costì [Cesena] le Scuole Pie prima vederanno gli essercitii del Colegio, et poi si parlerà delle Scuole Pie; de’ convittori si tratterà di poi, che dovendosi pigliar non vi voglio gioveni che passino quattuordeci o quindeci anni.»

1790 Cf. n.1264; also the toilets were separated (p.440-441 with notes).

1791 Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «E quando saranno fuori nella Ricreazione niuno ardisca di toccare con le mani o con i piedi il compagno nel far atto o gesto che disdica, ne trattino di loro troppo famigliarmente sotto gravissime pene, e quando il delitto arrivasse ad esser grave si manifesti al Generale, il quale proveda conforme li parerà conveniente.» «Si astengano da contese et ingiurie, e dal toccarsi insieme.»

Calasanz demanded increased vigilance in the seminaries and boarding schools, where he wanted each student to have his own private cabin, to which the others had no access and which was closed at night to avoid any possibility of dangerous circulation[1792].

1792 L.1977, Ep.V p.180-181: «Quanto poi al Seminario [di Ancona] io desidero che ognuno de seminaristi et anco de convittori tenga la sua camera piccola come sono le nostre acciò ognuno si possa da sé tener netto et anco acciò la notte il Superior li possa serrar da fuori et nissun possa uscire la notte et è meglior tener un servitor per nettar li vasi che star con sospetto di cose che sono offese gravi del Signore.» L.1967, Ep.V p.174: «Quanto al astringere la compra della casa per il Seminario [di Ancona] desidero che Mons. Illmo. sapia che per molte ragioni buone vorrei che li seminaristi havessero una cameretta per uno in un dormitorio e non stassero in camerette di sei o otto per camera et sarà molto meglio per li Alunni et anco per chi ne haverà cura.» L.1994, Ep.V p.191: «Scrissi dell’habito per i Seminaristi [di Ancona] parendomi convenevole: tuttavia lasciamo a loro gusto. Il medesimo proposi per le stanze separate: perché purtroppo si prova di continuo quanto male cagioni la libertà nel tempo notturno...» Cf. also Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Che nissuno entri nella camera di altri ne anco in quella del maestro senza licenza del Superiore, e quando vi si entrarà con licenza vi siano almeno tre e tenghino la porta aperta.»

In addition to these natural methods and means used in the Pious Schools to educate children and young people to purity, the supernatural means that Calasanz considered to be the most effective were not neglected. These means were prayer, confession and communion. With regard to prayer, which Calasanz described as “the only means of overcoming temptations”[1793], we have already seen how all the students implored the protection of the Most Pure Virgin with fervent, fervent and trusting prayers[1794], and we have also seen how every year on St. Thomas’ Day all the students implored the blessing and protection of the Angelic Doctor[1795]. As for the sacraments of Confession and Communion, we read in Breve relazione[1796] that Calasanz placed his firm hope in them and in their illuminating, preserving, healing and stimulating efficacy for a concrete and lasting result in this so delicate point of moral education. His letters also breathe the same conviction and hope[1797].

1793 L.3357, Ep.VII p.227.

1794 Cf. p.569-585.

1795 Cf. p.590.

1796 Vol.cit p 8

1797 L.471, Ep.II p.405; L.1759, Ep.V p.31; L.1441, Ep.IV p.250, cit. in n.1145.

As far as confession was concerned, according to the rules of the school[1798], every student had to be reconciled with the Lord at least once a month before the school confessor. But Calasanz wanted the already older, restless and unruly students to go to confession even more often (every week if possible) in order to avoid any moral danger and “extinguish youthful restlessness”[1799]. It was the task of the experienced confessor to guess who among the students needed such a remedy[1800] and then to persuade them to come to the sacrament, which for them was to be not only a remedy for the past, but also the promise and effective means for a better future[1801]. All this the confessor did with prudence, with discretion and with a kind of skill that could be described as professional[1802], since he was prepared with care for the cases in which the young people were most often involved[1803]. In the most difficult and delicate cases, Calasanz considered it necessary for the confessor to be consulted several times a week in order to receive genuine and fatherly spiritual guidance[1804]. From some documents, and especially from their context, it seems that certain general confessions that Calasanz required on the occasion of the entry of a slightly older student into the school or boarding school also had precisely this reason: possible stains of impurity had to be washed away with the blood of Christ before anyone could become part of the immaculate flock of his innocent children[1805].

1798 Cf. n.1152.

1799 L.3.091, Ep.VII p. 76: «Quanto al fratel Giovachino V. R. faccia che si confessi e communichi ogni Domenica che facendola con devotione si smorzeranno i romori giovanili.» L.1387, Ep.IV p.215: «...Le ricordo di nuovo che attenda alla confessione delli scolari che vederà che sono bisognosi di simil rimedio chiamandoli ogni Sabbato che questo è il nostro istituto et non l’attendere alli secolari che questo ha di esser accessorio, quando si haverà compito col aiuto delli scolari et vederà presto il miglioramento se V.R. le farà frequentar li sacramenti.» L.2590, Ep.VI p.170: «...le raccomando che spesso visiti le scuole, vedendo se ci sono scolari inquieti et facia che si confessino e communichino spesso.»

1800 L.1387, Ep.IV p.215, cit. In previous note. L. 1449, Ep.IV. p.225: «Ho caro che il P. Carlo attenda a catechizzar et confessar li scolari che sarà di grandissimo profitto mass.e se egli nota quelli che hanno più bisogno et ogni settimana li faccia confessar insieme con li più devoti acciò essi ancora diventino tali.»

1801 L.1759, Ep.V p.31; cit. n.1145.

1802 Cf. n.1150.

1803 Cf. n.837; n.1149.

1804 Cf. p.389-391.

1805 Cf. n.1157; n.1788; also, Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «Et per spatio di quattro o sei dì sin che sarà fatto l’habito se li insagnara dal ministro o da chi sarà deputato il modo di far la confessione generale»

Holy Communion certainly helped to integrate and achieve the manifold and salutary effects of confession. As the sacrament of the living par excellence, it was best able to exert its enlightening, preserving and stimulating effects for the good. It could ensure that, once the “youthful fears” were silenced, the purity of the young became more stable and rooted, for - as Calasanz said - “the power of this sacrament is great”[1806] and the Lord “can and often does bestow in Holy Communion a health more complete than that of the best medicine in the world”[1807].

1806 L.2258, Ep.V p.497: «...li scolari si confessino et communichino spesse volte perciò che è grande la forza de sacramenti accompagnati con pie esortationi dal maestro.»

1807 L.1565, Ep.IV p.341.

After all this, it is no wonder that Calasanz declared “that this sacrament is one of the most important or the most important means for our Institute to bear abundant fruits among the youth”[1808].

1808 L.871: Ep. III p.294.

7. The supernatural means of moral and religious education

Having considered in detail, as far as possible, the formation given to the student in the most important point of the theological and moral virtues, it seems indispensable and at the same time very useful to consider a little more attentively the supernatural means which they have tried to use for the said formation, namely prayer, confession, communion and holy mass.

Prayer

Prayer is not only an extremely effective means of moral and religious formation used by the educator and the student, but also a goal to be achieved. One of the main objectives of Calasanzian education[1809] was precisely that profound spirit of prayer which first had to be achieved in the student and then used for the praise and unceasing worship of God and for charitable aid to all mankind, but especially to the “Christian republic”.

1809 Cf. p.558-560.

Before speaking here about the student’s prayer, we must first note that the educator’s prayer[1810] was considered by Calasanz to be one of the most powerful and effective means of all Christian education, both intellectual and moral. It was necessary in order to obtain the grace and ability to “impart to the students, together with the letters, the holy fear of God”[1811] and to achieve the necessary improvement of the student[1812].

1810 Cf. p.166-168 with notes.

1811 L.4221, Ep.VIII p.249.

1812 L.2717, Ep.VI p.240; cit. in p.167.

As for the student’s prayer, the first thing to do was to teach him the right way to pray. Both the teacher and the prefect of Continuous Prayer had the special task of teaching the children entrusted to them how to pray and how to pray well[1813].

1813 Cf. n.1119 and n.1162.

All children had to know the most important prayers of Holy Mother Church, Our Father, Hail Mary, Creed[1814]. Also the usual prayers at the beginning and end of class, the Veni Sancte, Agimus tibi gratias, Angele Dei, the Angelic Salutation, the Rosary and some fervent prayers such as the Asperges when entering the church[1815] and the Adoramus te, Christe, et benedicimus tibi etc. when visiting the Blessed Sacrament[1816].

1814 Cf. Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 741): «...si provi dalli maestri a ciò deputati, se gli scolari imparano e sanno le cose necessarie per la salute dell’anima conforme all’obbligo della nostra santa fede, che sono il Simbolo degli Apostoli, l’Oratione Dominicale, Ia Salutatione Angelica», etc.

1815 Cf. n.1119.

1816 Cf. n. 1674.

N. B. This knowledge was also controlled; cf. Declarationes Constitutionum, «Super illa verba docebitque Magister quomodo se debeant pueri praeparare ad Scr. Paenitentiae...». (Reg. Cal. XII 47) «Declaravit unum futurum Gymnasium seu classem ad quod omnino accedendum sit iis qui scholas nostras adeunt, ut in illis erudiantur et periculum fiat an bene rudimenta fidei calleant et quae sunt ad salutem necessaria, nempe Oratio Dominica, Salutatio Angelica, Symbolum Apostolorum...»

A second step in this area was the prayer practice carried out by the students. In the feast and work schedule of the Pious Schools, in the Constitutions of the Collegio Nazareno and in the various school regulations, we clearly see that the whole life of the student was interwoven[1817] with short but frequent prayers, which were begun immediately after getting up, continued at the beginning of class, during the explanations and at the end of class, during Holy Mass and during the last evening visit to the oratory or church, and finally concluded with the last five Hail Marys before going to bed. The program of the feast days was even richer in prayers and psalms, which were recited or sung in solemn tones. Most of these prayers were addressed either to each of the Persons of the Most Holy Trinity, to the Father, the Son or the Holy Spirit, or to the Most Holy Mystery itself[1818], or to the Blessed Virgin[1819], to the Guardian Angel[1820], to the holy martyr children[1821], to St. Thomas[1822], to St. Philip Neri, to St. Charles and to other patron saints celebrated during the liturgical year[1823].

1817 Therefore, without making it heavy; cf the following instructions from Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. 74^1): «La mattina dopo la messa e la sera nella chiesa non si occupino gli scolari con moltitudine di orationi, ma solamente se li faccia dire un Pater noster un Ave Maria, dopo questo soggiungerà il Prefetto delle Scuole: Agimus Tibi gratias...»

1818 Cf. Tria pia exercitia (p.17) «Actus ad Sanctissimam Trinitatem».

1819 Cf. p.569-576.

1820 Cf. lstruzione per i Maestri: Arch. SchoIarum Piarum V (1940) 32; also Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «[All’inizio delle lezioni.] Ultimamente si raccomandano all’ Angelo Custode con dire: Angele Dei, qui custos es mei, me tibi commissum pietate superna, hodie illumina custodi, rege et guberna. Amen.»

1821 Cf. p.588-590.

1822 Cf. p.590.

1823 Cf. p.590.

As for their intentions, most of these prayers were petitions or prayers of thanksgiving. They asked God, the Virgin, the guardian angel or the patron saints for help for a better moral and intellectual development of the students, with special interest in their diligence, purity and good use of the sacraments; or they thanked God and their saints for the benefits of the day.

Among all these prayers, the so-called “fervent prayers” deserve special mention, which Calasanz ordered to be said in church[1824] and especially during the collective recreation of the schoolchildren in order to keep them always in the presence of God[1825].

1824 Cf. n. 1815-1816.

1825 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1): «Di quando in quando si possono interrompere li giuochi, e farli fare qualche atto di virtù, o pure esercitarli con orationi giaculatorie per non ingolfarsi tanto nel giuoco et assuefarli più destramente alla presenza di Dio.» Cf. also BERRO (o.c., t.1 1.1 fol.22): «Voleva il diligente sacerdote [Calasanz] che tutti ogni mese si confessassero; li maggiori ogni mese almeno si comunicassero, per la cui preparazione li insegnava fare molti atti di virtù come di contritione, fede, speranza e carità, e anche orationi giaculatorie in vedendo l’immagine del loro Crocifisso, o della Regina del Cielo, Maria Signora Nostra...» Il Giovane Cristiano, de Franciotti, highly commends the short fervent prayers. Cf. c.35 p.210 «Di una sorte di oratione breve, detta iaculatoria»: «...appresso i sacri dottori si trova un modo breve di orare, assai utile, per conservar accesa la devozione, et integra la purità del Cuore; et è quando non dico solo nel secreto della camera, o nelle chiese, o in altra occasione di devotione, ma, nel mezzo dei negotii, per le strade, per le piazze, ne’ conviti, nella conversatione et in tutte le sorte di affari la mente fa un breve sospiro a Dio domandandogli aiuto... perdono... gratia...»

As for the manner in which these common prayers were said, the teacher and the prefect of the Pious Schools were to do everything possible to ensure that they were disciplined, decent and edifying and that the pupils and singers prayed and sang with a clear and distinct voice[1826].

1826 Cf. n.1229 and n.1239.

Of course, special attention was paid to the prayer, singing and all liturgical services of the Lauretan children, which were dedicated to the solemn service of the Blessed Virgin[1827].

1827 Cf. p.492-493.

On the one hand, one would say that the prayer of both the educator and the student was placed at the service of education and especially of moral formation, so that it was one of the most effective means of Calasanzian education. On the other hand, it was also valued by the same holy Pedagogue as the supreme act of praise and worship of God and as a powerful means of “social help” for people and for the whole Christian community. In this sense, students´ prayer was not only a powerful means of education, but also had a mystical purpose, the great result of Calasanzian education offered to Christ and the needs of his mystical body.

In fact, Calasanz, aware that the prayer of the innocent children and youth was of great value before God[1828], had them praise everywhere[1829] and wanted his prayers to help precisely the needs of the Mystical Body of Christ[1830]. Thus, they prayed for the exaltation of Holy Mother Church, for the eradication of heresies, for the union of Christian princes, for the good government and increase of Pious Schools and for their benefactors[1831]. The outer framework of such prayers was the so-called “continuous prayer”, which was performed daily before the Blessed Sacrament by successive shifts of students under the guidance of a pious, learned and experienced priest[1832].

1828 L.1875, Ep.V p.110: «Da qui aiutaremo con le orationi degli figliolini piccoli che molto piacciono a Dio». L.1755, Ep.V p.28: «Mi piace ancora il sentimento dell’oratione della quale tutti li santi dicono cose grandissime, et beato chi davvero sapperà orare et con l’oratione efficace persuader al Giudice nostro la remissione delli peccati et abbondanza di gratie. Questa sogliono imparar li giovinetti mentre si conservano con la santa purità perciò che la legge di Dio immacolata assenta [s’assiede] nel cuore prima che [si] maculi [macchi] di brutezze».

1829 Cf. n.1655.

1830 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «[L’istituto delle Scuole Pie è] necessariissimo per la corruttela de costumi e dominio de vitii che regnano in quelli di mala educatione e per i bisogni di Sta. Chiesa a quali in orationi continue de fanciulli vicendevolmente nell’Oratorio si soccorre.»

1831 Cf. n.1162.

1832 Cf. p.392-393.

But it was also frequently requested with the same intention outside of the continuous prayer: in the morning after Holy Mass, in the evening after the litanies[1833]. Furthermore, when there was an urgent need of the Church, the Christian republic, or the Order itself, Calasanz announced the beginning of a prayer crusade of the students in each of the schools. We know from various letters that he had them pray for the victory of the Catholics in Germany[1834], for the victory against the Turks[1835], for the King of Poland and his undertakings[1836], for the soul of the deceased King of Poland and for the election of a new wise and practicing Catholic king[1837], for the election of the new Doge of Venice[1838], for peace[1839], for benefactors[1840], for teachers[1841], for the interests of the Order[1842] and for himself[1843].

1833 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «La mattina dopo la messa, e la sera nella chiesa non si occupino gli scolari con moltitudine di orationi, ma solamente se li faccia dire un Pater noster, un Ave Maria per la S. Chiesa Romana, e per il profitto delle Scuole Pie. Dopo questo soggiungerà il Prefetto delle Scuole: Agimus Tibi gratias Omnipotens Deus, pro universis beneficiis tuis, qui vivis et regnas... Amen. Per qualche cosa grave, o per un negotio urgente raccomandato si potrà fargli aggiungere una Salve Regina e non più»

1834 L.1755, Ep.V p.29; cf. L.1790, Ep.V p.49.

1835 L.2086, Ep.V p.247: «Hanno fatto bene a seguitar l’usanza degli altri all’esporre il SSmo. Sacramento e devono procurar tra loro e con gli scolari displacar l’ira del Signore per tanti mali impedimenti e che ci difenda da nemici cosí potenti e tanto avidi di apportarci ogni male come sono i Turchi.»

N.B.- The Saint had the teachers also ask for the same cause.; cf. L.89, Ep.II p.138.

1836 L.4008, Ep.VIII p.138: «Qui si farà sempre oratione particolare per la sanità della Maestà del Re di Polonia et per li felicissimi successi suoi.»

1837 L.4560, Ep.VIII p.436: «V. R. avviserà in tutte le case che si faccia oratione per l’anima sua et per l’eletione santa di un nuovo re, molto cattolico et osservante della legge di Dio.»

1838 L.1601, Ep.IV p.360: «Et qui non mancaremo come ho detto di sopra di far oratione continua per la santa elettione del Sermo. Doge perché in questa occasione tanto calamitosa è necessario che sia eletto uno veramente santo.»

1839 L.1086, Ep.III p.455: «Quanto alla pace, non si manchi costì di far oratione con sponer il Santissimo spesse volte et pregar con li fanciulli che non ci voglia castigar secondo li nostri peccati, ma ci abbia misericordia e ci benedica tutti insieme sempre...»

1840 Lettera obbedienzale per la cerca; 22-11-1624 (Reg. Cal. XIII 24): «Per esser la Nostra Religione de’ Chierici Poveri della Madre di Dio fondata in somma povertà ricorremo con ogni humiltà alla charità delle persone pie. Però raccomandiamo con la presente il Nro. frateIlo Angelo Cherubini, quali mandiamo per la cerca dell’oglio, offerendo in contracambio della charità, che con essi useranno, le orationi non solo de’ nostri religiosi, ma ancora delli nostri scolari, che eccedono il numero di mille.»

1841 L.432, Ep.II p.380: Havemo il P. Melchior amalato con febre et il maggior male è che non si lascia guidar intieramente dalli medici; facciano oratione per esso in tute le scuole...» L.526, Ep.III p.30: «Mentre il frel. Giovanni Battista non si accomodarà con la obbedienza, non abborrirà la sua pessima conditione e natura, non sarà mai discepolo della scuola di Xro., ne anco religioso, se non di habito, et finirà la vita come Dio sa. II P. Giov. Stefano lo potrà essortar et aiutarlo ancora con la oratione mass.e de fanciulli acciocché il Sig. li illumini la mente et li faccia conoscere la sua miseria et così venga in vero odio et aborrimento di sé stesso che cosi sarà aiutato nella sanità del corpo et quello che importa più dell’anima.»

1842 L.4160, Ep.VIII p.220: «Per adesso non posso dire altro che attendi a far fare oratione a cotesti giovani acciò le cose nostre piglino quel vero aggiustamento che si conviene.» L.4197, Ep.VIII p.238: «Intanto non cessino di far fare oratione particolarmente alli scolari per il buon esito delle cose nostre.» L.4291, Ep.VIII p.287: «E faccia far oratione alli scolari alla Madonna Santissima mattina e sera dicendo le litanie perciocché si spera fra pochi giorni alcuna resolutione circa il nostro Istituto dagli SS.i Cardinali deputati sopra le cose nostre.»

1843 L.148, Ep.II p.188: «...et che faccia pregar li scolari per me un poco ogni dì». L.546, Ep.III p.41: «Siamo arrivati a Napoli con sanità per gratia del Signore et trovato molto amorevole la gente et pronti ad spender quanto bisognarà per l’opera nostra; V. R. ne faccia oratione al’ Signore et la faccia fare a tutti di casa, et anco alli scolari, acciò il Signore ci dia gratia di far tutte le cose aI suo sto. servizio.» L.1470 Ep.IV p.268-269: «Qui stiamo pieni di debiti sino alli occhi et non havemo ne sapemo come poter dar soddisfazione alli creditori, pero faccia far costì oratione a tutti li scolari alla Madonna Santissima et a tutti di casa acciò si trovi rimedio in questa necessità cosi urgente.» L.852, Ep.III p.280: «Non mancarò di pregar per il particolar del Sig. Gioseppe Bonanni et di far ancora che li fanciulli dicano ogni dì la lettania ad intentione mia per questo effetto».

Thus, when it was accumulated in the Pious Schools of Calasanz a treasure of prayers as rich, as powerful and as effective as those that the holy Pedagogue and his entire Order had at their disposal, it is really impossible not to see in them one of the strongest pillars of the entire Christian republic. Without anything else, the idea of Calasanz was already truly sublime.

On the subject of prayer, we should also note that most prayers were recited vocally due to the low spiritual maturity of the children. But mental prayer, which was also taught and practiced during continuous prayer, was not meaninglessly abandoned by the students of the Pious Schools[1844].

1844 Cf. n.1162.

The Book of the Passion of Christ, which Calasanz had written for this purpose[1845], served as an excellent text for the meditations. The students of the Collegio Nazareno carried out this spiritual prayer well and methodically[1846].

1845 The author of Liber de pia educatione already seems to allude to his mental prayer in c.8 of his book: “De catalogo exercitiorum spiritualium quae pueris congruunt”. (p.20): «Oratio brevis per horae quadrantem, quae erit de quattuor novissimis et interdum de passione Christi». Cf. FILIPPO ANGELINI, Avviamento facile e chiaro (p.157-176): «Modo breve per imparare a fare l’oratione mentale». Cf. also CABALLERO, o.c. I, 257.

1846 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Ca. XI 10): «La mattina finiti che saranno a vestirsi faranno nell’oratorio mezza hora di oratione mentale, e la sera un quarto d’hora coll’esame di coscienza.»

To conclude these remarks on the prayer life of the students of the Pious Schools, we must note that although they memorized most of the sung prayers and meditation points[1847], they were not lacking in books of devotion that could serve as a guide for their prayers and in which they could find everything that seemed necessary or useful for their interior life. The letters of Calasanz testify that this was also taken into consideration. However, these were not genuine and authentic prayer books in the modern sense of the word, but books of devotion, such as the Vita, passione e morte di Gesù, the Avviamento per bene confessarsi e comunicarsi, the Esercitij spirituali, the actual book of Christian doctrine, the Office of the Blessed Virgin, etc. They were printed by Calasanz in large numbers[1848] and with great typographical care[1849] and distributed free of charge or at least at reasonable prices. They were designed in such a way that students could find all the necessary variety of prayers in them[1850].

1847 Cf. p.446; also, L.3022, Ep.VII p.25: «...mi dispiace che non habbiano insino adesso fatto imparare a tutti gli scolari li Misteri della Vita di Xro. Benedetto et li Esercitij Spirituali con gli atti delle virtù, più necessarie. Io vederò di mandare alcun foglio quanto prima di queste cose.»

1848 L.904, Ep.III p.318, in which the Saint describes that 1,500 copies of the first edition of Avviamento have been sold out.

1849 Cf. L.882, Ep.III p.301: «Quanto alli libri della confessione et comunione il libraio li ha spediti tutti et ne dimandavano di Genova ancora, siche mi pare sarà necessario farli stampar di nuovo ma nell’istesso caratter et nell’ istessa carta, et forse costì in Napoli riuscirebbe più comodo; costì sta il frel Francesco Maria che qui fece il patto col libraro et stampator et all’ultimo in loco dell’ultimo foglio si potrebbero metter li esercitij spirituali delli scolari et li misterij della vita di Xro. in uno o due fogli che cosi, in uno solo libro haverebbero ogni cosa.»

1850 L.871, Ep.III p.295: «Mandarò altri duecento libri della confessione et comunione conforme mi scrive il figliolo del Sig. Aurilia et V.R. mi sappia scrivere quanti ne haveranno distribuiti et a che prezzo acciò io qui possa corrispondere col libraro.» L.882, Ep.III p.301; cit. n.1849. L.904, Ep.III p.318: «Il libro dell’Avviamento per ben confessarsi e comunicarsi sarà necessario farlo ristampare di nuovo perché qui sono già finiti tutti 1.500 et se potrò haver alcuna limosina per far venir la carta da Foligno penso farlo riveder un poco et ristamparlo.» Regarding this Avviamento written by Fr. Filippo Angielini, a Dominican friar, it will be discussed later when we deal with communion. L.942 Ep.III p.347: «Quanto al libro della confessione et comunione come passi quattro baiocchi sarà molto caro il quale essendo di carta bonissima et lettera grossa non costava quattro baiocchi l’uno come sa il fratel Francesco Maria, pero non concludano col stampatore senz’altro ordine mio.» L.956, Ep.III p.359: «Quanto al libro della confessione et comunione deve sapere che ho accordato di fare venire tre o quattro balle di carta da Foligno per stamparlo qui dell’istesso caratter e si potrà dare a cinque baiocchi o costì a cinque grana et non è bene che stampandolo costì il libraro a nome suo lo faccia pagar piu di cinque grana alli nostri scolari mass.e se la lettera sarà un poco più piccola pero simili cose si devono consultare per accertarsi come conviene.» L.3036, Ep.VII p.36: «Le ricordo che facciano imparare a tutti li scolari i misteri della Passione di Xro. et li esercitij spirituali conforme al libretto stampato qui in Roma.»

These books, which were the same for everyone, and the prayers they contained, contributed greatly to giving the spirituality of the students of the Pious Schools a uniform and characteristic physiognomy in a short time, imbued with the sincerity, piety, modesty, simplicity and sobriety of the great Pedagogue.

Confession and Communion

Of all the natural and supernatural means of Calasanzian education, the sacraments of Confession and Communion undoubtedly occupy the first place.

It appears from various documents that Calasanz and the Pious Schools, while employing all natural means of moral education and even putting all human diligence into the good and Christian education of children, placed almost all their hope in the enlightening, healing, preserving and stimulating effect of these two sacraments, “which tend to enlighten the mind exceedingly and, by being attended with devotion, inflame the will to abhor sin and to love the works of virtue”[1851]. They called the education they wanted to achieve through the sacraments “the whole”[1852], “the principal means of their Institute”[1853], and they expected from the said sacraments, administered as early and as much as possible, the true and definitive moral and intellectual development of the pupils[1854].

1851 L.471, Ep.II p.405.

1852 L.471, Ep.II p.405.

1853 L.871, Ep.III p.294.

1854 On communion and the ideal Christ of the students, see n.1682; on confession and the education of purity, see p.514-516; on the timeliness of the administration of the sacraments, see the Memorandum to Card. Tonti (o.c.): «La riforma universale è per seguire col mezzo della diligente coltura delle piante tenere e facili a maneggiarsi de giovanetti prima che indurischino e diventino difficili per non dire impossibili a moversi come vediamo de gl’homini fatti che con ogni aiuto di orationi, sermoni e sacramenti molti pochi mutano vita e davvero si convertono». Concerning the benefit to be obtained from the sacraments, L.1342, Ep.IV p.184: «Se farà frequentare li santissimi sacramenti alli scolari farà in essi un profitto grandissimo pero in questo vi usi ogni gran diligenza». L.738, Ep.III p.195: «...li quali [gli scolari) si devono tirar dalle vanità con la frequenza de sacramenti e con essortat.i familiari fatte con amor paterno». L.4147, Ep.VIII p.214: «Li persuada la frequenza de’ sacramenti che così s’emenderanno». L.266, Ep.II p.270: «Si procuri ancora gran frequenza di sacramenti nei giovanetti che sarà molto utile». L.882, Ep.III p.301: «Se frequenteranno li scolari la confessione et comunione faranno profitto grande, pero vi prema assai in questo et sempre vi sia qualche ragionamento per prepararli alla confessione et anco alla santa comunione». L.793, Ep.III p.232: «...et sia di gratia molto vigilante nel profitto delli scolari il qual senza dubbio sarebbe maggiore se V.R. confessase li scolari spesse volte». L.871, Ep.III p.294: «L’avviso della comunione generale di così gran numero di scolari fatta il giorno dell’Ascensione mi è stato di grandissima consolatione per esser questo uno dei principali o vero più principal mezzo per far copioso frutto col nostro istituto nelli giovanetti». We also know that the Saint, regarding the confession of children, shared the opinion of Gerson, the famous chancellor of the University of Paris (cf. L.557, Ep.III p.56; cit. in n.1149), who in his De parvulis trahendis ad Christum wrote as follows: «[Consideratio tertia]: Inveniuntur autem modi plures reponendi parvulos in via ducente ad Christum. Unus est praedicatio publica. Alius admonitio secreta. Alius magistratus disciplinatio. Reliquus et hic Christianae Religioni proprius est confessio. Sentiat alius quod voluerit; ego in simplicitate mea iudico confessionem [si modo recte facta fuerit] esse directricem efficacissimam ad Christum. Aperiuntur enim per earn morbi pectorum intimi, si docte prudenter et morose perscrutatus omnia fuerit confessor, obstetricandi scientiam habens ad educendum ex anima colubrum tortuosum et ad eiciendum virus pestilens a corde: quo manente nullius unquam parvuli spiritus crescet in Christo; sed iugiter morbidus et languidus imo penitus emortuus et sepultus iacebit in sterquilinio peccatorum. Ac proinde nullum opus vitae, nullum motum ducentem ad Christum produceret ex se: et sanies pro sanguine concresceret, dum spina peccati confixa maneret in vulnere quin etiam misera conscientia stimulis mortis introrsus exagitata oberrans raperetur aliorsum per vias difficiles et ad inventiones desiderium mortiferas. Addo quod alibi nulla potest fieri monitio accomodatior quam in confessione, nulla conferri medicina aptior aegritudinibus vitiorum. Et ubi quaeso potest adhiberi praeservatio cautior pro futuris?

At vero fatebitur aliquis ita se habere: sic tamen fatebitur, quod nisi semel in anno vel ad multum quater opus istud circa eundem parvulum exerceri congruat. Ad quod novissime responsum est dum de diligentia mundanorum sermo habebatur; quamquam non obsistimus isti sententiae velut quotidie suadeamus eundem confiteri. Utinam vel semel in anno parvuli complerent unicam debita integritate confessionem.

Sed quoniam multi sunt et tempus illud Paschae brevissimum est: ut non vacet curatis ad fundum de omnibus, expedit ut quilibet parvulorum [imo necesse est] semel recenseat cum prudenti confessore totum vitae suae decursum: non in transitu neque strangulato sed diutine et perfecte. Resultat ex hinc triplex profectus. In pueritia siquidem multi seducti plus quam diabolica rabie multa faciunt vel patiuntur enormia nefandaque qualia vel loqui nesciunt vel non audent, nisi praemoniti et interrogati de quibus tune edocentur: ita tamen ne mala nescita male doceantur, nisi forsitan cum detestatione vehementissima; si ita res inciderit et funditus expurgantur.

Secundo sciunt pro futuro quae et qualiter confiteri tenentur; instruuntur quoque nil in confessione mentiri vel celare deinceps. Tertio quietantur suavi in conscientia, dum ad praeterita delicta postmodum in grandaeviori aetate verecundius confitenda vident se non adstrictos.»

It seems instructive to know what was the point of view, at least unofficially, of the Church in this matter at the time of the Saint. Here is what Cardinal Silvio Antoniano writes (o.c., c.25) «Come i fanciulli si devon avvezzare all’abborrimento del peccato et alla confessione» p.147): «Conduca dunque il buon padre spesse volte il figliuolino ai piedi del confessore, quivi in atti et parole di penitente, secondo potrà esser capace, impari a poco a poco la santa humiltà stando in ginocchione divotamente, percotendosi il petto et baciando la mano al prete et prendendo la sua benedizione. Et nel resto il confessore lo confortarà dolcemente alla virtù, promettendogli che Giesù Christo gli darà il Paradiso se sarà buono et obbediente al padre et alla madre. Et dopo questo gli farà fare alcuna cotal penitentiola puerile, per introdurlo a poco a poco a far a suo tempo prontamente le vere satisfazioni. Et brevemente lo istruirà con altre simili maniere come meglio parerà alla prudenza di esso confessore; il quale non reputarà per cosa leggera, né di piccolo momento, lo inserir per questa via nell’animo del puttino, come in un terreno molle, i semi del timor di Dio; che con la divina gratia produrranno poi grandissimo frutto».

It was therefore a natural consequence of such a strong and deeply rooted faith and conviction that Calasanz and his collaborators persisted in insisting on the frequency of the sacraments and that the teachers prudently implemented this “sacramental” education.

Calasanz’ insistence on the frequency of the sacraments has already been sufficiently discussed[1855].

1855 To what has already been said and documented both in dealing with the confessor of the students (p.387-391) and the functional exposition of the sacraments in the education of purity (p.605-607) and in making the present exposition (n.1851) one could still add that almost in every letter of Calasanz in which pedagogical themes are touched upon “la frequenza dei sacramenti” appears as something to be advised to the young people; cf. e.g. L.354, Ep.II p.318; L.1450, Ep.IV p.256; L.2816, Ep.VI p.311; L.3543, Ep.VII p.328; L.528, Ep.III p.31; L.738, Ep.III p.195; L.1085, Ep.III p.453; L.150, Ep.II p.190; L.2258, Ep.V p.407, etc.

As far as the implementation of this “sacramental” education is concerned, it can be said that nothing was neglected to make the use and frequent practice of confession and communion as effective, conscious and fruitful as possible for the students.

In the first place, every school was to be provided with an experienced, wise, learned and pious confessor, who should be at the service of the pupils as much as possible[1856]. It was customary for every pupil to make a general confession before starting to attend the Pious Schools or when entering the boarding school[1857]. It was prescribed that every pupil should go to confession and receive communion at least once a month[1858], and if he failed to do so up to three times, he would be expelled from the Pious Schools[1859].

1856 Cf. p.387-391.

1857 Cf. n.1157 and also p.604.

1858 Cf. Breve relazione p.7 and also p.378. 389-390. and 428.

N.B.- The prescription was identical among the Jesuits, except that in communion they proceeded with more caution. (MI ser.3.a const.4 p.154 mon.43 «Regulae circa bonos mores spectantes», 1548): «Singulis mensibus omnes confiteantur, et si qui sint devoti, communicent, de consilio tamen confessoris.»

1859 Cf. Ordini per le Scuole di Campi, 1630 (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «2.0 Tutti si confessano una volta per ciascun mese al P. Confessore a ciò deputato, e se saranno in età, si comunicheranno, il che non facendo la terza volta saranno licenziati dalle nostre scuole.» Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XI 5): «...li scolari grandi di sedici anni in sù se non saranno di buoni costumi non si accettino et accettandosi si confessino prima et frequentino li sacramenti altrimenti si mandino via.»

It can also be seen that everything was done to ensure that this minimum obligation was overcome by the spontaneous zeal and sincere piety of the pupils, who were encouraged to do so by the sensitive and prudent advice of their teachers. As far as confession was concerned, Calasanz wanted the most pious students to go to confession every week[1860], especially during the difficulties of puberty, and even more frequently if it seemed opportune for the purpose of a particular spiritual direction[1861]. Pupils were also advised to receive the sacraments frequently on the main feasts of Our Lady and all the patron saints[1862].

1860 Cf. n.1152; p.604-607.

1861 Cf. p.390-391.

N.B.- According to a lectio varians of the Constitutions of the Collegio Nazareno which expresses the original thought of Calasanz, later changed at the suggestion of the revisers, the Saint would have wished the students to go to confession every fortnight (p. 4: «Si confessino ogni quindeci dì o almeno ogni mese col confessore ordinario, e più spesso ancora al parer del Superiore»).

1862 Cf. n.1714; n.1743.

At other times too, in special cases, for example when a student was to be punished for his mistakes, he was advised with all prudence and gentleness to go to confession, in which case he was promised forgiveness of the punishment he deserved. This was due to the certainty of Calasanz and his first collaborators that the sacraments were worth more than the whip for a correct education[1863].

1863 L.1427, Ep.IV p.240-241: «...et usi più presto di far frequentar li sacramenti etiam al tempo che si doveriano castigar li scolari per darli delle staffilate, et per questo effetto faccia che il P. Carlo non si intrighi in castigar scolari ma solo in confessarli et in ammaestrarli nelle cose di spirito che farà molto di più che se facesse scuola». L.1441, Ep.IV p.250: «Il P. Carlo agiutarà alla confessione che è il rimedio più utile e necessario per il servizio di Dio nelli giovenetti... et quanto al castigo delli scolari faccia che sempre che il confessore dimandarà che uno si perdoni per farlo confessar all’hora si perdoni, perché fa maggior effetto il sacramento che lo staffile...» L.1429, Ep.IV p.242: «...il quale [il castigo] da principio habbia del pio ma se ricadesse se li cresca il castigo ma soprattutto si usi il mezzo della frequente confessione che fa molto maggior effetto». Sometimes, confession was only advised after the punishment had been carried out; cf. BERRO (o.c., t.l 1.2 p.86): «...mandandogli [the Saint to punished students] poi all’oratorio a far oratione e dal confessore o per sé medesimo erano con efficacissime esortazioni disposti all’emendatione e confessione con la cognitione della bruttezza del peccato. Sicché restavano obbligati et affettionati per il castigo datoli, conoscendo che era molto meglio esser castigati dal Maestro che dal Giudice o dal Demonio nell’inferno».

Communion was only compulsory for the pupils once a month. But Calasanz wished, as he says in the Breve relazione, that the students, at least the best and most pious, received communion more frequently, every two weeks or even every week[1864]. In addition, the general communion of the entire student body took place on the great feasts[1865].

1864 Cf. Breve Relazione (p.7): «Quelli che sono di comunione si comunicano ogni prima domenica del mese et alcuni che sono più divoti si comunicano ogni otto dì, et altri ogni quindici dì, alli quali parimente si insegna come devono fruttuosamente comunicarsi.»

1865 L.871, Ep.III p.294, cit. in n.1853; also, letter of Fr. Gian Cristoforo Bianchi di S. Antonio addressed to Fr. General, Genova 23-5-1648 (EHI p.409): «Nel giorno di S. Filippo si farà la comunione generale degli scolari quale applico per i bisogni della nostra Religione». Letter of Fr. Jacob of Jesus (Cipolletta). Norcia 8-12-16~9 (EHI p.701): «Hieri per gratia del Signore fu fatta la comunione generale de scolari e si ne comunicarono passa 60 con gran devotione ed edificatione».

The congregations as such, also had their general communion celebrations[1866].

1866 See, e.g. Regolamenti della Congregazione della Duchesca (Reg. Cal. XII 11), 1633: «Adolescentes Congregationis sacra Eucaristia reficiuntur semel in mense et singulis festis Beatissimae Virginis et Apostolorum ex obligatione Congregationis». Cf. also Decretale ove si contengono tutti i decreti fatti nella Congregatione della Santissima Assunta. At the Pious Schools in Rome, 1687 (Dom. Gen. 42). A decree of 1647 prescribes that «se la mancanza [assenza] sarà il giorno di comunione, debbano dare un mezzo grosso, con dover anco rimettere la comunione nella festa seguente. Ne potendo alcuno o non piacendo fare la detta elemosina si determinò che venendo la prima volta in Congregazione debba stare in tutto il tempo dell’Offizio in ginocchioni avanti l’Altare, e seguitando mancarvi la terza volta sia affatto scancellato dalla Congregazione».

N.B. Regarding the frequency of communion desired by the Saint, we should note that, even though the Council of Trent had already desired that the faithful present at Mass be nourished by the most holy body of Jesus, no clear instruction or encouragement towards daily or frequent communion was given before Pius X. So Calasanz, with the pious desire that his students, at least the most devout, should receive communion every week, can rightly be considered as one of the standard-bearers of the current practice regarding communion. Cf. CABALLERO, o.c. I.1 p.313.

But even if the frequency of the sacraments had been more intensive, it would not have done much good if the students had become accustomed to such practices without proper preparation and disposition. Therefore, once the general norms had been established, sufficient preparation of those concerned should also be ensured.

To this end, in addition to the general admonitions[1867], there were also various more specific instructions.

1867 As it is done in Ordini da osservarsi dalli Maestri Poveri della Madre di Dio delle Scuole Pie pto.4 (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Che ogni mese li facciano confessare, et quelli che sono di comunione comunicare, insegnando loro il modo di bene confessarsi, e di comunicarsi con frutto grande», and Breve Relazione (vol.cit., p.1): «...alli quali parimente s’insegna come devono fruttuosamente comunicarsi».

Indeed, we know that part of the constant prayer was intended precisely for the conscientious and individual instruction of the students, so that they might know how to “confess their sins well and examine their consciences thoroughly, and also how to prepare themselves with dignity when they are able to receive the Most Holy Eucharist[1868].

1868 Cf. n.1162.

Moreover, according to Calasanz’ express wish, immediately before the students’ general confessions and communions, there were “some reflections to prepare them for a sincere confession and Holy Communion”[1869].

1869 L.882, Ep.III p.301; see also L.2258, Ep.V p.407: «...li scolari si confessino et comunichino spesse volte perciocché e grande la forza dei sacramenti accompagnata con pie esortazioni dal maestro». All of which was often done in Rome by the Saint himself.; cf. BAU, o.c. p.484.

Sometimes such instructions and exhortations were given by one of the students himself[1870].

1870 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «...e spesse volte si reciti parimente alcun sermone volgare per ordine da tutti li Alunni in circolo sopra l’Evangelio corrente, o altro soggetto come ordinerà il Supcriore, il che ancora faranno il giorno avanti la comunione, e prima di comunicarsi insegnando loro il modo.»

Calasanz also wanted the living and effective word of the teachers to be preceded, accompanied and helped in some way by clear, simple and brief instruction through a suitable book of devotion. For this reason, almost all students received a small book that explained to them the most fruitful way to confession and the holy reception of Communion.

Again, the holy teacher spared no effort or expense to ensure that such a book was truly clear and simple, of good paper and printing, and at a reasonable price. The text adopted was Clear and Simple Preparation for the Sacraments of Confession and Communion for a Good and Holy Confession and Communion, written by Father Filippo Angelini, Dominican, from the parish of Santa Maria sopra Minerva[1871].

1871 The full title is: Avviamento chiaro et facile al Sacramento Santo della Confessione et a quello della Comunione per bene et santamente confessarsi e comunicarsi dato in Luce dal P. Filippo Angelini dell’Ordine de’ Predicatori, Parrocchiano di S. Maria sopra la Minerva. Di novo hora per uso degli scolari delle Scuole Pie ristampato. Et in questa seconda impressione dal medesimo Autore revisto et accresciuto in fine con un modo breve et utile per imparare a fare l’Oratione Mentale. In Roma, appresso-Guglielmo Facciotti, MDCXXVII. We cannot fail to reproduce here the author’s preface, addressed to the pupils of the Pious Schools, published in the volume Tria pia Exercitia (p.21-22): «A tutti i devoti studiosi scolari dentro e fuori di Roma. D. Filippo Angelini de’ Predicatori, parrochiano della Minerva, salute, e perpetua felicità nel Signore.

Il desiderio acceso, che di giovare alle anime tutte, e massime a quelle dei figlioli ebbi in mandare in stampa questo libretto delli due Avviamenti al Sacramento santo della Confessione, et a quello della Comunione, ora sopra di voi tanto più volentieri si stende, quanto che in modo particolare vi veggo da Dio amati, e dalla Santissima Vergine favoriti con questa grazia si grande di farvi scolari delle Scuole Pie, Scuole del divino tesoro per tanta carità, che ivi abbonda, anzi Scuole della volontà divina per tanta misericordia, che come in proprio luogo ivi risiede; e misericordia è quella che propriamente vuole Iddio, che per bocca disse del Profeta: Discite quid est: misericordiam volo [Os 6 e Mt 9b]. Scuole dove in un istesso tempo siete da quei Padri di esse Scuole Pie si buoni, ed esemplari nella cristiana pietà abbondatemente nutriti, e nelle lettere sufficientemente istruiti, e di più, come da Angeli del Cielo per la via, sino al ritorno delle case vostre diligentissimamente custoditi. Ora voi con esso me riconoscendo beneficio si grande, che viene dal Cielo, vieppiù avanzandovi nella bontà, e nella lettere, accettate in questo il desiderio mio che per bene di voi presenta ora in cotesto celeste erario, e tesoro di coteste sante Scuole, questa debile offerta di questi due Avviamenti, come due minuti di quella vedova che di tutto cuore li diede nel tesoro ed erario di Dio, guardando in me (come il Signore fece in questa vedova) piuttosto l’affetto grande della volontà pronta di darvi (se potessi) cose maggiori, che alla piccolezza del Dono; e dell’offerta, con la quale anco per effetto di maggior volontà vi aggiungo un modo breve per imparare a fare l’oratione mentale; e come a cotesti buoni Padri, e Maestri vostri sempre grati, così anche a me qualche oratione degnatevi concedermi per remissione dei miei peccati avanti al Signore, ed alla sua, e nostra santissima Madre, et essa col suo santissimo Figliuolo vi benedica, e feliciti sempre. Della Minerva, questo dì 28 ottobre 1627». As per the testimony of the letters, see specially L.871, Ep.III p.295; L.904, Ep.III p.318; L.942, Ep.III p.347; L.956, Ep.III p.359. This book was printed several times by Calasanz (cf. L.904, Ep.III p.318); moreover, it was also ordered from far away Nikolsburg. (cf. letter from Fr. A. Leailth; Nikolsburg 6-8-1631 [EEC p.619]: «...Prego V.P. che mi voglia mandar qualche libro che tratta della confessione e comunione, non è molto tempo che è stampato uno a Roma per li nostri scolari, quello sarebbe stupendo...»).

It is understood that along with this Avviamento there existed and were also used other similar books, among them in a particular way the two works of Fr. C. Franciotti, which speak quite extensively on this subject.

Also the books of Christian doctrine themselves had to deal with the question, as, for example, the Dottrina, by the Venerable Glicerio Landriani, dealt with it. (cf. L. PICANYOL, Il Ven. Glicerio Landriani, Roma 1938; p.14-16): «Del P. Abate Landriano per catechizzare li giovanetti»: «Che effetto fa il Sacramento della Penitenza, quando si riceve degnamente?; 2. effetti principali: 1o, rimette i peccati commessi dopo il Battesimo, e fa ritornare all’amicitia di Dio quello, che per il peccato gl’era diventato Inimico; 2o, fa che le buone opere fatte da noi in gratia di Dio, e poi perdute per il peccato, ci si rendano per questo Sacramento.

Che effetto fa quando non si riceve degnamente?

Si commette un sacrilegio di più; quale è un peccato gravissimo, e si resta con li stessi peccati di prima, e conseguentemente assai più inimico di Dio che prima.

Che cosa è necessaria per ricever degnamente questo Sacramento?

Quatro cose: 1a, far un diligente esame di Coscienza sopra li Comandamenti di Dio ed la Santa Chiesa.

Basta far l’esame sopra le parole solo de’ comandamenti?

Messer no, ma bisogna di più vedere se habbiamo osservato tutto quello, che sta nella dichiarazione di essi Comandamenti;

2a è necessaria la Contrizione.

Che vuol dire Contritione? Che il cuore duro del peccatore in un certo modo si spezzi per dolore per haver offeso Dio, e che habbia un fermo proposito di non peccar più, ma piuttosto perder la vita.

Perché dite Voi, che il cuor si spezzi?

Perché havendo noi per primo e massimo precetto di amare Dio sopra ogni cosa, e sopra l’istessa vita, così habbiamo da dolerci di haverlo offeso, più che se havessimo persa l’istessa vita; e però nella sacra scrittura, si come si trova amerai Dio con tutto il Cuore, così si trova dogliti d’haber offeso Dio, con tutto il Cuore.

Perché aggiongete voi quelle parole: Per dolor d’haver offeso Dio?

Perche se tu havessi solo dolore del peccato per esser condennato all ‘inferno non basterebbe, ma bisogna che questo dolore proceda dall’amore, che tu porti a Dio, quale è stato tanto benigno, che si è fatto homo, e morto in croce per salvarci.

3a, è necessaria la Confessione.

Che vuol dire confessione?

Che il Peccatore vada a piedi del Sacerdote come andò la Maddalena a piedi di Xro e confessi li suoi peccati.

Come bisogna confessar li suoi peccati?

Prima con verità, ciò è non aggiongendo, né sminuendo, né mescolando bugie.

Che più? Con semplicità, ciò è non escusandosi, né dando la colpa ad’altri, né moltiplicando parole soperchie... et dicendo il numero di ciascheduno, e le circostanze gravi per quanta si potrà ricordare.

Che più? Con vergogna, et umiltà, non raccontando li peccati, come si racconta un’historia ma confessandoli come cose vergognose indegne di un Xriano., e chiedendo humilmente perdono.

4a, è necessaria la soddisfazione, e questa è la propria virtù della Penitenza.

Che vuol dire. Soddisfazione? Che il peccatore habbia animo di fare una penitenza proportionata alli peccati, in quanto che sono offesa di Dio, e però accetti volentieri quella pena, che l’imporrà il confessore, e quanto prima l’adempia, considerando che Dio li fa una grandissima gratia a perdonargli la pena eterna dell’inferno, e contentarsi di una pena temporale senza comparatione più leggiera di quella, che li peccati meritavano; e vada poi seguitando con opere buone, è grato a Dio per soddisfar per li peccati.

Quali sono le opere buone, e grate a Dio per soddisfar per li peccati?

Tutte si riducono a tre: Oratione, Digiuno, et Elemosina, che cosi insegnò l’Angelo Raffaelo a Tobia.

Qual’è la ragione? Perché havendo l’huomo l’anima e’l corpo, e li beni esteriori con queste tre opere offerisce a Dio tutti detti beni.

Che cosa si offerisce a Dio con l’orationi? Li beni dell’anima.

Che cosa si offerisce con il Digiuno? Li beni del corpo.

Che cosa si offerisce con l’Elemosina? Li beni esteriori.

Che cosa s’intende per oratione? S’intende ancor udir la Messa, dir li sette salmi, l’Ufficio de’ Morti e cose simili.

Che cosa s’intende per l’Elemosina? S’intende ogni charità, e servizio, che si fa al prossimo, per l’amor di Dio.

Per il digiuno, che cosa s’intende? Tutte le asprezze corporali, come cilicii, Discipline, Dormire in terra, Pellegrinaggi e simili.

Servono ad altro queste tre sorte d’opere buone, che per soddisfar per li peccati?

Sono necessarie di più per ottenere da Dio la perseveranza in gr.a sua; quel è dono di Dio, e servono per meritar la vita Eterna».

Fortunately for us, this book is in the library of San Pantaleo, and from the other books consulted by our Fathers we can obtain valuable data and information on the aim and method of teaching the students. As far as confession is concerned, the first attempt was to give the students a clear idea of the sacrament of penance, of the need to make use of it and of the importance of a good confession[1872]. The four things necessary for a good confession, namely examination of conscience[1873], contrition for sins[1874], verbal confession[1875] and satisfaction or penance[1876], were then explained in detail. It was explicated exactly how to examine one’s conscience by going through each commandment[1877]. Finally, the young people were given useful instructions on how to make a general confession[1878].

1872 Cf. Avviamento (p.6-7): «E volendo voi esercitar con frutto questo sacramento è necessario d’imparare il modo di bene e santamente confessarsi, che per non si sapere, si commettono non pochi difetti in un sacramento tale, e di tanta importanza; disgustandosi perciò le coscienze di molti, per timore di non si essere confessati mai bene, con pericolo grande, nel punto della morte, di non esser perciò avvinti, e confusi da demonij, che sempre le confessioni da noi fatte dispreggiano; e con modi sottili, et inventioni pessime le calunniano, cercando i maligni, con tutte le loro forze di farci dare all’hora miseramente in disperatione, e così disperati [che Iddio ce ne guardi] condurci con esso loro alla dannatione eterna. Hor volendo figliuoli imparare per evitar si gran male, e dal nostro benignissimo Dio haver sempre dei peccati il perdono, questo modo importantissimo di bene, e santamente confessarsi, queste quattro cose, come i Santi Concilij, et i Dottori insegnano, ci bisognano: 1o, l’esamina de’ peccati; 2o, il dolore di essi peccati; 3o, la confessione dei peccati; 4o, il farne penitenza». Cf. also the Instructions, of Landriani, cit. in n.1871.

1873 Cf. the Instructions of Landriani, n.1871; see also the corresponding chapters of Franciotti, cit. on p. 318-319. Concerning the examination of conscience, the boys were instructed (cf. Avviamento p.8-42) in the form of a dialogue between the master and the disciple, following the doctrine of St. Thomas and the respective prescriptions of the Council of Trent, distinguishing well mortal sin from venial sin. (p.17-18): «...come se uno da Napoli venisse a Roma, et errase per la via, il che potrebbe avvenire in due modi. Prima facendo contra questa via, cioè se rivoltando le spalle a Roma, ne tornasse a Napoli. E secondo se non facesse contra la via, ma ne uscisse fuori di lei, e per i campi ne camminasse, etc.» The boys were told about the importance of circumstances, about sins of thought, about bad thoughts (cf. the practical example of four different possible behaviors with respect to bad thoughts [p.5-6]: «Immaginiamoci per esempio quattro zitelle in quattro case distince habitanti, alle quali un giovane cattivo con doni e con lettere, mandi un messo ad invitarle al male. Quando il messo arriva alla prima, e le mostra del giovane le lettere et i doni, et ella subito alla prima vista serrandogli la porta in faccia, lo ributta. Questa onoratissima zitella tiene la sembianza de’pensieri cattivi subito ritrattati. La seconda riceve del messo con le lettere e con i doni l’istessa ambasciata, et ella l’ascolta, e le lettere, e il dono riguarda, havendo negligenza in cacciarlo e dapoi da sé lo scaccia. Rappresenta costei i pensieri ascoltati, e con negligenza trattenuti, e poi cacciati. La terza sente, et essa l’istessa ambasciata dal messo del giovane ma per timore, o d’infamia, o de’ parenti, non acconsente all’opera; ma consente a dilettarsi; e si diletta in legger le sue opere, et in guardare et riguardare i doni; et anco si diletta di pensare all’opera cattiva, a che con quelle lettere, e doni è invitata. Questa la similitudine tiene de’ pensieri accettati per compiacenza di dilettation morosa dell’opera cattiva. La quarta finalmente i doni accetta, e le lettere gradisce, e di far quanto il giovane vuole acconsente. Rassembla questa i pensieri per consenso dell’opera accettati. Maestro: qual di queste quatro sorti di pensieri cattivi è peccato?»

1874 Cf. p.621-624.

1875 Ibid.

1876 Ibid. also Avviamento p. 73-76.

1877 Cf. Avviamento p. 76-106.

1878 Cf. ibid., p.53-56; Giovanetto Cristiano p.51-58; Il Giovane Cristiano p.149-151.

It is easy to see that in all these teachings, an attempt was first made to enlighten the understanding through clear explanations and then, through the effectiveness of the example proposed, to give the will a just and certain orientation, so that the use of the sacraments would truly be a “rationabile obsequium” for the students[1879].

1879 Le undici utilità de la confessione sacramentale frequentata, by Fr. Franciotti deserve our particular attention in this regard (Il Giovane Cristiano c.19 p.144-148): «1, avrà la coscienza delicata; 2, sarà sempre più cauto; 3, si conoscono le imperfezioni, inclinationi; 4, la gratia sarà sempre maggiore; 5, sarà sempre sotto la cura del medico; 6, non solo i peccati saranno perdonati, ma anche le pene si diminuiscono; 7, avrà maggior chiarezza dell’intelletto per conoscere le divine ispirazioni; 8, sarà più difficile da trattarsi al Satana; 8, chi di rado si confessa perde il rimorso della coscienza; 9, chi raro si confessa non troverà mai pace; 10, sarà pronto alla morte; 11, avrà pace e guida dell’anima sua.»

The Sedici utilità della santissima comunione devotamente frequentata are equally instructive (ibid., c.26 p.178-179): «1a, rimette i peccati passati dimenticati; 2a, fa l’anima forte contro i peccati; 3a, smorza il fuoco del Purgatorio, cioè minuisce le pene che alcuno poi sarebbe obbligato a sostenere; 4a, indebolisce l’impeto delle passioni, massime gli ardori della vana concupiscenza; 5a, fortifica il cuore nelle tribolationi... in fortitudine cibi illius... ; 6a, rompe et infiacchisce le armi delle tentazioni al demonio, secondo che disse David: Parasti in conspectu meo mensam adversus eos qui tribulant me: 7a, sveglia et incita alla devotione; 8a, illumina l’intelletto, perché mitigandosi le passioni, la mente resta più libera e spedita nella consideratione delle cose divine; 9a, accende l’affetto... l’amore di Dio; 10, conferma la speranza; 11, rallegra la coscienza per gli ineffabili gusti e consolationi; 12, fa partecipe l’huomo de’ meriti del Signore che per questo è chiamato Comunione; 13, impaurisce il Nemico per riceversi in questo Sacramento non la gratia solamente, come negli altri, ma l’autore stesso della gratia; 14, fa l’huomo pronto all’operar bene siccome che si è ricreato con cibo di sostanza e con vino pretioso si sente poi gagliardo alle fatiche; 15, unisce et conferma l’anima a tutti i suoi pensieri e volontà con Dio; 16, apporta refrigerio alle anime del Purgatorio.»

This method was also applied to the teaching of Holy Communion. In order to “awaken understanding”[1880], the dogmatic basis of everything they should know about the Holy Eucharist and Communion[1881] was first explained to the students in clear sentences and with a rigorous logic accessible to the youthful mind. Then, in order to “awaken affection”[1882], the same students were explained the just, decent and reasonable human attitude towards such a sublime truth and such a living and ardent love. There was no lack of practical instructions for every detail of Communion, especially for those who were preparing to receive the Lord for the first time[1883].

1880 Cf. Avviamento p.108-125.

1881 Cf. FRANCIOTTl, ll Giovane Cristiano c.26 p.178-179 «Sedici utilità della santissima comunione devotamente frequentata» (cit. n.71).

1882 Cf. Avviamento p.125-156.

1883 Cf. e.g. the full title of Il Giovanetto Cristiano, that is, Istitutione de i Giovanetti alla Devotione. Col modo di apparecchiargli alla confessione generale et alla prima loro comunione. Read also the titles of the chapters of the book, cit. in p.317-319.

To what we have already said in this regard, we must add that the results and effectiveness of these teachings were also verified by the teachers appointed for this purpose, in order to increase the seriousness of the work and the diligence of the students[1884].

1884 Cf. Dichiarazioni alle Costituzioni (Reg. Cal. XII 47): «Declaravit unum futurum Gymnasium... ut in illis periculum fiat an bene rudimenta fidei calIeant... et modum orandi, sacramenta sumendi». See also n.1546.

In conclusion, we can state that the apostolic and pedagogical perseverance and zeal with which the fathers of the Pious Schools promoted the frequency of the sacraments from an early age must have already borne its well-deserved fruit in the times of Calasanz. With such careful application in the performance and such methodical instruction in the preparation, the boys were able to retain the grace of baptism. Calasanz himself testifies to this in his Breve relazione, declaring that with the preventive method and “with the frequency of the sacraments, by the grace of the Lord, the students are preserved in great purity”[1885].

1885 Breve Relazione vol.cit. p.8.

As far as we are concerned, no one can deny that Calasanz, with his brilliant sense of giving the sacraments the importance and place they deserve in the education of children and young people, and with his truly masterful practice in execution, was the first in the illustrious squadron of great holy educators, such as St. John Baptist de La Salle, St. John Bosco, St. Pius X, who did so much for sacramental education. They followed the same path as Calasanz and could not help but follow in his footsteps. It was only natural that the founder of the first Christian elementary school should in a certain sense also be a pioneer of real and effective education in all its details through the sacraments and grace.

The Holy Mass

Together with prayer, confession and communion, the Holy Mass was another powerful means of supernatural education in the Pious Schools of Calasanz. Not only because of its supernatural efficacy or because confessions were heard and communion was distributed to the students during Holy Mass, but also because of the high educational value of the sacred liturgy. She explained to them the life, passion, death, resurrection and ascension of the Lord and told them about the sufferings, martyrdom and faith of the Virgin Mary and the saints.

How much Calasanz appreciated such a means is also shown by the fact that one of his first thoughts when he founded the school was precisely to have a church or at least a suitable oratory where the students could hear Holy Mass comfortably[1886], and that one of his last wishes, when he was almost dying, was precisely to attend Holy Mass with the schoolchildren[1887].

1886 Cf. p.434; n.1283; Constit. (p.2nd c.8 n.178): «Qui autem Instituti nostri operam postulaverint, ecclesiam in primis cum necessaria, sed quae paupertati conveniens sit, suppellectili ut supra dictum est, et Scholas Pias ad discipulos instituendos; et Domum ad nostrorum habitationem... parabunt». See also L.108, Ep.II p.150: «Al Sermo. et Illmo. Sig. Card. Maurizio di Savoia. Torino. Sermo. et Illmo. Signore.

Il desiderio di far quel profitto maggiore che si richiede in veri religiosi, accresciuto da vero zelo del progresso de poveri putti non solo nell’istruirli, ma anco nell’avviarli al vero culto di Dio, ci stimola di continuo a cercar modo col quale si possa agevolare sì pio instituto; al che par grave impedimento l’esser senza Chiesa, o vero pubblico Oratorio dove liberamente senza altrui dipendenza possano esercitarsi detti figliuoli nel servitio di Dio con insegnare la dottrina cristiana et altro appartenente a vero cristiano...» Cf. also Notes of BERRO (Reg. Cal. 834): «...hebbe anche gratia di poter in detta casa celebrar in ogni giorno più Messe e amministrar li Smi Sacramenti della Confessione e Comunione alli Operarii e Scolari.»

1887 Cf. BAU, o.c. p.1158.

So that the students could make use of a powerful and effective means for their education and salvation, Calasanz prescribed daily attendance at the general mass at school[1888]. The saint wanted this attendance to be obligatory for all[1889], not only because in this way the Holy Mass could become a public homage to the Lord by the entire school community, but also because during this common attendance all students could participate in the same moral and religious instruction and internalize the common spirit of the Pious Schools[1890].

1888 Cf. n.1230. At first, at the time of the Breve Relazione, this mass was celebrated before classes; later, according to all later sources, it was celebrated after the morning classes, probably for the convenience of the students. (cf. CABALLERO, o.c. vol.I p.272-273).

1889 Except in some cases, as in Frascati, where some older students, were exempted for the simple reason, as we already know, that the Saint did not want the older students to be with the younger ones. (cf. L.55, Ep.II p.107, cit. en la n.1348).

1890 Cf. n.1228.

The most appropriate measures were taken to avoid the danger of a purely external and consequently undisciplined attendance of pupils obliged to attend the daily Mass. The most positive of all was certainly the appropriate instruction “on the way they should behave in order to derive fruit from attending the holy sacrifice”[1891] and on the behavior to be observed in church[1892]. In addition, all the pupils were sufficiently involved in the recitation of the rosary and other prayers[1893], and some of the boys were even involved in the monthly or fortnightly recitation of simple sermons during “holy mass, which was also most attended by lay people”[1894].

1891 Cf. p.381-382.

1892 Cf. ibid.

1893 Cf. Ordini per Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32,4): «Udiranno messa ogni mattina in chiesa nostra dopo scuola... stando ognuno con modestia, e silenzio al luogo assignato, recitando la corona, che doverà ciascuno havere sempre seco, o altre orationi a suo beneplacito».

1894 L.2509, Ep.VI p.119: «...et acciò vedano qualche cosa li secolari farete ogni quindici dì o vero ogni mese far recitar un sermoncino alla messa all’hora che vi sarà più gente.»

Apart from this, it must have been very helpful that the Divine Sacrifice never lasted longer than half an hour[1895] and that the pupils were never allowed to be entertained with “a multitude of prayers” after Mass[1896]. Furthermore, there was no lack of attentive supervision by the local superior, the prefect of the schools, the decurions and the teachers, as good pastors of their flock[1897], who ensured that the pupils attended Holy Mass quietly, modestly, attentively, devoutly, piously and in the places assigned to them according to the school regulations[1898].

1895 L.1286, Ep.IV p.145 cit. en la n.1231.

1896 Cf. n.1232.

1897 Cf. p.381-382.

1898 Cf. e.g. Ordini per Lytomisl (Reg. Prov. 52^5): «Missae sacrificio quotidie constituta hora pie ac reverenter intersint»; also Ordini per Firenze (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Veggano ogni giorno messa, non essendo impediti, con devotione e silentio». Also Ordini per Campi (Reg. Cal. XIII 32): «Udiranno messa con modestia et silentio al luogo assignato.»

Finally, the atmosphere in which the divine sacrifice was offered undoubtedly contributed greatly to increasing the devotion of the students. Both the oratory[1899] and the church, with their cleanliness[1900], with their altars, images and inscriptions, with the various praises and hymns composed in honor of the saints, especially the holy children, were furnished and decorated in such a way as to arouse in them a special and deeply felt devotion, precisely because they were so well suited to their youthful mood[1901].

1899 The first twenty years or so, because of the great poverty of the nascent Institute, there were oratories everywhere, and Calasanz in a letter of 1639 addressed to Fr. BERRO (L.3112, Ep.VIII), recalled, with a certain nostalgia, the heroic life in those oratories, where everything was done with so much intimacy, with so much fervor and with so much devotion («...et se qualcheduno dirà che il confessare secolari è un mezzo opportuno per havere de limosine, io rispondo che Iddio benedetto ne manderebbe per altra via come si è visto in più di venti anni che non havemo havuto chiesa, ma solo Oratorij dove si diceva solamente la messa delli scolari et se udivano le confessioni d’essi et senza dubbio camminavano le scuole et il Sto. Timor di Dio molto meglio che di presente»). In another of his letters we also see that he had great confidence in the greater intimacy of the oratories, which could remain for the exclusive service of the students. (L.2721, Ep.VI p.242): «Mi scrivono che sarebbe bene che li scolari sentissero la Messa li giorni di festa nell’Oratorio per lasciar la Chiesa libera per li secolari. V.R. farà che si metta in ordine di tal maniera l’Oratorio che vi si possa dire la Messa et se giudicheranno a proposito che con maggior devotione sentino li scolari nell’Oratorio poteranno anco sentirsela li giorni di scuola.»

1900 Cf. n.1308.

1901 Cf. n.1294; p.585-590.

It is not difficult to recognize here Calasanz’ effort to create an environment in the church that corresponds to the mentality of children and young people and to make the world of God and his saints, the world of Christian values, more accessible to them. It is an ideal that has not yet been achieved, an idea that has not yet been fully realized in our time. I am talking about the children’s church, i.e. a church whose art, decoration and overall structure has the main purpose of making the highest ideals of Christian life ever more understandable, attractive, closer and more concrete for children. We can therefore say that perhaps no one solved the omnipresent problem of children’s participation in the Mass better than Calasanz. He wanted it to be obligatory for all, but he gave a certain freedom to the older ones. He wanted it to be daily, but he did everything to make the participation of the students more and more active, fruitful and disciplined. If the church was the most important classroom of the school for Calasanz, the Holy Mass in it, with the sacrifice of the High and Perpetual Priest, was undoubtedly the most important lesson. The most valuable fruit of this teaching was and had to be the daily nourishment of his students.

8. Punishment and reward

Having examined the main means of moral and religious education in the Pious Schools of Calasanz, we must discuss the various punishments that were applied in his educational system as ultima ratio rerum to the undisciplined or not very docile elements. Various documents show that, depending on the severity of the student’s misbehavior, different corrections were applied to keep him in check and maintain the discipline of the institute. The lightest punishment was the refusal of the prize, which was usually awarded to the most diligent, followed by verbal correction, then the bench of the lazy, after corporal punishment and finally, in the most serious cases, expulsion from the school.[1902]

1902 Cf. BERRO (o.c., t. l 1.2 fol.86-87): «Nelle negligenze di Scuole, voleva che il Maestro fosse dolce e che si trovassero delle intentioni di farli studiare senza staffile; e però non solo nelle scuole de’ grandi usavano li Punti d’onore et li nomi di dignità, ma anche con li Piccolini faceva l’Imperatore, li Re, li Principi, li Decurioni, con molta di premij, et altre essentioni, dando alli Negligenti delle Mortificazioni di Scorno, perché si adoperasse poco lo staffile, particolarmente nell’inferiori di S. Croce». Constit. p.2a c.9 n.202, cit. in n.1165. See also Regole del prefetto, cit. in n.1104; also Ordini per Lytomysl pto.12, cit. in p.432.

Our sources are particularly rich as far as the method of corporal punishment is concerned, so that we can get a sufficiently precise and concrete picture of the whole system and method of punishment in the Pious Schools of Calasanz from the indications they give us.

Before entering into the subject, we must note that, contrary to current practice, corporal punishment was used everywhere at the time of Calasanz, albeit with greater care and moderation than in the Middle Ages. It was permitted and recommended by the Council of Trent[1903], it was used by St. Charles in the schools of Christian doctrine[1904], it was used in the Jesuit colleges[1905], in the Clementine College[1906] and in the Somascan orphanages[1907].

1903 Ses. 7 (XXIII) cn.18 (Concilium Tridentinum, ed. Societas Goerressiana, t.9 p.628): «Discolos et incorregibiles ac malorum morum seminatores acriter punient, eos etiam si opus fuerit, expellendo.» Cf. ses.13 De reform. c.1: «Si ob delicti pravitatem opus fuerit virga, tunc cum mansuetudine vigor, cum misericordia judicium, cum lenitate severitas adhibenda est»).

1904 Cf. Constitutioni et Regole della Compagnia et Scuole della Dottrina Christiana (Milano 1585) c.17 «Prattica et modo di fare l’opera» (p.192): «...et prima che niuno parta, faccia la debita correzione, riprendendolo, et dandogli qualche castigo secondo l’errore, in essempio di tutti.»

1905 Mon. Hist. 65 const.4, 7 «De Scholis Collegiorum Societatis»: «Hoc tamen commendatum volumus ne externis Scholasticis, correctio quoad illis opus erit, desit; quae tamen per aliquem de ipsa Societate exercenda non erit.»

1906 Cf. LINA MONTALTO, o.c., p.189.

1907 Cf. Constitutiones Cler. Reg. S. Maioli Papiae Congregationis Somaschae et Doctrinae Christianae in Gallia (Romae 1626): «Verberibus nullus magna cum saevitia vel immodice mulctetur, sed paterna quae pium institutorem decet, benevolentia, ut blande quisque ad bonam frugem et bonos mores imbibendos traducatur.»

N.B.- The Barnabites, precisely for this reason, did not want to teach in the minor schools (elementary and grammar), because they considered it impossible to do so without the application of corporal punishment. In fact, the Superior General, Father Mazzenta, wrote to a certain Father Guerin on July 30, 1603, as follows: «Non si può insegnare alle scuole minori, ricercando stafili, castighi, ecc.; quali li nostri non vogliono usare» (La Congregazione dei Chierici regolari di S. Paolo detti Barnabiti nel IV Centenario delta Fondazione: 1533-1936; P. TIBERIO ABBIATI, Criteri direttivi delle Scuole dei Barnabiti p.265).

Punishment was clearly used by the “rioni” teachers of Rome[1908], and in accordance with common practice, some great teachers of the 16th century also spoke out in favor of the legality and usefulness of corporal punishment, recommending to all a prudent and humane moderation in its concrete application[1909].

1908 Cf. p.98.

1909 Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, in his oft-quoted work, wrote an entire chapter, “Del batter i fanciulli”, but he only tolerated it for the parents of the children themselves. (c.5 p.126-127): «...conviene che il Padre di famiglia che tiene il luogo del magistrato, adopri la verga et il flagello per correttione de i figliuoli, o per ritirarli, dal male, o per incitarli al bene...» «Qui parcit virgae odit filium suum, qui autem diligit ilium instanter erudit.» Cf. also chapter 6 (p.127) «Della troppa indulgenza e tenerezza di alcuni padri» and c.7 (p.127-128) «Della mediocrità nel battere i figliuoli et dell’amore et timor filiale»: «La mediocrità adunque è quella che si ha tenere di battere a luogo et tempo et moderatamente dando anco ad intendere al fanciullo secondo può essere capace la cagione del castigo, si che conosca che non e battuto a caso, ma giustamente per demerito suo. Ricordinsi i padri et i maestri che le battiture sono medicina, et come tale deve esser data a tempo et con misura, si che non offenda maggiormente che giovi et devon battere con discretione et giuditio per medicar veramente l’anima del putto, che per il più suol peccare per ignoranza et fragilità et non è bene percuoterlo in modo che par si voglia fare una vendetta et più presto sfogare l’ira propria, che coregger lui.» «Et se io ho a dire liberamente il mio senso desiderarei che questo rimedio del flagello si adoperasse ai nostri padri di famiglia il meno che si potesse et massime con i figliuoli ingenui et nati nobilmente».

Also Orazio Lombardelli, in his book entitled Degli Uffizii et Costumi de’ Giovani 1.4- (Firenze 1584), in a whole chapter speaks “Del ottavo rimedio, che sono i castighi aperti, secondo le qualità de’ mancamenti de’ Giovani” (p.50-55); but even, according to him, only parents should punish, not teachers. To parents, however, he allows punishments, even the harshest. Cf. p.50: «Se i Padri sono in età assai robusta, e di gagliarda complessione, debbono in luogo ben chiuso e sicuro, di notte tempo, o anco di giorno, pur che subito doppo la trasgressione de’ Precetti corre i figliuoli, e con sottil vergo, o con verga, o con frusta o con corde, che non sia per rompere ossa, battergli fortemente, e anco nelle mani, e nella faccia, perché non pur si doglia delle percosse; ma de’ segni si vergognino, e stien volentieri alcun giorno in casa, nel qual tempo si habbiano a scordar de cattivi compagni, et a fare qualche risolution di mutar vita. Di battergli devono durare più o manco, non secondo che chiede l’ira, ma secondo che richiede la giustizia, badando alla qualità dell’eccesso, e a segni o di pertinacia o di penitenza. Se anco tra l’battere usaranno certe brevi e colleriche riprensioni non sarà fuor di proposito, e potranno esser tali: «Tu pensi di svergognar questa casa? Tu sciagurato dici, o fai, o pensi la tale, o la tale cosa? Tu pensi di tenermi in travaglio? e simili. Se i Padri non saranno poderosi e atti a fare in questo modo, non l’hanno a far fare a servidori, a schiavi, o vicini, ma di tener di questi altri modi l’uno, che facciano incarcerare i figliuoli...»

Given public opinion and the general use of corporal punishment, even in Catholic circles, it would have been difficult to escape their influence. Especially in an Institute whose main purpose was the education of young children, who so often do not listen to pure words and human reason. However, as we shall see in the present account, there can be enormous differences between punishment and punishment, and in fact with the Calasanzian system of punishment, we have already come very close to the modern point of view.

First of all, it can be stated that corporal punishment was only permitted as ultima ratio rerum in Calasanz’ educational system. This was not only the legal rule of the various ordinances and school regulations, but also the practical and concrete application in everyday school life. It is clear from various decrees, letters, admonitions from Calasanz and the various school regulations, that he tried to do everything possible to prevent and avoid corporal punishment. The educator’s fatherly love served this purpose. With private exhortations[1910], he tried to convince and persuade the pupil “with the truth explained with fatherly love much more than with shouting and insulting words”[1911]. He also knew how to work “with skill” at the right time with much charity in order to soften the pupil with “compassion” when he could bear neither “rebukes” nor “harshness” of words[1912]. His authority and example in his spiritual or intellectual life[1913] also served this purpose. In the same way, the constant control of the pupil, which was carried out with such precision and vigilance in the Pious Schools, served the same purpose[1914]. In the intellectual sphere, in the field of studies, the competitions and the spirit of emulation, the prizes distributed in due course, in short, everything had its eminently preventive meaning[1915].

1910 L.1332, Ep.IV p.1.77: «et quando poi in particolare se li mostra l’error et se li raccomanda la emendatione sarebbe un gran ostinato chi non si rendesse all’amorevolezza del Superiore...» L.1331, Ep.IV p.175: «...et queste correttioni in camera da solo a solo suol far cosi ottimo effetto.»

1911 L.2412, Ep.VI p.53; cf. also p.141-142 of the present work.

1912 L.2118, Ep.V p.266.

1913 Cf. p.189-193.

1914 Cf. p.375-379. 425-426. n.1412; also, L.347, Ep.ll p.314: «...è necessario che il Superiore sappia ogni cosa non per castigarli ma per provveder poi nelle occasioni si che in questo particolare non manchi.»

1915 Cf. n.1902; also p.510-513. 529-530. 551-552, y L.1118, Ep.III p.159: «...procurando piuttosto di farli imparare a gara et emulatione che con castigo.»

It is true that this award, with which the winner was given a title of honor linked to an authority or privilege (cf. emperor, decurion, prince), or else they were given some little book, some image or other object of piety, from the present point of view, is not a totally faultless pedagogical system, since it is the good conscience of the student, his advancement, his intellectual and spiritual progress, which should constitute the greatest and most intimate reward of his diligence and piety, in comparison with which the above-mentioned prizes seem illusory. Moreover, they can even become harmful, if they cause them to forget the true reward of virtue, which is friendship with God, or if undesirable side effects originate in the minds of children, such as envy, selfishness, the passion for victory at all costs, and the inclination to despise their inferiors. But if one considers, on the one hand, that the pupils of the Pious Schools were still too young to be able to understand the values of the spirit and, on the other hand, that the objective to be achieved by these rewards was by no means noble and otherwise difficult to attain, the Calasanzian system can have its justification, especially if one considers that the system of rewards was still in the spirit of the times (cf. the Jesuits) and that the Pious Schools operated within very modest and prudent limits.

In addition to these natural means, Calasanz considered the sacraments to be the most effective means of his preventive method[1916].

1916 Cf. p.615; also p.389 with notes; also, L.1427, Ep.VI p.240-241: «...et usi più presto di frequentar li sacramenti etiam al tempo che si doveriano castigar li scolari che darli delle staffilate.»

Only when these natural and supernatural means, which he used in the context of prudent education, proved ineffective and unsuccessful did Calasanz turn to corporal punishment.

And in order to make it more humane, more reasonable and more effective, as a promoter of discipline and not as an outlet for the passions, as a healthy medicine and not as a deceptive poison, and with the aim that it should really be practiced with great “prudence”, “piety”, “kindness” and “mercy” and “in imitation of the meekness of Christ”[1917], the following measures were taken by Calasanz and his immediate collaborators.

1917 Cf n.1166.

At first it was desired that the whole question of penalties, like that of all school discipline, should be concentrated in the hands of the prefect alone, so that, with the consent of the local minister, and with the assistance and cooperation of the corrector, the teachers and the decurions, he might pursue and adhere to a single direction both in the determination of each of the penalties to be applied and in the manner of their execution[1918]. Later, to entrust the execution of major corporal punishments to correctors[1919] had its advantages, never well learned, precisely because they had removed the pupil from the sometimes-unavoidable wrath of the educator directly involved and assigned him to an impartial corrector who knew how to apply the punishment calmly, with moderation and dignity[1920]. Only the minor punishments could be administered directly by the teachers[1921]; but these never were done in the church or during the accompaniment to the houses[1922].

1918 Cf. n.1104; p.393. 399-400. See also L.282, Ep.II p.278: «Al fratel Lorenzo dica che continui nell’officio di castigar li scolari quando lo meritaranno acciò vi sia uno solo che castighi et non molti, acciò non vi nasca algun disordine ma tutto sempre sotto l’obbedienza del Superior»

1919 Cf. p.393-396.

1920 Ibid.

1921 Cf. Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Nel castigare non possono li Maestri dare più di due spalmate ad uno scolaro che lo meriti, e quando paresse degno di cavallo, non passaranno cinque staffilate sopra li panni sempre». L.1442, Ep.IV p.250: «...et ordini in secreto alli maestri, che niuno possa dar più di due spalmate ovvero cinque staffilate sopra li panni, e se altro maggior castigo meriterà alcuno si rimetta al Superiore o lo scrivino al P. Generale che non castighera con le sue mani». L.1429, Ep.IV p.242: «Ordinarà che nissun Maestro possa dar altro castigo che, o, due spalmate, o vero cinque staffilate et se alcuno meriterà maggior castigo si rimetta a V.R. et all’hora V.R. ordinarà il castigo che si doverà dare». Cf. also p.385.

1922 Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «Non percuotano alcuno in Chiesa: ma notino, o facciano notare alli censori gl’immodesti, et essendo cosa grave, la significhino subito finita la messa al Prefetto delle Scuole...» Also, n.1185.

The following was observed in the actual execution of the punishments. First of all, it should be ensured that neither the educator’s nor the student’s modesty was offended in the slightest. For this very reason, students were never allowed to undress and the enforcer was never allowed to touch the pupil’s “naked flesh”[1923].

1923 Cf. Riti comuni (Reg. Cal. XIV 74^1): «...sopra li panni sempre; ne ardiranno di farli trarre in alto li calzoni, ne mandare in basso, ne le calzette. Se il mancamento del figliuolo meritasse più severo castigo, ne diino avviso al Prefetto delle Scuole il quale ponendo mano al neccesario castigo, non batterà mai su le carni nude gli scolari, adoprando il calzoncino di tela, mentre si habbia da dare una mula». Cf. also n.427. See also, L.1307, Ep.IV p.158: «Averta a tutti che nissun de li nostri dia sopra la carne alli scolari ma solo sopra li calzoni et se meritarà maggior castigo vengano da V.R. et in questo procuri che si osservino le costitutioni che altrimenti li maestri poco pratichi faranno delli inconvenienti.»

Calasanz was also very insistent that punishment should never be carried out in a fit of anger on the part of the educator[1924], but with calm, dignity, mercy, compassion and gentleness[1925].

1924 Cf. Reg. Cal. XXX: Proc. inf. p.414-415, testimony of Fr. Angelo Morelli: «...mortificava severamente quelli che in qualche modo havessero potuto scandalizzare li figli; che voleva che in pub.a schola ne facessero mortificatione con bagiare li piedi a tutti o parte delli scolari della scuola, e questo è occorso alcune volte anche a me per essermi impatientato o haver dato qualche staffilata con collera». Cf. also L.1332, Ep.IV p.177: «Et deve procurar che mai li sudditi conoscano che il superior da mortificatione alcuna con animo di vendetta, ma devono conoscere che le mortificationi procedono da amor paterno e che le meriterebbero maggiori». L.1845, Ep.V p.89: «V.R. non si mostri mai con passione con alcuno ma li avverta o corregga e con quiete». Cf. also Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1): «...non inventino maniere nuove di castigare li figlioli, perché è poco conforme alla professione religiosa, e cagiona scandalo appresso i secolari: e dove paresse necessario lo connferiscano col Superiore di casa e col Prefetto». L.287, Ep.II p.282: «Quanto alle parole, di dar bastonate per farcene andar, essendo di bocca di sacerdote [il che io non credo] sarebbe di gran scandalo et segno di estraordinaria passione; si preghi il Signore per chi le ha dette.»

1925 Cf. p.393-395 with notes.

Great attention was also paid to the pupil’s health. The punishment should never be such that it would even remotely endanger it[1926].

1926 Riti comuni (Reg.Cal. 74^1): «Si guardino tutti dal percuotere nella faccia, o nel corpo con le mani e tanto più con lo staffile o bacchetta, o con qualunque altro istromento, così nel percuotere sulle gambe, o vero in altra parte sia, in modo che non vi restino i lividi». «Non li tireranno li capelli, sicché glieli svellano, ne facciano uscirgl’il sangue dal naso ovvero dalle orecchie, il che molto facilmente accade per haver male i figliuoli in quelle parti, come pure in capo; fuggiranno insomma tutto ciò che non conviene alla mansuetudine di Cristo, della quale devono essere particolari imitatori».

The punishment had to be fair[1927], neither too lenient nor too severe, but appropriate to the severity of the offense committed[1928]. It should always be benevolent[1929] and linked to the desired effect, i.e. never applied to those for whom it could be expected that the punishment, instead of remedying the situation, would be the cause of aggravation[1930], nor if the expected effect could be achieved by other means, such as a confession[1931]. Finally, punishment should never be administered mechanically, i.e. without a fatherly and loving admonition to the pupil, which turns corporal punishment into an effective medicine of the spirit[1932]. Through its effect, the student would be ready to be reconciled both with God, through prayer and a good confession, and with people, through the fatherly understanding of the educator, the main reason for the punishment applied.

1927 L.283, Ep.II p.279: «Quanto al fratel Lorenzo è bene che esso habbia cura di castigar li scolari ma s’intende sempre con l’obbedienza del Superior, che così è la mia volontà et egli deve sempre consultar nelle occasioni, massime di qualche momento, acciò non erri in troppo o poco che cosi farà meglio et haverà maggior merito...» L.224, Ep.II p.237-238: «...quanto al negozio del scolaro disobbediente fu bene il castigarlo, ma vorrei che il castjgo fussi sempre con tanta pietà et prudenza che li stessi scolari conoscessero che meritano molto di più... Tuttavia come dico il nostro castigar ha di esser con molta pietà che cosi vuole il nome et la charità che professiamo».

1928 L.1429, Ep.IV p.242: «...il quale [il castigo] da principio habbia del pio, ma se ricadesse se li cresca il castigo».

1929 L.1815, Ep.V p.65-66: «...et mi pare che sebene il detto fratello si è portato assai scioccamente non di meno con simili si deve procedere in un modo che non si venga a rompimento». L.2118, Ep.V p.266: «...et però conviene andar con molta carità destreggiando per indurlo in sentimento non essendo per ora capace di represioni, ne di asprezza di parole».

1930 L.566, Ep.III p.68: «...nel castigar usino gran discretione; conviene esser molto benigni con li fanciulli».

1931 Cf. n.1167.

1932 Cf. p.388-389.

To summarize, in the schools of Calasanz, everything was done to make punishment, even corporal punishment, a real medicine for the spirit, rather than a physical wound to the body and a psychological trauma to the soul of the student. Certainly, the system of punishment used by Calasanz was much more humane than the system of the “rioni” teachers and even better than the system followed by the Jesuits[1933] and the various solutions proposed by the theoretical pedagogues of the time[1934].

1933 Cf. p.394-395.

1934 Cf. p.630-632.

More than a hundred years later, the founder of the Christian Schools, St. John Baptist de La Salle[1935], who was almost forced by his religious to return to corporal punishment, which he had previously abolished[1936], could not prescribe anything in his regulations on this subject[1937] that was not already provided for, with at least the same prudence and charity, in the precautions of Calasanz.

1935 Also his precursor in France, Blessed Nicolas Barré, of the Order of Minims, founder of the Sisters of Charity of the Child Jesus, still retained corporal punishment (cf. MORETTI, o.c., p.74-75; see also the respective article by Fr. Garrido, in Eph. Cal. I [1932] 256-257).

1936 Cf. RIGAULT, o.c. vol. I p.592 n.1.

1937 Cf. RIGAULT; I p.573-574. De La Salle, in c.5 of his work entitled Conduite des Écoles Chrétiennes (Avignon 1720), gives the “Code of corrections” in eight points.

In general, as we have seen, the spirit of the times was not yet such as to suggest to Calasanz the absolute abolition of corporal punishment, but the Saint had a sincere desire[1938], and took every step, except the last, towards its complete realization. This last step was reserved for another great Catholic educator of youth, St. John Bosco[1939].

1938 In fact, if a more detailed parallel is drawn between the statements of Calasanz on the subject of punishments and those of Don Bosco, we can see the surprising identity of criteria of the two great educators. On this point, read Don Bosco’s Il sistema preventivo nell’educazione della gioventù, and the two chapters concerning punishments in use in the Pious Schools, that is, the chapter that deals with the corrector in the schools (pp. 393-396) and the present one.

1939 Cf. Don Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nell’educazione, della gioventù. Una parola sui castighi. IV. «Don Bosco educatore» (Asti 1952) vol.2 p.506-507: «Il percuotere in qualunque modo, il mettere in ginocchio in posizione dolorosa, il tirar le orecchie ed altri castighi simili debbonsi assolutamente evitare, perché sono proibiti dalle leggi civili, irritano grandemente i giovani ed avviliscono l’educatore.»

9. The result of the moral and religious education given in the Pious Schools. The portrait of the calasanctian student

In a synthetic judgment on the moral and religious education of the Pious Schools, I think we can say the following (and without the risk of exaggeration or subjectivism).

This education was orthodox, sober, prudent and wise in the specification and individualization of its aims, very closely adapted to the supernatural and natural order willed by God. Their most important and immanent goal was the happiness of the students, both temporal and eternal, which is the immanent goal of all human life. And it had as its transcendent goal the glory of God, for which, according to Christ’s teaching, every human being must work. In addition to these two main goals, there were two others: the general imploration by means of prayer, and the reform of the Christian republic by well-educated men, especially the poor.

These worked in the best possible way for a perfect social order, for an ever more conscious communion of saints and for a greater vitality of the mystical body of Christ. If such goals have an enduring value in any time and in any historical and social context, they had an extraordinary value in the time of Calasanz, when uncertainties of faith and serious problems of a social nature constantly threatened and demanded an appropriate solution.

Secondly, it can be said that the choice of means to achieve the above-mentioned objectives was very successful.

In fact, these means, both natural (ideals, education in virtues, rewards, moderate punishments, the preventive method) and supernatural (prayer, sacraments, the Holy Mass), were very effective, and some of them were of the most modern application, such as proposing ideals to the student and instilling in him force- ideas, mother-ideas[1940]. The insistence on the increasingly frequent use of the sacraments could also be considered one of the most important achievements of Catholic pedagogy.

1940 In fact, they correspond admirably to the vital functions of the human will, as the most modern psychological research has shown.

Thirdly, it should also be noted that if the choice of means was a happy one, the application of these means was very happy and very conscious. First, they were applied at the tender age of children, who were not yet so much tempted or tested by evil, and were therefore susceptible to any good guidance. Secondly, they were used by very competent men, because of their priestly character and holiness, their exemplary life and their adequate pedagogical preparation, which was guaranteed by the fourth doctrinal vow and by the holy care of Calasanz himself. And finally, these means were applied with love, with prudence, with sensitivity, with system and method, through a continuous and vigilant support that until then had perhaps never been used in the history of European education; at least not to young children. The positive result, the precious fruit of such an education, could not fail to materialize, even if among so many schoolchildren (and some were certainly not of the best kind, but burdened by various family and cultural defects) there were those who did not turn out to be optimal and even ended their lives badly. Who could have prevented the existence of such subjects?[1941] However, most of the students who, before coming under the loving care of the fathers of the Pious Schools, were like “untamed colts”[1942] and perhaps many of them delinquents and strays[1943], achieved the ideal of the pure, pious, modest, humble, obedient, hardworking and kind young man that Calasanz had proposed to them all[1944].

1941 Cf. Giovanni Benedicti (Scholae Piae p.92-93): «Quamquam non statim quis existimare ac credere debet, eundem Scholarum Piarum Ordinem, minime suo nomini satisfacere: sicubi Adolescentes ac Iuvenes nonnullos, qui Scholis Piis prodiere dyscolos et minus pietatem colentes videant... custode remoto, qui antea gaudebat virtutis et litterarum exercitationibus, gaudeat postea, equis canibusque, et aprici gramine campi, cereus in vitum flecti, monitoribus asper, utilium tardus provisor, prodigus aeris, sublimis cupidusque et amata relinquere pernix... Aurea est Divi Aurelii Augustini sententia: Qui recte institutus est, is et malus esse potest, si nolit praecepta sequi, quae didicit, et bonus, si omnes vitae suae rationes dirigere velit ad instituta rectae salutarisque disciplinae» (De fide et operibus c.17).

1942 Cf. P. CASTELLI, Discorso sulle Scuole Pie (Reg. Cal. XIV 60:1): «Basta dire che è di regger ragazzi che sono come bestiole senza ragione, e polledri indomiti, che danno da fare agli stessi loro Padri e Madri.» Cf. P. Giovanni Benedicti (Scholae Piae p.75): «Puerorum inculta ingenia, mali mores, inconstantes animi, pigritia, garrulitas quantam exhibent patientiae segetem.»

1943 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «Poiché non solo qui si convertono molti da molte offese di Iddio, ma giornalmente si preservano molti altri anco nell’innocenza battesimale liberandosi in conseguenza dalla manifesta dannazione la maggior parte di quelli chi in età puerile morendo per le colpe talvolta senza scrupolo e consideratione commesse e senza contritione confessate se non taciute si dannarebbero.»

1944 Cf. Calasanz’ declaration done in Breve Relazione (vol.cit. p.8): «Si tiene cura particular della honestà togliendo via strettissimamente tutte le occasioni con la qual diligenza et con la frequentia dei Sacramenti per gratia del Signore si conservano gli scolari in gran purità, moltissimi delli quali quando sono di età si vestono religiosi in diverse religioni.» See also a letter of Venerable Glicerio Landriani to the Cardinal-Archbishop of Milan, Federico Borromeo, dated 29-9-1612. (EPC, III, p.1636-1637): «...questi figliuoli dei Poveri che sogliono andar per le piazze senza nessun freno di timore di Dio N. S. dandosi in preda ad ogni disonestà di parole, e di atti brutti, qui si ritirano dall’otio, e dal male, e con aggiuto divino si occupano in esercizij e per lo spirito et per la cognitone della Dottrina Christiana. Qui se li danno carta, penne, corone, Dottrine Christiane, libri spirituali per amor di Dio, veramente non si può dire quanto importi in questi figliuoli, che non hanno preso mal habito piegarli sul buon verso; o che facilità, che dolcezza si trova Gloria Patri et Filio...» See also Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «...si conservano in innocenza battesimale.» Cf. also L.4000, Ep.VIII p.133: «Alli Scolari di Pieve di Cento.

Dilettissimi figli nel Signore. Gusto et gusteró sempre d’intendere il vostro fervore e profitto spirituale e corporale ancora, e parmi sia stata santa e buona la resoluzione di cominciare la Congregazione; e desidero che la frequentiate e che ve ne approfittiate con mostrar modestia e timore di Dio perché con esso potrete sperar di fare anche profitto nelle lettere...»

And what is more, some of them, whose faith, piety and purity, whose humility and spirit of mortification, whose charity and apostolic zeal went beyond the norm, attained the highest degree of holiness even as children[1945].

1945 Cf., e.g., lauretan boys, p.582-584; the child of Nikolsburg, n.1573; the story of the child who teaches his father the act of contrition, n.1764; the holy life and death of the young Allegri, n.1719; the story of Francesco Vercelini (Berro [o.c., t.l 1.2 fol.5]: «Il Signor Vicenzo Vercelini nobile savonese et eccellentissimo filosofo, et diligentissimo istoriografo delle cose dei nostri tempi, hebbe dalla sua seconda moglie un Figlio d° Franc.co Vercelini, il quale essendo squolare nostro di età di otto anni in circa si ammalò gravemente, intanto che dell’istessa infermità se ne morse. Hor mentre che se ne stava nel letto penando, la S.a Sua Madre che molto l’amava come suo primo figlio, poiché l’altro minore era molto difettoso e storpiato, si accostava più volte al letto con gli occhi fatti due fonti di lacrime accarezzandolo molto, e dicendogli che domandasse tutto quello che gli gustava; et una volta che con maggior affetto di Madre lo stava compatendo et accarezzando proruppe il nostro Francesco in queste parole: “Signora, Voi tutta Vi disfate in lacrime e mi dite che io patisco tanto, eppure sto in questo letto si accarezzato da V.S. con tanta comodità e nro. Signore Gesù Cristo stava sulla Croce con tanti patimenti, et non poté havere un poco d’acqua per rinfrescarsi, non pativa più di me?» Sentito ciò dalla Signora tutta confusa si para. E venuti li nri Padri a visitarlo come scolaro, la Signora contò il tutto, ringratiandoli della buona educazione data al suo Francesco»).

See also some requests for the habit in the Piarist Order made by the most outstanding students of that time. (Varie lettere. Domande per l’habito: Reg. Cal. XV). One of these petitions has already been mentioned on n.1777. Here is another one with a letter of recommendation from a priest: «Rvmo. Patri Iosepho, Generali Scholarum Piarum Joseph Moriconius. Cum ego semper a primis, ut Graeci dicti sunt, unguiculis plus divinarum rerum, quam mearum naturali quodam studio, satagere pro virili studuerim; factum est, ut illius summi Numinis amore propria charior animarum mihi salus exstiterit, audivi enim saepius, a Sanctissimis Sapientissimisque viris Divinorum omnium divinissimum esse cooperari in salutem animarum; illosque et maiorem a Deo in caelestibus regnis mercedem accipere et mirum in modum in terris ab hominibus venerari, qui Praeceptorem Christum imitati, et ipsi per se faciunt, et quae facienda sunt ad caelestes sibi comparandos honores quemque docent, ita ut Mariae et Marthae mutua sociata vicissitudine coniunctio ipsos Sanctiores Deoque clariores efficit, quam si unius tantum ex ambabus sectarentur exemplum. Cum igitur in Vestra religione, Pr. Reverendissime, omnes a stipendio Daemonum ad Xri. signa traducere laborando, ut Martha, et altissimo Dei colloquio frui inauditaque caelestium arcanorum admiratione et dulcedine rapi, ut Maria, flendo et contemplando possim; ad tuos sanctissimos pedes abiectus Rev.e Pater Te maiore quo possum studio oro et obsecro, ut in tuam fidem, et in tuos me velis filios connumerari, antequam improba aliqua malorum suasione a recto vivendi cursu ad nefandos scelerum omnium traducar acervos. Vale Savonae, decimo sexto Cal. Aug. 1632.» «Carissimo Padre. Questi due presenti figli che scrivono a S. P. mi hanno pregato con instanza che io voglia supplicare per loro a presso di Lei acciò si degni di accettarli. Non posso dire altro se non che se uno è angelo nei costumi ch’è Arascerio, l’altro che è Moricone Serafino V. P. resterebbe meravigiiato di 14 anni vederli disputare di versi come di cose spettanti ad ogni regole, e rettorica, essendo dei più diligenti della prima classe. Il Joseffo Moricone dovendo andare ad esser paggio anni sono del Duca di Mantova fece voto con meraviglia di tutti di Castità, e pare piuttosto un vecchio di cent’anni che giovine di 14. Questi come dell’altri passati sono ricercati dalli Padri della Scala perché li conoscono di buon imgegno et indole, di gratia non si lasciano scappare, sebbene se e così volontà di Dio, niuna cosa li potrà fare ostacolo. Staremo aspettando risposta. Deo Gratias. Benedicite. Al P. Affmo. Servo et Filio obmo. Vin.om.o pov.o».

In the words of Calasanz, they became truly “great for heaven”[1946].

1946 Cf. Memorandum to card. Tonti, o.c.

The positive result of the moral and religious education imparted in the Pious Schools appears in all its grandeur and its full historical significance when one considers that not only in Rome, but also in Naples, Genoa, Savona, Florence, Frascati, Nikolsburg, Stráznice, Podolin and in other cities, some of them even in lands of heretics, the majority of the poor received in the Pious Schools the first and often the last education, which was certainly decisive for their whole life[1947]. Everywhere in Europe, the increasingly numerous and conscious social class of the poor was educated in the maternal arms of Holy Mother Church, so that they could become a more vital, healthy and vigorous member of the mystical Body of Christ...

1947 Cf. Istanza dei Padri di S. Pantaleo alli Signori Conservatori di Roma pto.2 (Dom. Gen. 2): «Che non solo non ne risulta danno, non essendosi giammai udito che da 50 anni di questo Istituto in Roma, che perciò sia mancato alcuno alla coltura o all’arti, ma bensì e la coltura e le arti si hanno avuti ministri più pii, più istruiti e più periti; onde non è forse alcun artigiano o fattore di campagna che non sia stato alle Scuole Pie degli Oratorij...»

V. Aesthetic education

In addition to moral and religious education, the Pious Schools also imparted aesthetic education. Calligraphy, the careful study of rhetoric and poetics had a considerable aesthetic function, but in a special and extreme way this education was favored by singing and music, often common subjects of the school programme, and the scenic representations, which were never completely suppressed by Calasanz.

L. The teaching of singing and music

As for the teaching of singing and music, it is known that in Rome, in the motherhouse of San Pantaleo and in Campi, there were classrooms dedicated exclusively to these subjects[1948]. In other areas too, particularly in Norcia, Nikolsburg, Frascati and Naples, attempts were made to teach schoolchildren to sing competently[1949]. Nevertheless, very little is known about the specific program in the music schools of Rome and Campi, as in the other singing schools, almost nothing.

1948 Cf. n.861; p.301-302; n.967. However, the General Chapter of 1640, for reasons of religious discipline, closed all the schools of music and singing, except that of San Pantaleo; but in 1642 it was also very neglected. Cf. Rassegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica IV (1938) 60; L.3999, Ep.VIII p.132; L.4003, Ep.VIII p.135: «Il Martedì, la terza festa dello Spirito Santo o vero il Mercordì di mattina partirà da Roma per Firenze il P. Domenico Antonio il quale lascia qui la scuola di musica abbandonata, nella quale imparavano molti fanciulli poverelli et si guadagnavano poi col tempo il pane colla musica la quale scuola non potrà far costì per esser decreto del Capitolo Generate che in nessuna casa si possa insegnare di musica se non nella casa di Roma.»

1949 As for Norcia see n.872; regarding Nikolsburg, see the letter of Fr. A. Ambrosi, Nikolsburg 7-8-1631 (EEC p.18): «...a questi musici del Seminario il P. Carlo gli fa la carità d’insegnargli a sonare et cantare.» Cf. also the following letter of Fr. A. Leailth; Nikolsburg 29-9-1633 (EEC p.653): «Li Lauretani devono havere un precettore il quale è obbligato d’insegnarli a cantare un’hora avanti pranzo e un’hora dopo pranzo, così è nella fundazione di Sua Eminenza, al qual precettore sono assegnati 40 fiorini, adesso stanno senza precettore, il Pre non vuol pigliare nessuno dicendo che il fratello Carlo gli insegnerebbe a cantar, io dissi al Padre che il fratello Carlo hora l’insegna, hora non l’insegna.» Regarding Frascati, see L.381, Ep.II p.347: «Io credo si ricorderà del Signor Quintio maestro di Cappella il quale venne a Frascati due o tre volte con un suo figlio a cantare; mi ha mandato a dire che io veda se potesse ottener costì il loco di organista che per esser vicino a Roma l’haveria caro; V. R. ne potrà parlar col Sig. Vicario che non vi è dubbio che per insegnar li giovanetti a cantar non si può trovar il meglio. Questo dico pero senza pregiuditio del maestro che vi è di presente, ma solo in caso che si dovesse mutare et quanto prima potrà, me ne dara risposta.» Also, L.2609, Ep.VI p.181: «...farà che quelli della musica diano vacanza alli scolari di cantar il giorno di S. Luca.» As for Naples, see L.794, Ep.III p.233: «Quanto alle laudi del Grignano mi pare di haverle pagate ma io me ne informarò meglio et provando non esser pagate si li darà soddisfazione.»

N.B.- From the fact that in Naples they bought the Cento Laudi Spirituali by Grignani, it can be deduced that chant was taught there with enthusiasm and intensity.

It can be assumed that the main subject was sacred music, which was reformed by Animuccia, Palestrina and Anerio. We know with certainty that the liturgical services in our churches were always attended by our fathers and our students[1950]. We also know that Calasanz was a keen promoter of Palestrina’s reformed church music and never wanted to allow any other kind of music in his churches[1951]. Our scant information about Nikolsburg[1952] and Campi[1953] also seems to confirm our hypothesis. So, it was the various Masses, Lauds, Vespers, Compline, the various motets and litanies that were mainly taught in these schools. In addition, the students of the Pious Schools also learned to sing the Laudi spirituali, i.e. the popular and religious songs and arias that were reformed by Animuccia and Palestrina at the request of St. Philip and his Oratorians and were in vogue everywhere[1954]. It is historically certain that the students sang such laudi spirituali during their recreations to the great satisfaction of the audience[1955].

1950 Cf. p.299-302 with notes. The Ritus Communes not later than 1665 (Reg. Cal. A. 89) wish on this point that «invigilent tam in officio Beatae Virginis Mariae tam in Rosario, ne discordibus vocibus Pueri canant, aut nimium properent, sed devote et suaviter id faciant, cum audientium aedificatione et magna cum pietate».

1951 Cf. n.877 and p.303-304.

1952 Cf. n.869; see also this letter of Bishop Gramay, addressed to Calasanz in the year 1631; Nikolsburg 22-9-1631 (EEC p.503): «...cum nullum totius imperii Seminarium sit, in quo non ad cultum divinum cohonestandum musica doceatur, eaque indicatur praestantior, quae proxime ad Italicam accedit, magni res foret emolumenti et honoris si hac in parte externorum opera uti non deberemus et facile ego possem expensis illis, quibus unicum organicae et vocalis musicae directorem interteneo, 4 aut 5 Patres intertenere».

1953 Cf. n.874.

1954 It was Calasanz himself who procured, as an example to the students of Naples, the laudi for this purpose (cf. L.794, Ep.II p.233). These Cento laudi spirituali were printed in Rome, in 1624, and were reprinted in Genoa, in 1675, by Father Gabriel Bianchi, Piarist.

1955 Cf. p.303-304. To these documents add Grignani’s preface to his work Cento Laudi spirituali: «Alli spirituali cantori, li scolari delle Scuole Pie di Roma. Il vedere con quanto fervore, e gusto spirituale venga essercitata in queste Scuole la frequenza delle Dottrine Christiane, ed Oratione vengono da voi, con non poco diletto [anco di chi vi ascolta] cantate le Laudi Spirituali, mi ha spinto per inanimarvi a ciò fare più volentieri sceglier la presente raccolta delle più belle Laudi, che siano state altre volte stampate, ed a quelle aggiungerne delle altre, per avanti non più date in luce, con nuove Arie et Compositioni, acciocché con la varietà, et vaghezza di esse si ricrei e diletti insieme l’animo, et lo spirito. Accetterete il buon animo, e con cantarle con affetto di core, datemi occasione di procurarvene delle altre, acciocché soddisfacci a pieno a vostri buoni desiderij, che più volte mi havete dimostrato in richiedermele con tanta istanza. Di Roma il primo di febbraio 1624. Affettionatiss. Servitore, Ludovico Grignani.»

N.B.- In addition to these Laudi spirituali, the students sang, going through the streets, the various points of Christian doctrine (see n.1567).

From two letters by Calasanz[1956] we know that he founded the music school of Rome and consequently also that of Campi, among other things with the aim that the poor students could earn their daily living with the musical knowledge acquired there. Knowing this purpose of the music school of Rome and that of Campi, we must assume that in addition to sacred music and the Laudi spirituali, their teaching program would also include a certain type of honest music for entertainment or leisure that met the requirements of the time[1957].

1956 L.3999, Ep.VIII p.132-133 y L.4003, Ep.VIII p.135.

1957 Cf. testimony of priest D. Gian Emmanuele Simoni (Summarium Magnum XXXIV 58: TALENTI [ed.1917] p.523): «Dall’anno 1632 sino al 1634 mi tenne in S. Pantaleo provvedendomi di vitto e vestito e d’ogni altra cosa necessaria, facendomi studiare da la gramatica sino alla logica e imparare sino la musica figurata.»

We can say almost nothing about this light music. However, if we take the catalog of notes and expenses of the music of the Piarist house of Campi as a basis, we can deduce that there were various fugues, preludes and other theatrical fragments as well as madrigals[1958]. From the fact that several musical interludes in staged performances were almost always performed by our fathers and our students, we can deduce that a kind of theatrical music was also imparted to our pupils[1959].

1958 Cf. n.874.

1959 Cf. the letter of Fr. F. Bafici addressed to Calasanz from Nikolsburg on 5-12-1640 (EEC p.79-81). In this letter, referring the Father the particularities of the representation of Gioseffo Patriarca, among other things, also says the following: «Nel Preludio (fatto in musica, italiano) la Musica e la Commedia desiderose di rappresentare qualche dramma, in honor delle nozze del Sig. Principe non sapendo a che argomento applicar l’animo, da un Genio celeste, che da alto compariva, cioè in nuvola, venivano invitate ad accelerare l’esecuzione dell’opera. Restava poi egli ad augurare felicissimi gli Imenei agli Ecc.mi Sposi. Seguiva il Prologo, nel quale si esponeva la somma di quanto doveva rappresentarsi, e questo in tedesco.» «Nel primo interludio (in latino musicalmente) liberata Sussana da l’ingiusta e falsa accusazione de’ due Vecchi venivano lapidati li istessi Vecchi al Naturale e verosimile, con sassi veri e finti, similissimi a veri portati a carriole piene nel teatro. Nel secondo interludio (pure in musica latinamente) Daniele uccideva il Dragone adorato da’ Babilonesi per Dio. L’interludio terzo (latino et in Musica), dimostrando aperto il lago dei leoni, esponeva Daniele in mezzo di quelli, al quale veniva de Abacuc portato il cibo...» «Nel postludio, Apollo su la cima del monte Parnaso suonando prima un violino e poi cantando, veniva portato poco a poco nel mezzo del teatro, ove recitava molti versi in lode del S. Principe, finalmente invitando le Muse a fare il simile, si abbassavano alcune tele, verdi, che facevano recinto al monte, e parevano coniunte con l’istesso monte, et apparivano le nove Muse con istrumenti varii, quali facevano sinfonie e poi cantavano con lodar la casa Dietrichstein; e poi ripigliava Apollo, e di nuovo le Muse, hora tutte unite, hora alcune separate e singillatim, finalmente concludeva Apollo, e ritirandosi di nuovo il monte, si dava fine all’opera.

Questa Postludio fu in Musica Italiano, e quel che fa stupire è l’haver udito Giovinetti e Putti chi Tedesco, chi Moravo, chi Boemo, et anco forsi Ungaro articolar’ accenti italici tanto vivacemente come se fusse nato nell’istessa ltalia.» «Li recitanti, tutti nostri scolari, furono da settanta.»

As far as the results of such music and singing lessons are concerned, we can say that they were quite remarkable. In fact, we know from various documents that not only the Archpriest of Frascati[1960] and the people who could hear the students’ laudi spirituali during free time[1961], but also Msgr. Gramay, Archbishop of Upsala, true factotum of Cardinal Dietrichstein in Nikolsburg[1962], were extremely satisfied. Moreover, according to the above-mentioned letters from Calasanz in Rome and probably also in Campi, many pupils of the music class became so skilled with this art that they were able to earn their daily bread with it.

1960 Cf. n.871.

1961 Cf. Relation of Fr. Berro, cit. in n.881.

1962 Cf. GRAMAY, Monita quaedam virorum magnorum circa propagationem Scholarum Piarum (Nikolsburg 1633): «Ceterum in compendia et linguis, Arithmetica et Musica, quae Societas non docet Scholae Piae se occupantes diligenter ut faciunt, commendarentur, si minuta quaedam luventuti gravia tollerentur» (Reg. Prov. 51: Prov. Germaniae, 8).

The musical culture of our students in Nikolsburg was particularly flourishing. There, at the express wish of Cardinal Dietrichstein, the entire musical liturgical service of the Loreto shrine - masses, litanies and vespers - was performed by the so-called “Lauretan children”, i.e. boys between the ages of eight and fourteen who had been taught singing and music by our Fathers. Here, too, the liturgical music was sometimes composed by our Fathers[1963]. The boys were aware of the reform of church music and sang the masses of Palestrina and the motets of Anerio[1964].

1963 Cf. n.868.

1964 Cf. n.869. To the documents cited on n.868 add the following document from the archives of the school of Nikolsburg, which, although somewhat later than the death of the Saint (it is from the second half of the 17th century), is in keeping with the noble tradition of the preceding decades. This document, Regulae Magistri Chori et Musices, was published by Dr. Antonio Altrichter in his essay entitled Historia Gymnasii Nicolsburgensis (p.107-108, in the volume Tribus saeculis peractis (1631-1931). Festchrift des Staatsrealgymnasiums in Nikolsburg, 1931):

«I. Professio huius Magistri est, ut per se perque adiunctum sibi collegam et per perfectiores musicos praeceptoresque sibi subordinatos citra praeiudicium scholasticorum exercitiorum ad maiorem Dei Gloriam, templorum nostrorum decus, scaenicarum actionum ornamentum delectam aptamque juventutem cum in vocali, tum in instrumentali musica instruat.

2. Rudiores ut vocant solmizantes ad matutinum sacrum, quod ante initium scholarum legitur, quotidie mittat, ut sub ordinario scholari sacro segregatos ea dimidia hora instruere possit.

3. Hora diei duodecima convenire iubeat instrumentistas et alios ad Clavicordium, alios ad diversas violas applicat informetque usque ad initium scholarum.

4. Finitis postmeridianis scholis iterum cum solmizantibus cantet saltem per mediam horam in hieme; in aestate vero diutius.

5. Perfectiores diebus recreationum convocet, ut pro diebus festis sacra, litanias, motettas etc. quasi generaliter probare possit, nec quidquam in ecclesia facile producat, quod ante non fuerit ita probatum ac domum ad revidendum singulis datum.

6. Instrumenta chori integra, clausa, extra periculum siccitatis nimiae, ventorum aut humiditatis conservet, melothesios partes etiam in sua covelamenta singulas dividat, easque pro sua virili augere, describere, recentes aliunde procurare aut ipsemet subinde componere conetur, maxime autem ut correcte describantur, attendat.

7. Non admittat, ut in scholis pueri aliquos communes saecularesque saltus aut id genus cantilenas ludant, unde transeuntes offendiculum capere possent, sed haec ultro ab iis domique ediscenda relinquens, ad serias sonatas et alia illos tempore exercitii adstringat.

8. Cum musicis civitatum in quibus degimus, ita sartam tectamque conservet correspondentiam, ut nullam invehat obligationem nostram Juventutem ad eorum chorum mittendi, quod solum fieri cum consensu Patris Rectoris in maioribus sollemnitatibus poterit, sine ullo tum nostrorum exercitiorum turbamento, vicissimque illi ad nostras festivitates invitari et aliqua epulari appendice recreari valebunt; ubi attendet, ne limites temperantiae, modestiae et paupertatis nostrae transiliant.

9. Vocalistis, praecipue discantistis inhibeat cibos potusque, qui vocibus eorum officere queant et potius suppeditante media P. Rectore glycerizza aliisque saccareis crustulis dulcorare eorum voces suavioresque reddere conetur.

10. Ceterum quia nulla alia instructio citiusque magisque bilem movere solet quam musices dissonantia, ideo vel maxime tum meminerit generalis illius regulae, ne manu, plectro, vellicatione crinium aut auricularum, aliove puniendi modo, modum excedat.

11. Noverit se Praefecto Scholarum ita subordinatum, ut non sit licitum ipso inconsulto maxime tempore scholarum proba, aut etiam extra descriptione rerum musicalium quemquam discipulorum distrahere aut occupare. Praefecto autem id muneris incumbere, ut inter Magistrum musices et reliquos scholarum Magistros quorum discipuli musicam callent aut discunt, mediatorem agat, ne confusio ulla oboriatur sed mutua excercitamentorum subalternatio conservetur una cum animorum harmonia.»

These music and singing schools were not intended to provide students with a scholarly musical education, nor did they become a center of high sacred or profane musical culture in the modern era[1965]. Rather, they were modest centers of dissemination where the poor children of the people could receive a remarkable addition to their culture and no small consolation for life and their religious sensibilities.

1965 With the exception, perhaps, of the singing and music school in Nikolsburg, where, as we have already seen, the level of musical culture was quite high.

Calasanz undoubtedly proved to be a pioneer of popular culture with the introduction of music and singing in his free schools. For while the other theoretical pedagogues of his time or those immediately preceding him only wrote or spoke about the possibility of teaching music to children and young people, he immediately devoted himself to the practice, following in the footsteps of Saint Philip Neri and his Oratorians[1966] and implementing his entire program as far as his limited resources allowed[1967].

1966 Cf. CAPECELATRO, o.c. c.8 «S. Filippo e la Musica» (p.191-220). Regarding the great love that the Oratorians had for music, cf. p.191: «Nella Regola Oratoriana è scritto, essere volontà del Santo che i suoi Padri, uniti coi fedeli, si eccitino a contemplare le cose celesti per mezzo di armonie musicali (Musico concentu excitentur ad caelestia contemplanda, Constit. c.l «De Oratorio»). Regarding the songs learned by young people, see p. 212.: «Palestrina per ordine di S. Filippo musicò molte canzoni Italiane e arie divote a tre e a quattro voci, ad uso dei giovani dell’Oratorio.»

1967 Among the pedagogical authors of that time, Horacio Lombardelli wrote the following in this regard (o.c. p.144): «Il fanciullo che non voglia eser odioso o disutile a’ suoi simili ed a sé stesso, ma a tutti accetto e di giovamento altrui (il che deve volersi da ciascuno, che non abbia alcun legittimo impedimento) sappia le seguenti cose: 1. Leggere ... 2. Scrivere. 3. Parlare elegantemente ... 4. Far di conto ... 5. Scrivere una lettera famigliare ... 6. Suonare qualche instrumento, come la lira, il liuto, la cetra, in modo tale da poter passare qualche ora in onesto svago e rendere altri più promti nelle fatiche. 7. Finalmente conversare in privato ed in pubblico». Cardenal Silvio Antoniano wrote about this question as follows (o.c. c.3 p.157-158 : «Della musica»): «...pertanto non mi par se non bene che il nostro fanciullo apprenda alquanto di musica, quanto basta per un poco di honesto diletto et non per divenir musico, dico parlando generalmente, che non si nega che alcuni devono andar avanti in questa arte, si che possano riuscir eccellenti musichi ... questa ricreatione si ha da intendere senza pregiuditio de’ buoni costumi, per il che si deve haver riguardo alla conditione del maestro et che con questa occasione non si introducano in casa persone non sicure... Non si cantino compositioni tali, ne rime che possino accender l’animo di fuoco carnale, ma più presto salmi, et alcune divote canzonette, quali per opera dei padri della Congregatione dell’Oratorio di Roma si stamparono non è gran tempo, che vi sono cose affettuose, et morali, che nutriscono lo spirito et l’amor di Dio, et si possono cantar da pochi, et con mediocre intelligenza». Campanella, a friend of Calasanz and his Order, was also a great promoter of music; cf. TOMASO CAMPANELLA, La città del Sole, edizione a cura di Norberto Bobbio (Torino 1941) p.68 note.

N.B. Almost a century before Calasanz, Luther also wanted to introduce singing and music in his planned popular schools (cf. CORDELIA GUZZO CAPONE, Il programma pedagogico di Lutero, Levana V [1926] 166). But long before Luther, the Fratres Vitae Communis had already taught music in their schools in Zwolle (cf. MICHAEL SCHOENGEN, o.c., p.88. 82). Among modern pedagogues, Don Bosco was a great propagator of music and singing among his young people.

Two and a half centuries later, Don Bosco and his followers had no other task than to follow the direction already indicated by Calasanz, perfecting it and adapting it to the particular needs of their environment[1968].

1968 Cf. P. RICALDONE, o.c., vo.2 p.63-71.

2. The scenic representations

In addition to singing and music, stage performances (which were essential at the time) also played a role in the esthetic education of children, because with their literary texts, music, dances, stage decorations and the performances themselves, they contributed not a little to developing the esthetic sense of children and young people, and not only of those who were most interested in their work as actors, but also of everyone else, i.e. the ordinary spectators[1969].

1969 According to Bacon (De dignitate et argumentis scientiarum 1.6 c.4), the excellences of school theater are the following: they exercise the memory, refine the voice, improve pronunciation, ennoble the gestures, inspire a noble self-confidence and accustom the young to bear the gaze of the public.

When it comes to the truth about these scenic representations, which were in vogue at the time in the various schools of Rome and throughout Europe[1970], Calasanz took a rather contrary view and only allowed them with many reservations. One of the main reasons for this was his very paternal and pedagogical interest in the regular development of studies. He did not want these to be hindered or impaired in any way by such distracting activities on the part of the students[1971].

1970 Cf. PECCHIAI, o.c., p.395; LINA MONTALTO, Il Clementino; 1595-1875 (Roma 1938); Tragedie e commedie nel Teatro Clementino, p.137-155. See, for example, a notice in the Cod. Urb. Lat. 1080 (fol.183v-184r) regarding the last February 1612.: «Nell’Oratorio della Chiesa Nuova e nel Collegio Clementino sono state fatte una rappresentazione et una Tragicomedia soggetti spirituali e morali con intervento d’alcuni di questi Cardinali, et notabile e stata la qualità de’Intermedij apparenti fatti nella Tragicomedia del Collegio Clementino alla quale in Palco fatto a posta intervennero anco l’ambasciatore e l’ambasciatrice di Spagna con elette Dame.» The same codex, on 3-3-1612, says (fol.191v): «...et tra le altre comedie [del Carnevale] ne fu recitata una bellissima martedì dalli scolari del Collegio Clementino con Intermedij che. meritò d’esser honorata dall’assistenza di molti Cardinali et del Sig. Ant. Filippo Colonna». Regarding the Protestant theater, see F. Paulsen (o.c. [ed. Leipzig 1919] vol.I p.363-368). For the theater of the Jesuits, see Ratio Studiorum (vol. cit., p.272), «Regulae Rectoris» 13, Tragoediae et Comoediae: «Tragoediarum et Comoediarum, quas nonnisi latinas ac rarissimas esse oportet, argumentum sacrum sit ac pium, neque quicquam actibus interponatur, quod non latinum sit ac decorum, nec persona ulla muliebris vel habitus introducatur.» Cf. also J.B. HERMAN, S.I., La pedagogie des Jésuites aux XVI siècle. Les sources, ses caractéristiques (Louvain 1914): c.3 «L’Université de Paris et les exercises scolaires», 5. Le théatre scolaire p.87-88. About the theater of the Barnabites see PREMOLI, o.c. lI p.160-161. 183. 227. Regarding the theater of the Somascans, see what we have said about the theater of the Clementine College. For the theater of the Oratorians see Capecelatro (o.c. vol.1 p.384; vol.2 p.218-219). It may be most instructive to see what Cardinal Silvio Antoniano wrote on this subject (o.c. c.50 p.156): «Delle rappresentazioni. È utile e dilettevole maniera di ricreatione maggiormente per i giovanetti studiosi quella che molti religiosi usano di fare, cioè che alcuna attione umana si imiti et rappresenti dai medesimi fanciulli; ...la attione fosse di huomini totalmente et non vi fosse parte di donna alcuna, se non fosse di alcuna matrona vecchia ... Non vi siano narrationi amatorie ne altra cosa, che possa effeminar gli animi dei giovanetti ... Deve esser composta giuditiosamente et con eleganza tale, che anchor in questa parte se ne possa far profitto, si come ancora se ne trahe utilità per esercitar la memoria, ..., et s’acquista da fanciulli facilità e prontezza di poter ragionare nel cospetto d’altri. È pero da haver riguardo, che si fatte ricreationi non apportino distrattione dagli studij principali et non vi si perda troppo tempo. Et quando poi si fa la rappresentazione e da fuggir ogni tumulto... È meglio che queste cose si facciano ritiratamente, tra i medesimi condiscipuli alla presenza dei maestri et di buoni padri di famiglia, et di alcune poche persone gravi et costumate, rimosse però totalmente le donne.»

1971 Cf. L.165, Ep.II p.202: «V.R. dica non solo a detto Canonico ma ad ogni altra persona che io ho ordinato che li scolari che vengono alle scuole non devono recitar in comedie pubbliche né altre cose da recitarsi in palco senza consenso nostro, il quale io non voglio dare mai per la esperienza che ho del gran danno che ricevono li scolari da simili attioni non solo nelle lettere ma ancora nelli costumi. Pero V.R. proceda come religioso supportando le ingiurie, che se li ministri temporali le dissimularanno non le disimularà lddio, e non permetta che li scolari che vengono da noi si impieghino in simili attioni sebene per questa causa bisognasse lasciar codesto loco, che in molti semo continuamente chiamati dove non sono tante contraditioni; tenga cura grande che li scolari siano ben ammaestrati nelle lettere et timor di Dio et lasci dire a chi vuole.» L.1036, Ep.III p.420: «Et sebene l’essercitio di rappresentatione spirituale suol esser di gran soddisfazione al popolo ma non di meno suol essere ancora di grandissimo danno alli scolari perché vi mettono troppo affetto et lasciano indietro l’essercitio delle lettere; pero procuri che solo due volte all’anno si faccia sebene in alcune parti solo si suol fare per il carnevale che è quanto di presente mi occorre.» L.1967, Ep.V p.174: «...il suo Carlo Antonio [son of Mr. Cinquevie] quest’anno ha disprezzato molte giornate il veder il corso per ritrovarsi nella rappresentatione di S. Orsola che hanno fatto li Alunni del nostro Collegio nella quale egli haveva tre o quattro parti differenti, et per esser stata proposta in otto o dieci di prima del carnevale; hanno fatto assai meglio che io pensavo.» L.1983, Ep.V p.184: «Non si pensi a far rappresentationi perché son risoluto di non consentirlo ammaestrato da successi passati di quanto poco frutto siano. Mi contento facciano de’ sermoni, compositioni di poesia e qualche dialogo da recitarsi in tre o quattro al più e senza scena ne mutarsi di luogo; però in altro modo non lo permetterò». L.2733, Ep.VI p.248-249: «Il negotio di far rappresentationi nelle scuole se bene esteriormente pare che dia soddisfazione e gusto alli secolari nondimeno io so per pratica che è di grandissimo danno al profitto delli scolari. Però si deve attendere con maggior diligenza ad insegnare le lettere et il santo timor di Dio, che è cosa che piace grandemente a S.D.M. e lasciar da parte questa aura degli huomini, che si contentano di cose simili esterne». L.2509, Ep.VI p.119: «Intendo che alcuni vi ricercano di far una rappresentatione il che ancor che paia cosa buona tenetela per tentatione acciò li scolari divertiti in queste cose che danno gusto al senso si sviino dal studio che è di maggior profitto; pero l’animo nostro sia in farli imparare prima il timor di Dio et insieme le lettere et acciò vedano qualche cosa li secolari farete ogni quindici dì o vero ogni mese far recitare un sermoncino alla messa all’hora che vi sarà più gente et le rappresentationi lasciate per altro tempo che quando sarà opportuno Io vi avvisarò.» Acta Visitationis Domus Narniensis, 1628 (Reg. Prov. XLII 11): «Il fare recitare gli scolari varie rappresentationi impedisce gli essercitij di scuola e li maestri deboli ancora perdono tempo.» A report by Fr. Berro on the contrary practice adopted by Fr. Stefano Cherubini in the direction of Collegio Nazareno shows us what Calasanz’s orientation may have been (o.c. II 169): «Le comedie con tanto vituperio facevano nel Collegio Nazareno con tanto mal allievo di quelli Poveri Giovanetti, che l’amore e non le virtù e le lettere studiavano. Li giuochi erano quotidiani e di tutte le sorti, attendendovisi con tutto l’affetto.»

N.B. Although Calasanz did not want stage performances in his institute, it cannot be said that he absolutely forbade his students to participate in performances outside the school. Cf. L.165, Ep.II p.202; also Ordini per le Scuole di Campi, 1630 [Reg. Cal. XIII 32]: «13. Non piglieranno parte a recitare in comedie, tragedie e rappresentazioni, benché honeste e buone, né orationi e sermoni o altre cose simili senza espressa licenza del P. Prefetto.»

But there were other concerns of a moral nature. The theater, which was so pleasing to the senses, could provoke unhealthy reactions in the young actors - and also in the spectators -, such as a passion to excel, vanity and other harmful tendencies, even if they were not directly intended[1972].

1972 Cf. L.2509, Ep.VI p.119; L.1036, Ep.III p.420, cit. above, and the report of Fr. Berro, cited above. See also L.289, Ep.II p.283: «Si procuri che le cose (della rappresentazione) vadano bene et senza offesa di Dio.»

In addition to the above motives, the religious discipline of the community and its pedagogical obligation demanded that the Fathers should be distracted as little as possible by such pursuits, which were more in keeping with idle lay people[1973].

1973 Cf. Acta Visitationis Domus Narniensis, 1628 (Reg. Prov. XLII 11): «...et li maestri deboli perdono ancora tempo [nelle rappresentazioni degli scolari]». Cf. also L.872, Ep.III p.295: «Gran disturbo è per li religiosi l’occupazione circa tante cose ogni anno, come sono queste della festa presente et costì li cappucini né quei di S. Bonaventura, né quei di Capo Croce si intrigano in simili cose per non distrahersi in cose che appartengono più a secolari che a religiosi reformati; et ogni cosa tocca a negotiar et proveder a noi però non penso col aiuto del Signore fare altre volte come si è fatto per il passato.» L.383, Ep.II p.349: «Quanto al recitare alcuna rappresentazione per il Carnevale li scolari sa che porta molti disagi et disgusti con venire a Roma et cercar vesti et altre cose; se si potesse fare senza questi disagi lo passarei e così lo dirà al fratel Luca.» L.389, Ep.II p.353: «Quanto alla rappresentazione di S. Madalena essendo cosa breve e divota la potranno recitare ma con questo che non ci mandino qui per panni né per altre cose che ci siano di impedimento.»

The natural consequence of all these considerations was the decision of the General Chapter of 1637, which reserved to the Father General or the Provincials the power to allow theatrical performances in the schools[1974]. And the decree of the Chapter General of 1641, which forbade such performances altogether and only permitted the usual literary exercises in the academies[1975].

1974 Acta Capituli Gen.1637 p.6 pt.3 (Reg.Gen.4): «Che non si facciano rappresentationi senza licenza in scritto del P. Generate o del P. Provinciale.»

1975 Acta Capituli Gen. 1641 p. 7 (Reg. Gen. 4): «Approvato con ingiunzione, anzi mutazione: che in avvenire non si possino fare, né far fare o insegnare da nostri Religiosi, Recitazioni, Rappresentationi, Comedie, o altro simile a Scolari nostri, o altrui, tanto nelle nostre case, collegij, chiese etc. quanto in quelle d’altri, eccettuati pero gli essercitij litterarij di Accademie, e delle Scuole [tre contrari]».

N. B.- Also Superior General of the Barnabites, Fr. Crivelli, in 1647 in Rome, in the College of St. Paul, forbade all spectacle and representation (cf. PREMOLI, o.c., II 227). As for the Academies of the students, see p. 546 of the present work.

But even though the personal opinion of Calasanz regarding the theater among the students was such, this did not mean that the saint actually never allowed staged performances in the schools. He allowed them without further ado[1976] if there was reasonable hope of avoiding the dangers mentioned and if at the same time some positive fruits were to be expected. For example, he often allowed stage performances during the carnival season in order to keep the boys away from the licentious manifestations in the streets, squares and public theaters[1977]. They were also permitted on the feasts of the local patron saint[1978] or on special feasts of the institute’s benefactors[1979].

1976 We see that he allowed them, both before and after the respective decisions of the General Chapters, by his letters and by those addressed to him by some of his sons, often sending him detailed reports of the stage performances that they themselves had organized, something that would not have been possible if such reports had displeased the holy Founder in any way.

1977 Cf. L.1036, Ep.III p.420: «Però procuri che solo due volte all’anno si faccia [la rappresentazione] sebbene in alcune parti solo si suol fare per il Carnevale.» L.1735, Ep.V p.14-15: ·«Quanto poi alla rappresentatione di S. Gioseppe in modo alcuno non si faccia nella quaresima ma se fuisi preparata per il Carnevale all’ hora si potrebbe fare pero essendo cosa breve che non pasasse hora e mezza o al più due hore.» L.286, Ep.II p.281: «Quanto alla rappresentatione se li parerà cosa di divotione et che si possa far con utilità delli scolari la può cominciar a metter in ordine.»

1978 Cf. letter of Fr. Santino Lunardi addressed to Calasanz from Ancona on 1-2-1646 (EHI p.1362): «È un pezzo che V.P. non ha avuto mie lettere perché sto occupatissimo per cagione particolarmente di una rappresentatione che stiamo in breve per fare sopra il martirio di S. Ciriaco Padrone di questa città, esperiamo che sia per esser di soddisfazione, perché li recitanti che sono tutti scolari, si portano competentemente bene.»

On 11-2-1646 the same Father wrote as follows (EHI p.1363): «L’opera contenente il martirio di S. Ciriaco padrone di questa città si è recitata tre volte nella nostra chiesa con soddisfazione tanto grande, che non poteva esser più. La seconda volta che si recitò fu presente l’Eminentissimo Sig. Cardinale Facchenetti Vescovo di Sinigaglia e ne ricevè grandissimo gusto, e nel partir fece un segnalato encomio lodando la compositione, e chiedendone una parte che li era piaciuta straordinariamente, et il modo di recitar delli scolari, tutti giovinetti di dieci in quindeci anni, in modo tale che fece stupir molti Signori che erano presenti. Insomma tutta la città è rimasta soddisfattisima et ha acquistato la nostra Religione [sia del tutto a gloria di Dio] qualche credito, vedendo la diligenza usata in ammaestrar detti scolari i quali si sono portati [secondo il detto di tutti] da huomini provetti et esercitatissimi in simili attioni. Questa che scrivo è la pura verità pronunciata senza esagerazione alcuna.»

1979 Cf. letter of Fr. Ambrogio Leailth to Calasanz (EEC p.661); Nikolsburg 21-10-1640: «Il nostro Principe [Dietrichstein] andarà questa settimana a Vienna per celebrar le sue nozze... Intanto noi prepariamo la comedia di S. Giuseppe per la venuta di detto Principe.» See also the respective letter of Fr. Onofrio Conti (EEC p.165); Nikolsburg 25-10-1640: «...rappresenteremo l’opera di Gioseppe mandata de V.P. et tradotta in tedesco, con alcune agiuntioni, et intermedii latini della Scritura Sacra in Musica, et uno principio et fine in Italiano pure in Musica, a proposito per le nozze et in lode di detto Signore Principe et sua Consorte con balli, moresche et battaglie assai belle, et speriamo nel Signore che sia per riuscire.» See also the report of Fr. Bafici on the performances of St. Boniface (EEC p. 72; 24-9-1639): «È stata ultimamente da noi esibita la Rappresentatione di S. Bonifacio, perché havendo questo Carnevale passato rappresentato alcuna cosa tutta quasi latina, restarono questi Signori figliuoli e figliuole del S. Principe alquanto mortificati, per non intendere, mostrandosi desiderosi di udire qualche cosa che fose da loro intesa onde fu necessitato il Pre Provinciale a promettergli che questa estate vi sarebbe recitata alcuna cosa spirituale tedesca. Sicché quasi più per obbligo di promessa, che per volontà nostra in tempi tali si è rappresentata, non havendo neppure esservi presente il P. Pietro, per non esser le vie sicure dall’insolence de’ Cavalli Ungari, che tuttavia passano in Boemia. Pure Nostro Signore, ha permesso che riesca tanto bene e con tanto gusto e soddisfazione de’ spettatori, che l’assicuro che è stata assai bene il rappresentarlo. Vi concorsero tutti questi Signori, Parochi, e popoli convicini, amorevoli, e la città tutta e l’applauso è stato tanto universale, che conforme alcuno ci riferisce, quelli ancora che non sono soliti che dir male, e riprendere le cose altrui, non cessano di dirne bene e di lodarla. Il Signor Principe ha havuto a dire, che era cosa degna da rappresentarsi in Vienna alla presenza di Cesare; l’antepongono a qualsivoglia esibita per alcun tempo da PP. Gesuiti, et argumentano che ancora in altre cose la Religione nostra sarà per superarli. Insomma hanno concepito tutti tanta opinione del fatto nostro che, tacendo e sedendo per molto tempo possiamo esser sicuri, che la Religione viene stimata cosa necessarissima sia per coloro che predicano e confessano, come per coloro che fanno schola, perché altrimenti havendo noi concetto di ignoranti, tutti ci fuggono.» See finally the report of Fr. Caputi (o.c., t.1 p.1a fol.118 pt.419) on the academy held in San Pantaleo in honor of Count F. Magni, founder in 1647 of our house in Strassnitz (Eph. Cal. III [1934) 218): «Fu fatta l’Accademia in S. Pantaleo in nome del S. Conte Magno, ambasciatore del Re, dove furono invitati molti Prelati, religiosi dotti e una quantità di Cavalieri polacchi, tedeschi, milanesi ed anco veneziani, havendoli mandati l’Imbasciator di Venezia acciò gli facessero honore come che trattava il negotio della guerra del Turco per liberare i Veneziani dalle vessazioni che giornalmente ricevono dalle armi maomettane ne’ loro stati. Riuscì l’Accademia con molto decoro per esser rappresentata da giovani virtuosi i migliori che fossero nelle scuole di tutte le clasi capaci in questo mestiero. Fu l’Accademia più volte tramezzata da musiche in lode del medesimo ambasciatore composte da Sig. Orazio Benevoli, Maestro di Capella di S. Pietro noto a tutta l’Europa et invitò li migliori musici di Roma...»

The plot of these performances was usually taken from the Old Testament[1980], the Gospel[1981] and the lives of the saints[1982], or it was a topical subject[1983]. Moreover, according to the orientation of the Oratorians[1984], such performances often dealt with spiritual problems ex thesi[1985]. Finally, we should note that sometimes popular comedies were performed[1986], and classical mythology was not far from our theater[1987]. During the same intermissions, various scenes from the Holy Scriptures were presented - with musical accompaniment - and the seriousness of the subjects dealt with was compensated for with performances of amusing interludes[1988].

1980 Cf. letter of Fr. Bafici; Nikolsburg 5-12-1640 (EEC p.78): «La rappresentatione fu quella di Gioseffo Patriarca.» According to the same letter, in the interludes, the story of Daniel was performed.

1981 According to S. Pantaleo Fund of the National Library of Rome, in the library of San Pantaleo there was in Calasanz’ time the sacred drama La nascita di Cristo: Parva Bibi. Cal. 8 p.24-28. There were also in our libraries dramas like these: Il pianto della Virgine, by Giovan Battista Basile (Napoli 1614); La Maddalena penitente, di P. Silvio (Milano 1602); cf. n.893.

1982 Like the life of Santa Orsola (L.1967, Ep.V p.174), of Santa Maddalena (L.339, Ep.II p.353), of San Ciriaco (letter of Fr. Santino Lunardi; Ancona 1-2-1646: EHI p.1362), of San Bonifazio (letter of Fr. Bafici addressed to Calasanz; Nikolsburg 24-9-1659: EEC p.72). See, moreover, the catalog of the Piarist library of Fanano and Campi, cit. on n.893.

1983 As was, for example, the prelude and postlude, impregnated with classical mythology, of the sacred drama entitled Gioseffo Patriarca, which was performed on the occasion of the wedding of Prince Dietrichstein, lord of Nikolsburg (cf. letter of Fr. Bafici addressed to Calasanz.; Nikolsburg 5-12-1640: EEC p.78).

1984 Cf. PECCHIAI, o.c. p.402-403.

1985 As Il Pianto del penitente, by David Teofilo Piccigallo (Viterbo 1607) (cf. n.893), and L’anima tentata, represented in 1630 in Narni and Frascati (L.1284, Ep.IV p.143).

1986 Cf. Narni’s catalog (n.893), in which the following titles are listed: La nascita del Himeneo, comedy of Miedel; Lettere di cambio, s.a., comedy; La falsa reputazione della fortuna, comedy, s.a.

1987 Cf. n.1983; these preludes and postludes included, for example, Apollo and the nine muses, as well as the Genie.

1988 Cf. n.894. In order to show all the particularities of a scenic representation of the Pious Schools in the first half of the XVII century, we publish here an extensive report of Fr. Bafici on the representations of Gioseffo Patriarca, carried out in Nikolsburg in the year 1640.; (EEC p. 78-81): Nikolsburg 5-12-1640(I) «È stata lodatissima da tutti la rappresentazione da Nri scolari esibita il giorno avanti la nostra partenza che durò da 8 hore e più con opinione commune, che superi qualsivoglia comedia fatta da PP. Gesuiti in queste parti, da’ quali dicono essersi mai viste Mutazioni di Scene e varietà di Machine come si sono vedute in questa nostra. La rappresentatione fu quella di Gioseffo Patriarca venuta da costi, tradotta in tedesco dal fratel Agostino di S. Carlo, in verso; e ben vero che si mutò in tanti luoghi, e vi aggiunse tanto che, pareva per così dire un’altra da quella che costì fu altre volte rappresentata, a giudizio di coloro che hanno visto l’una e l’altra. Le scene che si variarono da 20 e più erano cinque: la città d’Egitto, la Sala del Re Faraone addobbata da Panni con trono simili entro la prospettiva, la Palestina, una campagna, e la Città di Babilonia. Le machine furono travi, che venendo dall’ alto portavano un Genio sino al mezzo della scena, e di nuovo lo rapivano in alto. Una grotta con un Dragone, il Lago de’ Leoni, ove fu gettato Daniele, un Monte che muovendosi da dentro la prospettiva veniva a poco a poco sino a mezzo del teatro, et oltre, e di nuovo tornava indietro. Quattro triangoli che si voltavano, con le prospettive simili, tutto in ‘istesso tempo, rappresentando a spettatori nuovi spettacoli e nuove scene, la prospettiva che aprendosi più e più volte esponeva a risguardanti varietà di oggetti risguardevoli e vaghi, hora il trono del Re, hora una campagna con dirupi, ove si lapidavano i Vecchi accusatori di Sussanna, di nuovo il trono poi la grotta con il Dragone, il lago chiuso, et altre volte aperto, con dentro Daniele, et i Leoni, et Abacuc da alto portante il cibo a Daniele, un’altra campagna con il Monte Parnasso, e sempre con scene simili alle cose, che di dentro la prospettiva venivano dimostrate, il teatro tutto che eretto inmobile, con travi concatenati, in una sala, senza far buco, o in pavimento o in parete era di lunghezza tra dentro e fuori da 13 braccia, et altretanto di larghezza, altre due stanze dietro per vestire e spogliare i recitanti, questo era tutto coperto di tele dipinte, con architrave e colonnate, con l’armi del Principe e Principessa e Cicio pur di tela dipinta.

Il sogetto di tutto il rappresentato fu quel che segue.

Nel Preludio (fatto in Musica, Italiano) la musica e la comedia desiderose di rappresentare qualche dramma in honor delle Nozze del Signore Principe non sapendo a che argomento applicar l’animo, da un Genio Celeste, che da alto compariva cioè in nuvola venivano incitate ad accellerare l’esecuzione dell’opera. Restava egli ad augurare felicissimi gli Imenei agli Eccmi. Sposi. Seguiva il Prologo quale si esponeva la somma di quanta doveva rappresentarsi, e questo in tedesco.

Nel primo atto udendo il Re Faraone l’esposizione dei suoi Sogni da «Magi» e scoprendoli temerarii e pieni di menzogne, faceva morire tutti i negromanti del suo regno.

Nel primo interludio (in latino musicalmente) liberata Susanna dall’ingiusta e falsa accusatione dei due vecchi venivano lapidati li istessi Vecchi al naturale e verosimile, con sassi veri e finti similissimi a veri, portati a carriole piene nel teatro.

Il secondo atto conteneva l’interpretazione vera de’ sogni di Faraone, da Gioseffo, e l’esaltazione del medesimo Gioseffo, con suoni, feste et allegrezze, et in specie con balli, moresche et battaglie dinnanzi l’istesso Re e tutta la sua Corte. Et questo si fece da otto Giovinetti vestiti con habito francese, fatto a posta, assai vago, con Moschetti prima, e poi deposti i Moschetti con spada e pugnale, vero l’uno e l’altro, e poi di nuovo con Moschetti. I moschetti erano finti, e di legno, fatti da uno de’ Nostri, ma tanto simili al vero, che furono stimati veracissimi. Simili ballo et battaglie furono gli anni indietro fatti dinnanzi l’Imperatore in Vienna.

Nel secondo interludio (pure in Musica latinamente) Daniele uccideva il Dragone adorato da Babilonij per Dio; per il che veniva gettato nel Lago de’ Leoni. Qui si vedeva il Re Ciro con la Corte vestiti alla Persiana assai vaghamente. Ma il Dragone era tanto al Naturale che ad alcuni pose paura. Si moveva, vibrava la lingua, stringeva e apriva la bocca e cadde tanto bene morto, che meglio non poteva desiderarsi. Alcuni hanno desiderata di vederlo conforme e per isgannarsi, che non sia vero.

Nell’atto terzo mandava Giacob a comprar frumento in Eggitto i fligliuoli, de’ quali Simeone era ritenuto prigioniere da Gioseffo. L’interludio terzo latino et in Musica, dimostrando aperto il lago dei Leoni, esponeva Daniele in mezzo di quelli, al quale veniva da Abacuc portato il cibo. I leoni erano assai più belli e naturali del Drago.

Nel 4o atto ritornano i figliuoli da Giacob in Egitto, con Beniamino loro minore fratello, ove erano banchettati da Gioseffo, loro fratello non conosciuto.

L’interludio quarto haveva la liberazione di Daniele dal Lago, e la morte di quelli che erano stati cagione che esso fosse gettato nel Lago de’ Leoni.

L’atto 5.0 conteneva la manifestazione fatta di sé stesso a fratelli da Gioseffo, la venuta di Giacob in Egitto e l’accoglimento fattole dal Re Faraone.

Nel Postludio, Apollo su la cima del Monte Parnasso suonando prima un violino e poi cantando, veniva portato poco a poco nel mezzo del teatro, ove recitava molti versi in lode del S. Principe, finalmente invitando le Muse a fare il simile, si abbassavano alcune tele, verdi, che facevano recinto al monte, e parevano congiunte con l’istesso monte et apparivano le nove muse con strumenti varii quali facevano sinfonie e poi cantavano, con lodar la casa Dietrichstein; e poi ripigliava Apollo, e di nuovo le Muse, hora tutte unite, hora alcune separate e singillatim, finalmente concludeva Apollo, e ritirandosi di nuovo il monte, si dava fine all’opera.

Questa Postludio fu in Musica Italiano, e quel che faceva stupire è l’haver udito giovanetti e putti, chi tedesco, chi Moravo, chi Boemo, et anco forsi Ungaro articolar accenti italici tanto vivamente, quanto se fosse nato nell’istessa Italia. Sia di tutto lode al Signore. Le mutazioni fatte nell’opera, sono state il recidere alcune case superflue, l’aggiungere ove mancava, l’aggiustar il discomposto, e contro l’arte della Comedia, anzi contra il naturale e fattibile, l’intermezzare fra il mesto alcuna cosa dilettevole, e doppo le lagrime di Giacob, alcuna cosa ridicola, per non attediar gli Ascoltanti. Questo fu alcune facezie fatte da 4 servi dell’istesso Giacob. Pastori che molte volte mitigarono la severità dell’opera, con semplicità ridicole.

Alcuni paggi ancora fecero il simile, et un moro del Re pure aggiuntovi fece la parte sua, pure piacevole. Insomma il tutto è riuscito a gusto comune, particolarmente del Principe e Principessa, la quale me absente, ha voluto copia del Pre Maestro Franciscano che ha fatto la Musica de’versi Italiani, e gli ha mandati a Vienna all’Imperatrice Eleonora. Credo che vi haverà mandato ancora l’estratto che fu stampato e distribuito a Spettatori.

La fama e volata dapertutto e maggiormente sarà per dilatarsi, perché essendovisi trovato presente il Buffone dell’Imperatore venuto da Vienna con la Signora Sposa, et essendole piaciuta estremamente ne riempirà tutto il mondo, e vedendone fare da altri, sempre farà comparazione della Nostra con quelle d’altri, ancora avanti l’istesso Cesare, essendo questo tale un huomo assai libero, e che dicono havere più di 20 mila fiorini guadagnati con simil’arte.

Li recitanti, tutti nostri scolari, furono da settanta, e se ciascuno havesse dovuto fare una parte, non sarebbero bastati cento. Ma chi due, chi tre e molti anco fecero 4 parti; vestendosi e spogliandosi, sempre con nuovi habiti.

Di questi alcuni si sono portati egregiamente, et sono di ottimo intendimento, hanno desiderio di prender l’habito nostro, et il P. Provinciale ne vestirebbe più d’uno. Ma per esser l’inverno con freddi asprissimi, pensa non esser bene, acciò non si perdano d’animo, con patir tanta asprezza da bel principio. Lo faranno al ritorno quei Padri che verranno.

Gli habiti de’ recitanti, quasi tutti habbiamo havuto, o si sono fatti nuovi in casa. La spesa ascenderà a 300 fiorini, e forsi più. Il tutto alle spese del Sig. Principe, si le Pitture, come le vesti, i Sartori, i Marangoni, le tele, i legnami e ogni altra cosa. Con che fine le domando la sua santa Benedizione augurandole felicissime le SSc. Feste del prossimo Natale.»

The music, the songs, the dances and the pantomimes as well as the frequent scene changes, the exquisite costumes and the ingenious use of the theatrical stage machinery[1989] contributed greatly to the success of the entire performance. The language of the recitation was almost always the local language, in Italy Italian, in Germania German and rarely Latin[1990]. Some scenes, especially the interludes, were always performed in Italian, even abroad. All this undoubtedly contributed to the spread of the Italian language, music and culture in Central Europe[1991].

1989 Cf. previous note; see also an account of the performances of San Giovanni Calabita held at the Collegio Nazareno in 1639. (Rasegna di Storia e Bibliografia Scolopica I [1937-58]. Manoscritto bibliografico del P. Rosani): «Nazareno. Nel 1639 fu rappresentato [forse sarà il primo] dagli alunni del Collegio Nazareno nelle Vacanze del Carnevale un Dramma intitolato S. Giovanni Calabita, come si vede dall’argomento in quell’anno [Roma, Antonio Landini, 1639]: ivi furono intermezzi di balli, scherme moresche.»

1990 Cf, n.1988.

1991 Cf. ibid.

The positive result of such performances, prepared and performed with such care and attention, could not be neglected. As far as moral education was concerned, such performances, with their exemplary and vivid teachings from the Holy Scriptures and the lives of the saints, illustrated the sublimity of a perfect Christian life in a very convenient and plausible way. The frequent lectures were also a great help for intellectual education, as the teachers themselves noted. In the practical learning of the art of oratory, which was so highly valued at the time[1992], the pupils permeated the living heritage of the mother tongue with the use of the local language.

1992 Cf. letter of Fr. Bafici to Calasanz on 24-9-1639 (EEC p. 72-73): «La rappresentazione è stata utile a nostri, perché questi giovani hanno imparato quello, che dovendolo professare et insegnare non havevano giammai visto, ne imparato... e stata finalmente utile a scolari, i quali senza perder li soliti esercitij scolastici si sono esercitati in cosa tanto necesaria in quelli, che fanno professione di belle lettere e di retorica, cioè nell’azione, parte principalissima e più necessaria nell’Oratore, senza la quale non merita nome di Oratore.»

After this it seems almost superfluous to speak of the advantages of the school theatre with regard to aesthetic education. From the artful recitation, from the controlled gestures of the little actors, even from the costumes; from the literary text of the scene presented to the music that accompanied it, from the ballet and the singing to the careful decoration of the stage, everything, really everything, inevitably contributed to aesthetic education, so that the young actors, who were oriented and even instructed in this respect, could not help but feel themselves and make others feel what the “perfectio cum claritate” was. Finally, these representations also meant considerable propaganda for the Pious Schools.

At a time when all other institutes allowed or even favoured stage performances, it would have been difficult and at the same time very harmful to abstain such a means of propaganda among the friends and patrons of the institute. The contemporary documents assure us that this propaganda was not neglected either in Rome, Florence, Ancona or Nikolsburg, but that our religious everywhere knew how to gain recognition for their fruitful work in this way[1993].

1993 Cf. the various notes on p.653-659; and add to all this a report by Fr. Caputi (o.c. 1.1 fol.11-12 pt.26) on the representations held in Florence under the direction of Fr. Francesco Apa.: «Non voglio lasciar dire l’opere spirituali composte da lui e fatte rappresentare da suoi Scolari nobili in Fiorenza con apparenze e bellissime invenzioni che fu necessario farle rappresentare più volte per il Gran Duca, Gran Duchessa e Prencipi fratelli, coma anche li due Cardinali Carlo o Giovanni Carlo de’ Medici, che non si saziavano mai di udirle e vederle rappresentare; che se volessi dire il tutto, non finirei mai di scrivere, ma solo ho voluto toccare le materie.»

To sum up, we can say that the aesthetic education of the pupils in the pious Schools was sufficiently guaranteed by Calasanz. It is a pity that the requirements of the religious discipline of the Fathers did not allow them to open established music and singing classes everywhere, and that the same requirements, not detached from other pedagogical concerns, suggested to them an extremely strict limitation of scenic representations! All in all, what was done - regardless of the restrictions and limitations - was a very remarkable contribution to the aesthetic education of the poor children of the people, because until Calasanz no pedagogue and no statesman had actually done more than what he fortunately also achieved in this field of popular education.

VI. Health care of the students. Physical education

1. Hygienic measures

After the research already presented, we still need to examine the role that the health care of the student played in the pedagogical system of Calasanz in order to obtain a sufficiently complete picture of the education imparted in the Institute of Pious Schools. First of all, we can see that Calasanz attached great importance to the good physical and mental health of his students and we can see in many of his instructions that he did everything for their care and development. As a condition for the admission of boys to his schools, especially to Collegio Nazareno, he required them to have a healthy and robust constitution, capable of enduring the not inconsiderable rigors of diligent study[1994]. At school, and especially at boarding school, he paid great attention to the personal hygiene of the pupils and stipulated that their clothes should be changed frequently[1995]. At boarding school, the timetable was designed in such a way that it could not harm the delicate complexion of the little ones in any way[1996].

1994 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c. 1 «Delle condicioni di quelli che devono esser ammessi per Alunni del Collegio Nazareno» (Reg. Cal. XI 10): «3o Che non siano manchi, né stroppiati di alcun membro, né deboli di complessione, o mal sani acciò possino sopportare le fatiche delli studij, nel che si debba fare diligente esame.»

1995 Ibid. c.4 «Del modo di vestire»: «le vesti delli Alunni saranno di color tané scuro longo e saranno lunghe, come usano li chierici tanto la sottana nelli quali non vi usaranno sorte alcuna di guarnigione di seta, sì provveder per ciascuno delli Alunni di camicie scmplici senza lavorio o lattuche, di fazzoletti, di giubbone, e camiciola per l’inverno, li calzoni e giubboni saranno foderati con una tela semplicemcnte. E l’estate porteranno il giubbone di tela bianca e li calzoni e calzette di saia. Usaranno in casa massime d’inverno la zimarra di color nero, ma fuori usino sempre la soprana. Se li provvederà ancora di berrette, e cappello, sempre che bisognerà, e similmente di calzette e scarpe secondo che haveranno bisogno et pianelle e finalmente di tutto quello, che sarà necessario, havendo sempre di spender qual meno che sarà possibile, e quando alcuna delle sopradette cose si potrà resarcire senza alcuna sordidezza si procuri di accomodar quanto prima avvertendo a tutti che conservino le robbe, che li saranno date molto nette, e ben assettate; altrimente facendo saranno gravemente penitentiati dal Superiore. Si li provvederà similmente del letto necessario di longo palmi sette e largo quattro, coperta, lenzuola, materazo pagliariccio, fazzoletti ... insomma di quanto sarà necessario secondo il tempo, havendo però sempre riguardo alla povertà et isparagno della comune intrata del Collegio et si procuri che tutti stiano netti, e politi et che ogni mattina si lavino le mani e volto, si tondino ogni mese, et che tenghino tanto i propri tavolini, sedie e libri, come le vesti, netti dalla polvere». See also c. 5 of the Costituzioni: «Del refettorio. 1. All’hora determinata conforme si noterà nella divisione del tempo al suon del campanello anderanno tutti in Refettorio cominciando dalli più giovanetti, acciò vi sia tempo di lavarsi le mani senza confusione ... Punto 6o Alla seconda mensa, se sarà necessario far seconda mensa servirà pur uno delli Alunni a vicenda, e parimente vi si leggerà come alla prima. Le salviette si muteranno ogni Domenica; e l’asciugamani due volte la settimana [segunda mano: de mappis et aliis non est loquendum in regula]. 7° Finita la mensa, e piegata la salvietta da ognuno dando segno il Superiore dirà il Lettore: Tu autem, Domine, miserere nobis, e tutti risponderanno: Deo gratias, e rese le gratie al Signore e lavate le mani si partiranno ordinatamente per andare al luogo della ricreatione».

1996 Cf. p.412-426.

The food the boarders received was frugal but plentiful[1997]. The school building also offered an appropriate hygienic service. The classrooms were painted almost every year and were always kept clean. There was always clean and fresh water, an inner courtyard and well-separated and conditioned toilets[1998].

1997 Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.5 «Del refettorio» (Reg.Cal. XI 10): «2° Si dia ogni mattina un poco di pane ad ogni alunno per colatione et un bicchier di vino un poco adacquato. Al pranzo et alla cena si dia il pane sufficientemente. Haveranno ogni mattina la sua minestra differente, e la sua pietanza di companatico, un giorno di carne et l’altro di ova, latticini, o pesce e essendovi la comodità si potranno all’ultimo dare frutti, o cacio. La pietenza sia di una sorte sola di vivande; alla sera, in luogo di minestra si potrà dare l’insalata. Et il Superior haverà facoltà di alterar detto ordine in giorni festivi o vero alcune altre volte con giuste cause. Mangeranno tutti dell’istessi cibi etiam il Superiore et altri Ministri eccettuando l’infermi, e convalescenti.»

1998 Cf. p.434-442.

2. Breaks and recreations, excursions, the periods in the countryside

The frequent joint recreations served above all to maintain the health of the students and boarders. They were introduced through Calasanz’ determination, precisely to protect the health of his little ones[1999]. In the Pious Schools, they had the function of physical education, which was so highly recommended by educators before and after Calasanz[2000].

1999 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c. 7 «Dello studio»: «5° Ogni settimana si darà un giorno di vacanza, come si è detto sopra e l’estate si manderanno fuori la mattina a pigliar un poco l’aria fresca per conservar la sanità e per poter poi con più fervore attendere allo studio.»

2000 Cf. v.g. PAUL BARTH, o.c. p.268-269, where the author speaks of Enea Silvio Piccolomini and Vittorino da Feltre; see also Gerini (Gli scrittori ped. Ital. del sec. p.488): «I pedagogisti seguendo il metodo che abbiamo detto progressivo, esordiscono quasi tutti dalle cure fisiche, di cui abbisognano i bambini, dando larga parte ai giuochi dei quali riconoscono l’efficacia nonché agli esercizi ginnastici, fatti all’aria aperta ed all’igiene.» See also Gerini on the subject of 17th century Italian pedagogical writers. (p.251): «Gli autori continuano ancora ad insistere sugli esercizi e sui giochi all’aria aperta...» Also Campanella in his Città del Sole insisted a lot on gymnastic exercises and outdoor games. (cf. ed. cured by Norberto Bobbio [Torino 1941] p.45. 64. 73. 77). Cardinal Silvio Antoniano wrote on this subject, among other things, as follows (o.c., c.47 «Della necessità et utilità della ricreatione» p.154; c.48 «Delle ricreationi et giuochi de putti» p.154-155): «…i giuochi de i putti et de i giovanetti non doverebbono farsi a sedere, ne otiosamente, ma con esercitatione del corpo, come s’è detto del saltare et del correre et si può dire del giuoco della palla, che da i medici è molto lodato, se bene a me pare che vi si faccia troppo continuo moto et presto commova il sudore, onde quello, che chiamano il trucco, mi par migliore et altri simili, che sono contemperati di moto et di quiete.» «Et perchè giova alla complessione specialmente per rispetto alla testa lo avvezzarsi al sole et all’aria liberi, è espediente condurre talvolta i fanciulli alle vigne et ai prati et sopra alcuni colli dove il solo prospetto et vaghezza della veduta ricrea mirabilmente et dove la solitudine et remotezza del luogo, da maggior facoltà ai giovanetti di far i suoi honesti giuochi senza pregiudizio della modestia.»

Given the importance of these communal recreations or walks, it is worth examining their schedule, structure and program in more detail. The documents show that the recreations of the general schools, not the boarding schools, which we will discuss separately, took place at least twice a week, on Sunday and on the vacation, usually Thursday. But if there was a new feast day in the week, recreation was also held on that day[2001]. The recreations held after the Christian doctrine on Sundays and feast days were particularly well organized. In the time between the Christian Doctrine lesson and vespers[2002] or immediately after vespers, some priests accompanied the schoolchildren until they reached the open field outside the town. On the way there, they often sang the litanies or the Laudi spirituali. There they could play ball, boccia or shuffleboard. The intention was that everyone should exercise and stay away from cards, dice and all sedentary games of chance[2003]. It is also known that these games were interrupted from time to time by short, fervent prayers or acts of virtue[2004], so that the physical exercise was wisely combined with the elevation of the spirit and so that the students did not forget the presence of God in the fervor of the game. Such recreations were never held in the same school building or in any other closed place, but always in an “unobstructed” place that was easy to control “to avoid all evil”[2005]. It is not superfluous to mention that all the students’ recreational activities took place under the loving, sober and prudent supervision of the Fathers[2006].

2001 Cf. Riti comuni: Reg. Cal. 74 (p.51): «Finita la Dottrina si trattenghino gli scolari al Vespro, dopo il quale se li può concedere un po’ di recreatione secondo il luogo e qualità del tempo e sempre col consenso del Superiore della Casa, il quale havrà consideratione a quello, che convenga al paese et alle persone. Nell’inviarsi a simili ricreationi e per la strada, sarà di edificazione l’andare cantando le lettanie, o laudi spirituali, ma si habbia riguardo al luogo, dove si passa. Non si conceda mai agli scolari nostri il giuoco alle carte né a dadi, e in tutti i giuochi loro anche honestissimi devono lasciare i denari per ogni modo, e sia sempre il tutto in luoghi patenti e alla presenza degli altri, e non mai nelle scole sotto qualsivoglia pretesto, e meno in tempo di Carnevale ovvero di pioggia per trattenerli da peggio. Ne il Prefetto delle scuole ha autorità di dispensare in questo; così tanto meno si ha da comportare non che da concedere il giuoco in tempo delle scuole con iscusa che siano pochi, e si sia dato fine agli essercitij scolastici.» Cf. also Fr. Berro (o.c., t. 1 1.2 fol.4): «[Gli scolari] erano quotidianamente con li Padri, poiché il dopo pranzo nei giorni di Festa fra la Dottrina et il Vespro, e le Vacanze ne andavano con li Padri in più luoghi della Città per loro ricreatione venendo esercitati in diversi modestissimi giuochi, et di tempo in tempo anco in lodi spirituali delle quali così li figli, come ancora chi vi si tratteneva, ne traeva profitto grande per le anime loro.» Cf. also L.1322, Ep.IV p.168; Frascati: «Quando li scolari anderanno a spasso che sarà solamente il giorno di vacanza et la domenica doppo il Vespero vi andrà il Fratel Giacomo insieme.»

It should not surprise us that between the different classes there were no intervals set aside for the recreation of the pupils. The daily lessons in those days lasted, as we have seen, both in the morning and in the afternoon, only two and a half hours.

2002 Cf. note 2001.

2003 Cf. ibid.

2004 Cf. Riti comuni: Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1, p.52: «Di quando in quando si possono interrompere li giuochi, a farli fare qualche atto di virtù, o pure esercitarli con orationi giaculatorie per non ingolfarsi tanto nel giuoco, et assuefarli più destramente alla presenza di Dio.»

2005 Cf. n.2001.

2006 Riti comuni: Reg.Cal. XIV 74^1 (accompaniment, breaks): «In tali attioni non si porranno li maestri a ragionare con gli scolari, né si separaranno dagli altri con uno; ovvero con più scolari, né con altri, se non fosse per avvertirli di qualche errore. E chi vede separarsi dalla squadra, o ragionare il suo compagno con altri, è obbligato a fare consapevole il Superiore. Il medesimo si ha da osservare nelle ricreazioni, et altrove, non dovendo in modo alcuno li Maestri giuocare né fare altra leggerezza con gli scolari, overo alla presenza loro.»

At the Collegio Nazareno, where the students lived in a real boarding school, there were two daily recreations, one immediately after lunch, the other immediately after dinner. Each lasted an hour, with a program and the support of the Fathers, as was the case with the external students[2007]. In winter, recreation was not held outdoors, but the time was spent in the halls “with honest entertainments”[2008].

2007 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.6 «Della Ricreatione» (Reg.Cal. XI 10): «Havranno li Alunni due hore ogni giorno di ricreatione, una la mattina doppo pranzo, l’altra la sera doppo cena; nella ricreatione della mattina tutti si applicheranno a qualche giuoco distinti per le sue camerate con l’assistenza delli Prefetti avvertendo che quelli di una camera non ardiscano mescolarsi con quelli dell’altra camera. Li giuochi siano tutti honesti o di palla, o di piastrella o boggette o altro, conforme come concederà il Superiore. 2° A niuno sia lecito durante il tempo della ricreatione ritirarsi solo, o in compagnia d’altro né usar singolarità alcuna senza necessità, e con licenza del Superiore, ma tutti intervengano alla ricreatione; e d’inverno la sera non si farà altra ricreatione che honesti ragionamenti stando tutti separati conforme le camere, e nella ricreazione niuno ardisca di toccare con le mani o con i piedi il compagno, ne far atto o gesto che disdica, né trattino fra di loro troppo famigliarmente sotto gravissime pene; e quando il delitto arrivasse ad esser grave si manifesti al Generale, il quale provveda conforme li parerà conveniente. 3° Una volta la settimana concederà vacanza di un giorno, nel quale però non si tralascino l’essercitij spirituali quotidiani, la messa, et altre cose, cioè due hore di studio, un’hora di disputa e di conferenza et altre a beneplacito del Superiore; il restante serva per ricreatione, et si dispensi nel silentio, avvertendo che l’essercitio non sia violento, ma temperato. Onde niuno ardisca di correre, o camminar così in fretta, che passi il termine della modestia, acciò non risultasse danno alla salute corporale. Si accostumino tutti a parlare lingua Latina massime in casa e quando staranno fuori alla ricreatione. 4° Quando anderanno fuori non ardiscano pigliar cosa alcuna, né accettarla, etiam che li sia donata, senza licenzia del Prefetto che li accompagna. Quando vi sarà qualche giornata bella nella estate non troppo calda né nell’ inverno molto fredda né nuvolosa e sia di giorno di vacanza, si potranno mandar la mattina un poco a spasso havendo sentita la messa et se parerà al P. Generale si tratterranno tutta la giornata in alcuna vigna di alcuna persona pia, in caso che il Collegio non habbia di propria.» (Original text.)

2008 Cf. previous note.

In addition to these daily recreations, long morning walks were undertaken on a certain day of the week, which was almost always Thursday, “to get some fresh air, maintain health and be able to devote oneself to studies with greater zeal”[2009]. These walks sometimes turned into real excursions to a vineyard near Rome and often lasted until late in the afternoon[2010]. In 1637, Calasanz bought a villa near Velletri for this purpose[2011]. In addition, during the fall vacations or nearby, the boarders were given the opportunity to spend a kind of short but happy country stay[2012].

2009 Cf. n. 2001; also, Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.17 «Dello studio»: 5° Ogni settimana come si è detto sopra e per conservar la sanità e per poter poi con più fervore attendere allo studio.»

2010 Cf. n.2001. Certainly, some of Grignani’s Cento laudi Spirituali, printed for the use of the students of the Pious Schools, contributed to make these walks more joyful and more enjoyable. (cf., p.ej., GRIGNANI, o.c. p.84-86 lode 9):

MAGGIO SPIRITUALE

Hoggi ch’in vago stile / con pronto, e lieto core / cantano al loro Signore / i colli, e monti / hoggi che i fiumi, e fonti / ne invitano dolcemente, / ciascun co’l cor ardente / dia lode a Dio.

Piagge fiorite, e verdi / colli frondosi, e lieti, / limpidi fonti, e queti / Iddio lodate; / poiché per sua pietate / il Ciel già nove spoglie / vi dona, e fiori, e foglie / Iddio lodate.

Rose, gigli, e viole, / di cui doppo le brine / maggio si imperla il crine / Iddio lodate; / e voi che già gustate / il lor vago colore, / e’l grato loro odore, / Iddio lodate.

Prati che in seno havete / perle, rubini, ed estro / quasi stellato chiostro / sembrate un Cielo / o che fiorito velo / ha steso il gran Motore / per trarne al Cielo il core, / o gran bontade.

Gia nei ombrosi boschi / sul matino gl’augelli / s ‘odon sopra i ruscelli / in lieti accenti, / già tra i soavi venti / si senton gareggiare / tra loro, e guerreggiare / con gran diletto.

Se la stagion novella, / è della gloria un saggio / se questo allegro maggio / a tutti è amico, / et ogni colle Aprico / le piagge, e i colli ameni / hanno i volti sereni, / Iddio lodiamo.

Zeffiro spira e dice, / gitene homai a monti, / e le fresche acque, e i fonti / ogni hor godete; / ma al Ciel la mente ergete, / e’ i gran Fattor lodando / cantado, e giubilando / dategli honore.

Ditegli, o mio Signore / hor che sia poi nel Cielo / ove senza alcun velo / ogn’hor a pieno / il tuo volto sereno / vedran l ‘alme beate / della tua gloria ornate / in sempiterno.

2011 Cf. VANNUCCI, ll Collegio Nazareno p.38.

2012 L.1505, Ep.IV p.295: «Li alunni del Collegio Nazareno quali sono et insieme col fratel Giovanni Thomaso et Giovanni Battista di S. Bernardo che sono dieci hanno desiderio grande di venir per Otto dì a Frascati, essi si portaranno le cose necessarie al vitto; resta solo che V.R. vi provveda se sarà possibile di otto sacconi di paglia otto lenzuola et otto coperte et però si da questo avviso prima di far qui resolutione, acciò V.R. risponda se basta l’animo a far questo servizio per commodità del dormire. La risposta potrà mandare per chi riporterà il somarello che ho imprestato al Sig. Ventura Sarafellini». L.1508, Ep.IV p.298; Frascati: «Vengono costi li alunni per otto dì giusti et mentre viene il P. Vicenzo che è Superiore del Collegio V.R. ne terra cura particolar che vadano con modestia vedendo coteste ville, li provveda V.R. di uve in casa acciò non vadano in villa di alcuno. Il detto P. Vicenzo portarà denari da spendere per detti Alunni et io quando sarò stato in Moricone quattro o cinque dì e altretanti in Poli vederò di passar ancora per Frascati.»

Apart from these extremely hygienic and sanitary arrangements, which also met the most extreme demands of the pedagogues of the time[2013] by emphasizing outdoor games, we find no trace of systematically practiced physical education in the first Pious Schools of Calasanz[2014]. In fact, we cannot consider as such a certain exceptional training in fencing[2015], for example, given to some students of a school in preparation for a stage performance.

2013 Cf. n.1995.

2014 There were no regular physical education lessons in Jesuit schools either, or at least they do not appear in his Ratio Studiorum; however, from some passages in Campanella we can deduce that in some Jesuit schools there were some gymnastic exercises, running, jumping, rhythmic dancing, horseback riding, etc., which were fashionable among the nobles of that time. Cf. CAMPANELLA, Liber Apologeticus vol.cit., p.239: «Nec sufficit illis [magistris Scholarum Piarum] lectio librorum moralium, ut Iesuitis, et aliis speculativam non adeuntibus. Isti enim ad docendum populum non sunt instituti, sicut Scholarum Piarum Professores, qui ex hoc munere coguntur scientias methodice, dogmatice addiscere non modo idiotarum, qui possint populum Dei instruere prudenter, utiliter et sine erroribus suoque instituto ita dediti sunt, ut illi tantum nati videantur; pueros enim pie imbuunt timore, ac Dei amore in suis Scholis, non arte saltandi, aut optimos sessores equorum aut gladiatores inquirunt, ut quidam profitentur, quod patet.»

2015 As they did, in fact, at Collegio Nazareno in 1639, when the students during the Carnival vacation performed the sacred drama San Giovanni Calabita. Cf. n.1989.

However, Calasanz did much to maintain and strengthen the physical and mental health of his children and young people. If he did not include systematic physical education in his school program, the reasons for this “regression” are mainly to be found in the fact that his little ones, generally simple children of the people who lived almost always in the fresh air and in constant movement, were not so much in need of this hygienic means. Moreover, the gymnastic exercises that the humanist pedagogues had so strongly recommended to the young nobles were not suitable for their schoolchildren, who were still small and, above all, poor.

Moreover, we must not forget that most pedagogues, including Campanella, recommended gymnastic exercises as a kind of pre-military training for young people. Therefore, we cannot expect Calasanz, who made his children pray day after day in constant prayer for the peace and harmony of the Christian princes, to force his pupils to do such a pre-military exercise, which was not suitable due to their tender age[2016].

2016 Cf. CAMPANELLA, La città del Sole, ed. cured by Norberto Bobbio (Torino 1941) p.45-76; BARTH, o.c., p.268.

VII. Education in the boarding school

As an appendix to all that has been said about the intellectual, moral, religious, aesthetic and physical education in the first Pious Schools, we can briefly examine the principles that Calasanz followed and observed in the education of the boarders.

Before we begin our investigation, we must note that the saint, following the Constitutions, was totally opposed to using his religious in the education of boarders by accepting and administering boarding schools and seminaries[2017]. He never clearly stated the reason for this position, but it is not difficult to identify the main reasons. First of all, one of them was his eagerness to maintain the absolute gratuitousness of his institute. Poor as he was and unable to devote himself to the free education of boarders who lacked resources, he did not want to break the free nature of his schools by accepting boarders who paid for board and lodging[2018]. Furthermore, the extreme poverty to which the religious professed demanded that they should have as little to do with money or the administration of goods as possible[2019]. Calasanz was also inspired by the desire to help as many abandoned and poor children as possible through common schools[2020] rather than boarding schools. With a large number of priests, of whom there was always a great shortage, only a very limited number of students could be taught there.

2017 Constit. p.2a c.8 n.184: «Onus vero regendi Seminaria non permittatur nostris neque saecularium convictorum». Only the General Chapter of 1637 changed this provision of the Constitutions in part, since it allowed the acceptance of the direction of seminaries and ratified all that was done for the Collegio Nazareno. (Reg.Cal. 4: Acta Capituli Gen. 1637 p.10-11 § 1): «Che si possa pigliar il carico di regger Seminarij, senza convittori però, proprietà e amministrazione dei loro beni non ostante la Costituzione in contrario.» Constit. p.2a c.8 «De Gymn.»: «Si differisce però l’accettarne altri, oltre li due cioè Nazareno e di Nikolsburg fino al futuro Cap. Gen.»

2018 Cf. n.1395.

2019 Cf. p.152-158; see also, Osservazioni e riflessioni del P. Giovanni Stef. Spinola della Madre di Dio, Provinciale di Germania, circa il governo e regolamento di detta Provincia, 1636 (Reg. Prov. 51,11). In these Osservazioni, among other things, the Father presents a project to reconcile the problem of the extreme poverty of Calasanz with the care and administration of the boarding schools.

2020 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.): «Supposito dunque l’utilità e necessità di questa opera che abbraccia tutte le persone, età e condizoni e luoghi, tutte le scienze basse e tutti li aiuti al ben vivere ne viene ancora per conseguenza necessaria la necessità di farla religione...»

That these were the reasons for his original decision can also be deduced from the fact that, as soon as the threat of such dangers disappeared, he readily accepted the care and commitment to the education of boarding school pupils, as in the case of the Collegio Nazareno, where, by the will and generosity of the founder, the students were all poor and had free places. The same applies to the seminary of Nikolsburg, where all seminarians were taught at the expense of Cardinal Dietrichstein.

During Calasanz’ lifetime, only these two Piarist schools were run with boarding students. However, from the regulations of the Collegio Nazareno written by Calasanz himself[2021] and from some instructions for the Lauretan Seminary of Nikolsburg, as well as from other observations and notes on the same subject, we can deduce that he paid particular attention to the careful selection of pupils in the education of the boarders. He demanded that they came from an honest family, were of good health, of good talent and of good manners[2022]. With this selection, Calasanz laid the foundations for the future life and work of his boarding school by preventing those with hereditary defects or a difficult, almost incorrigible nature from hindering the spiritual and intellectual development of others[2023].

2021 The original manuscript of these Constitutions is in the archives of Collegio Nazareno, but, due to the damage of the times, it lacks the last three chapters. Fortunately, there is an authentic copy in the Generalate, with the signature Reg.Cal. XI 10; this copy is preserved in its entirety. Its chapters are the following: «1, «Delle qualità di quelli che devono esser ammessi per Alunni nel Collegio Nazareno»; 2, «Del numero delli Alunni et Ministri per il governo del Collegio»; 3, «Del modo di ricevere et vestire gli Alunni»; 4, «Del modo del vestire»; 5, «Del refettorio»; 6, «Della ricreatione»; 7, «Dello studio»; 8, «Del divino Officio et altri Essercitij spirituali»; 9, «Dell’infermeria»; 10, «Di alcuni avvertimenti per il buon governo del Collegio. Divisione del tempo».

2022 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.1: «1° Niuno possa eser ammesso nel Collegio Nazareno che non sia di legittimo matrimonio, il che deve costare per fede autentica cavata dal libro del battesimo da registrarsi nel libro del Collegio dove staranno scritti li nomi, cognomi, et patria et giorno che saranno ammessi in detto collegio. ;2° Che non siano di età minore di undeci anni [or.12] ne maggior di quindeci [or.18] che non sappiano ben leggere, scrivere et habbiano almeno buon fondamento nel declinar et coniugare nomi et verbo. 3° Che non siano manchi [or. monchi] ne stroppiati di alcun membro, ne deboli di complessione, o mal sani, acciò possino sopportare le fatiche delli studij, nel che si debba fare diligente esame. 4° Che per esseguire la volontà del S. Card. Fondatore di bon. men. si eleggano i giovinetti più poveri di più bel ingegno, et di più buoni costumi, e quelli che haveranno le dette qualità in maggior grado siano preferiti agli altri anco che fossero mandati da qualsivoglia eminente personagio. 5° Et havendo di far questo esame et relatione il Superiore delle Scuole Pie [or li superiori delle Scuole Pie] conforme si contiene nel testamento per farlo con sicurezza di coscienza è necessario che conosca li giovinetti per pratica, il che non si può fare se li giovinetti non frequentano le Scuole Pie, e però si ordina, che prima di esser ammessi al detto esame, siano stati scolari, per spatio almeno di un anno in dette scuole [like this in the original text, but in the copy, a second hand wrote ‘siano conosciuti dalli Padri per spatio almeno di alcuni mesi’] acciò così venga in cognitione non solo l’ingegno, e povertà, ma ancora de’ buoni costumi, che importa grandemente per il fine che è stato istituito il detto Collegio. 6° Fatto che sarà con ogni diligenza l’esame delli giovinetti che saranno qui [perciocché di quei due da Rimini, che devono esser nominati, si rimetterà l’esame ad alcun superiore delle Religioni che sono in detta Città di Rimini, se ne farà una lista, et quella insieme con li giovinetti si presentarà alli Rev.mi Monsignori della Rota, acciò siano detti e nominati, e sia sottoscritto il mandato col quale si ricevano nel Collegio, notando nel libro come si è detto sopra il nome, cognome e patria del Giovinetto o vero registrando il detto mandato nel libro del Collegio e del Notario Bonincontro o altro. Et prestaranno giuramento di osservare tanto le presenti costituzioni quanto qualsivoglia altra regola o vero ordinatione da farsi per il buon governo del Collegio» (in the original «giuramento» is lacking but it was added by Calasanz in the copy).

N.B.- In this chapter, since it deals with the particular case of Collegio Nazareno, it is natural that the Saint also insists on the real poverty of the candidates and on their relevant intellectual capacity. But it is clear that he would not have wanted to demand such conditions for admission to a common boarding school.

2023 Cf. n.2022.

As soon as the future boarders were selected, Calasanz immediately proposed to them the new ideal of life and the study programme they were to follow. This was done by reading out and explaining the rules and with the solemn rite of initiation. He wanted the boarding school pupils to make a solemn commitment to this new way of life[2024].

2024 Cf. n.2022, and also Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.4: «...et per spatio di quattro o sei dì sin che sarà fatto l’habito, se li insegnerà dal ministro, o da chi sarà deputato il modo di far la confessione generale e se li mostreranno le regole o costituzioni del Collegio. Et un giorno di festa il Superior dirà, o farà dire la messa dello Spirito Santo nella capella del Collegio coll’intervento di tutti l’altri Alunni, e doppo essersi comunicato il novello Alunno, si metterà inginocchioni acciò finita la messa faccia in mano del Superior la Professione della Fede et ivi prometta di osservare le regole del Collegio. Il che fatto si levarà in piedi il Superior e dirà la seguente oratione: Adiutorium nostrum in Nomine Domini. Resp. Qui fecit, etc. Domine, exaudi orationem meam. Resp. Et Clamor... Dominus vobiscum. Resp. Et cum... Oremus, Da quaesumus, Omnipotens Deus, ut hic famulus tuus N., qui ut Tibi ferventius deservire et proximis utilis esse possit ad studia litterarum in hoc Collegio incumbere desiderat, plena fide et forti animo in sancto proposito permaneat, tribue ei, Domine, humilitatem, castitatem, charitatem, oboedientiam, omniumque virtutum incrementa, ut ad meritum aeternae gloriae pervenire mereatur per Dominum nostrum lesum Christum…».

With these measures, he wanted to ensure that the common life of the boarders was something that each of them had freely chosen and spontaneously accepted. Instead of degenerating into a kind of forced cohabitation of so many young people who are almost trapped, it was to become a free gathering of strong and generous young people who spontaneously obey and commit themselves to a common goal.

But if Calasanz was so demanding with everything concerning his boarders, he was certainly no less so with the teachers, prefects and superiors. He wanted the good qualities of the boarders to be matched by the careful and caring support of the superiors, Fathers and directors. As far as intellectual education was concerned, we know that the Collegio Nazareno had a lector for twelve students who taught them “according to their abilities in grammar, humanities and rhetoric”. A “repetiteur” was also assigned to him as an assistant “so that the students could benefit more and the lector could devote himself more comfortably to his studies”[2025]. Some reports indicate that it was not uncommon for university professors or other famous professors in the city to hold this position of “lecturer”[2026].

2025 Ibid. c.2 «Del numero delli Alunni et Ministri per il governo del Collegio».

2026 Cf. n.759.

We also know that in the same Collegio Nazareno, to maintain the discipline and daily control of these twelve students, in addition to the superior of the school, “a person of great intelligence and spirit”, who was in charge of the supreme direction, there were also two prefects “of great charity and virtue”. They “watched over the rooms where the students studied and slept, and accompanied them when they went outside the school”[2027].

2027 Cf. n.2025.

In addition to these teachers and directors, the students also had their ordinary and extraordinary confessors[2028].

2028 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.8 «Del Divino Officio et altri essercitij spirituali»: «4° «Si confessino ogni quindeci dì, almeno una volta al mese col confessore ordinario e più spesso ancor al parer del P. Superiore, e similmente si comunichino anco una volta il mese, e due volte l’anno volendolo loro se li da un confessore straordinario.»

To summarize, we can conclude that at least five people were responsible for the care of twelve students; if we include the confessors, there were seven qualified people. With such support, the good intellectual and moral education of the boarders was, humanly speaking, truly guaranteed.

If the modern boarding school cannot at all follow the manner and standard of Calasanz in this respect[2029], it must nevertheless adopt a very valuable principle: One cannot aspire to educate large masses of boarding school students with a very small and unspecialized teaching and administrative staff. The educational function of the boarding school cannot consist in rules, nor in modern and well-equipped premises, nor in a good organization of entertainment. The fundamental educational factor of the boarding school was and always will be the educator himself. Many educators are needed for many boarders. This is a very simple rule, but one that is rarely followed in our time. If there are some signs of decadence in modern boarding, it is certainly not necessary to look elsewhere for the origins and reasons.

2029 Calasanz was also able to do so in his model boarding school, where he wanted to give an exemplary formation to the most intelligent children of the people.

The pillars of boarding school life were already fixed and established, but the following questions remained open, the timely systematization of which was of great importance to Calasanz: 1. the adaptation of a prudent timetable suited to the particular needs of the boarders; 2. the perfect and scrupulous control of the life and activity of the pupils; 3. the regulation of the common acts of piety and devotion; 4. the problem of purity; 5. the formation of good morals, good manners, social education; 6. the problem of hygiene, health and recreation.

1. Calasanz expected good discipline and good progress throughout the school from punctual adherence to the timetable[2030]. He tried to distribute the respective hours with care and pedagogical prudence, both for lessons and studies as well as for the common activities of devotion and recreation. There were two and a half hours of lessons in the morning and the same amount of time in the afternoon[2031]. Private study lasted two hours in the morning and two in the afternoon. And the repetitions, half an hour in the morning and half an hour in the afternoon. The breaks, both after lunch and after dinner, lasted one hour. And one hour in the morning was devoted to acts of common piety and three quarters of an hour in the afternoon. Eight hours were devoted to sleep. In summer, a short nap was also taken after the meal[2032].

2030 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.10 «Alcuni avvertimenti per il buon governo del Collegio»: «Et acciò tutti gli essercitij vadino ben ordinati si faccia la distribuzione di tutte l’hore del giorno si d’estate, come d’inverno, e si scriva in una tavoletta distesamente, la quale stia in luogo che possa esser letta da tutti, e si suoni la campanella ad ogni hora, come sarà ordinato, acciò imparino così li Alunni la virtù dell’obbedienza, humiltà, modestia.»

2031 Cf. Timetable of Collegio Nazareno, cit. in n.1217.

2032 During the summer months, in accordance with the common timetable of the other schools, the duration of the lessons was slightly reduced. Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.7 «Dello studio». «…e nei gran caldi alquanto meno come ordinerà il Superiore (the length of class hours).» See also what has already been said about the school timetable in p.412-426.

From the wisdom and discretion of the present timetable, it can be seen that Calasanz had already observed all the principles demanded by modern pedagogy when drawing it up. The interests of intensive study were safeguarded, but at the same time the physical and mental health of the pupil was also taken into consideration. An appropriate alternation between the hours of school lessons and the hours of recreation, private studies in a hall and communal piety was really the optimal solution for obtaining maximum intellectual and spiritual productivity from the pupils with a minimum of damage to their health.

With such a dense and varied timetable, a new and serious danger of schooling was also avoided, namely that of idleness. It was really almost impossible for the pupil to lose himself in imaginative thoughts, nor did he find time to withdraw into himself. Rather, he was stimulated by the program and called by the ideal proposed in such a concrete and real way.

It is true that the modern pedagogue might criticize this schedule for the fact that with five hours of instruction and four hours of study and one hour of repetition, the student had a day of ten hours of study. But when you consider that the physical health of the youth of that time was much more robust than that of our own, and that even today, if you think about it, a middle school or high school student must devote at least eight or nine hours, if not ten, to study at school and at home, he will be more lenient in his criticism of Calasanz’ system.

2. In addition to the prudent organization of the daily routine at boarding school, the issue of conscientious and vigilant control of his entire life and activities was very important to our Saint. Only by avoiding as far as possible any harmful influence from the internal and external environment, and by ensuring that the boarders were governed by the concepts and ideals instilled in them by the educators, could he hope to achieve the purpose of his school[2033]. The relationships and contacts of the boarders with their parents, relatives, friends and acquaintances were controlled in a special way. Their correspondence was also monitored, meetings or private conversations were restricted, their money was withheld[2034] and, for the same reason, no external students were admitted to the school[2035].

2033 Cf. Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.10 «Di alcuni avvertimenti per il buon governo del Collegio» In this chapter, Calasanz explains the necessity of control with these words: «Accio li Alunni si allevino secondo il desiderio del S. Cardinale Fondatore di buona memoria divoti christiani, ben accostumati e letterati per il quale fine è stato istituito il Collegio Nazareno si danno l’infrascritti avvertimenti per levar molte occasioni di deviar li gioveni dall’Istituto e per assuefarli al S. Timor del Signore.»

2034 Ibid.: «Et prima si ordina che nissuno Alunno possa scrivere lettera alcuna, ne leggere se vi fusse mandata senza licenza del superiore del Collegio, e similmente non diano ne imprestino cosa alcuna, ne la ricevano ancora che li fosse mandata da’ suoi parenti senza licenza del Superiore... che non si permetta che alcun tenga quattrini...» «Che non vadino fuor del Collegio che non siano accompagnati da uno dei Padri e che non restino fuori la notte, ne anco la mattina eschino innanzi giorno senza licenza del Superiore: Che la porta del Collegio stia sempre serrata con un portinaro quale la sera consegni la chiave al Superiore...» «Che non si lascino trattenere a ragionare con forastieri ne anco con li propri parenti se non due o tre volte l’anno come ordinerà il Superiore.» Cf. c.5 «Del Refettorio»: «4° …Si ordina parimente che nissun’ Alunno tenga appresso di sé quattrini, ma si consegnino al Superiore.»

2035 Ibid., c.2 «Del numero delli Alunni et Ministri per il governo del Collegio»: «2° Et acciò non abbiano impedimento alcuno d’imparar le lettere, e pietà Christiana, si ordina, che non vi siano ammessi in detto Collegio convittori in maniera alcuna né anco scolari secolari ad udire lettioni senza licenza del Padre Generale.»

In addition, the relations of the boarders with the outside world were controlled with vigilance and care. Personal relationships in the internal environment were monitored with the same attention and care, the older ones were separated from the younger ones[2036], their leisure activities were supervised, no one was allowed to enter another’s room, everyone had to avoid excessive familiarity and intimacy with the others[2037].

2036 Ibid.: «1° …E questi dodeci quali di presente saranno accettati si divideranno in due camere de’ quali i sei più piccoli staranno in una et li altri nell’ altra...»

2037 Ibid., c.6 «Della Ricreatione»: «2° …ne trattino fra di loro troppo famigliarmente sotto gravissime pene...»

In addition, much emphasis was placed on morality and the educational value of readings[2038].

2038 Ibid., c.8 «Delio studio»: «4° Nessuno nel Collegio legga, ne tenga libro alcuno senza saputa del Superiore acciò non vi sia libro veruno men che honesto, e di dottrina Cattolica.»

Undoubtedly, such meticulous discipline, such strict control, will surprise the mentality and sensitive conscience of not a few modern educators, even the so-called “strict” ones, who all wish that the student’s freedom and personality were more respected. It is true that the demands and conditions of modern life are somewhat different from those of the time in which Calasanz lived, and for this reason we do not want to “excuse” the Saint now at any price. We note, however, that such measures only appear excessive and burdensome when considered in isolation, without regard to the historical context in which they arose and without regard to the invaluable positive values at whose service they were placed. The students themselves, children of the seventeenth century who remained faithful to their ideals and the commitments they had voluntarily made, must have felt greatly supported and even encouraged in their endeavors by such measures, instead of being stifled or restricted.

3. As far as the moral-religious education in the boarding school is concerned, we must state that the common ideals, the teaching staff devoted entirely to the vital interests of the students, the carefully arranged timetable and the paternally supervised discipline have contributed not a little to making the Calasanzian boarding school a body, a compact body of students fully aware of their task. But to make the cohesion of his boarders even stronger and to make his boarding school a truly living and vital part of the mystical body of Christ, Calasanz also insisted on the communal devotional exercises that had to be carried out at school. With them, he offered an open field for the spontaneous personal piety of the boarding school boarders[2039]. The external students of the Pious Schools had their common devotional practices. It was therefore only logical that the boarders should also practice them in a more organized way and to a greater extent.

2039 Ibid., c.8 «Del divino Officio et altri essercitij spirituali»: «5° Si provegga che ciascuno habbia il suo Rosario, Medaglie benedette e l’Offitio della Madonna, acciò lo dicano ad arbitrio loro per divotione et alcune immagini attaccate al luogo dove studiano.»

So, in the morning, immediately after getting up, they had half an hour of common prayer, a spiritual prayer, and in the morning, after school, they all heard Holy Mass. In the afternoon, when the lessons were over, they prayed the litanies, the rosary and the “little chapel” of Our Lady together again. During lessons, both in the morning and in the afternoon, they took it in turns to pray constantly. The lives of the saints and other spiritual readings were read in the refectory during meals, at noon and in the evening[2040]. Before going to bed, they all ended the day with a short common prayer and a careful examination of conscience[2041]. In addition to these daily pious practices, they went to confession every two weeks or at least monthly, and took communion at least once a month. They fasted and kept vigils according to the general rules of the Church. On Sundays, they listened to the preaching of the divine word alongside Holy Mass and held the so-called “Chapter of faults”. On the other hand, the students themselves often had to explain “the gospel of the day “in vulgar language”[2042].

2040 Ibid., c.5 «Del refettorio»: «2° Et stiano ad udire la lettione attentamente, la quale sarà prima della vita del Santo, che occorre quel giorno se vi sarà, e poi di alcun libro spirituale secondo la capacita de’ giovinetti.»

2041 Ibid., c.10 «Della divisione del tempo», cit. en la p.413-414.

2042 Ibid., c. 7 «Dello studio»: «8° Per tener esercitati li Alunni farà il Superior che ogni mese si reciti dalli scolari qualche oratione o Poema secondo parerà a detto Superior e spesse volte si reciti parimente alcun sermone volgare per ordine da tutti li Alunni in circolo, sopra l’Evangelo corrente o altro soggetto come ordinerà il Superiore, il che ancora faranno il giorno avanti la comunione, e prima di comunicarsi insegnando loro il modo.»

The Marian devotion of the students was particularly intense in the life of the Congregation[2043]. The whole school was under the maternal protection of the Blessed Virgin of Loreto, the Mother of the Poor[2044].

2043 Called Congregazione Lauretana and recognized by Pope Urban VIII with his Brief of January 7, 1644. Cf. Vannucci. Il Collegio Nazareno p.126.

2044 On all these common practices of piety, see c.8 of Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno: “Del Divino Officio et altri essercizii spirituali.” For a more detailed development of all the moral and religious education of the Pious Schools, see the respective chapter on p.557-642.

Cf. VANNUCCI, o.c., p.125-126; cf. also c.8 of Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno.

If we may add our personal judgment to the objective description of facts and data, we can state that, given the importance Calasanz gives to the common practices of piety and devotion in the daily life of the boarding school, it is impossible to approve the poor pedagogical wisdom, not to say bad faith, of those who, in the name of the student’s freedom of conscience, want to eliminate them entirely from school formation or reduce them to an insignificant formality. Calasanz, like so many other teachers and saints, teaches us that there can be no true common life without a common external worship.

4. another very important problem, which the Saint worked hard to solve in his boarding school, was the problem of preserving the purity of his students. How to protect and preserve their morals from the not few and small dangers caused partly by the closed environment, but also partly by the age of the young people. We already know how vigilant he was on this point even in the common schools. It is therefore only natural that concern and paternal care increased in relation to the boarding school, where the problem presented new aspects, since the cohabitation of more young people, always closed in a certain way, made the matter even more delicate.

In a concrete examination of the measures taken by Calasanz in this very delicate area of school education, we can see that, in general, the method that was already accepted in the normal Pious Schools was also followed here[2045]. Care was taken to ensure that the selection was stricter and more serious, excluding as far as possible those who were of an older age from the boarding school[2046]. In addition, all students had to make a general confession before entering the boarding school[2047]. In the school, the older students were separated from the younger ones and supervised with greater care than in ordinary Pious Schools. Great attention was paid to the honesty of their reading and their personal relationships in order to avoid the danger of private friendships. For this reason, leisure activities were particularly monitored and controlled.

2045 Cf.p.601-607.

2046 Cf. n.1789.

2047 Cf: n.1805.

Finally, we cannot fail to notice how much Calasanz did not want “suspicion to fall on things that could be a serious offense against the Lord”[2048]. That is why he insisted that each boarder had his own room, for reasons of personal hygiene and to avoid any opportunity for evil[2049].

2048 L.1977, Ep.V. p.181.

2049 Cf. n.1792.

5. We must note that not only the education of purity, but also social education was given a new chance and new facets in the Calasanzian boarding school, since the coexistence of the students was conducive to a positive and, in this respect, more demanding education. We have already seen what was done in this respect in the common Pious Schools[2050]. To the observations made there we can add that, as can be seen from the Constitutions of Collegio Nazareno and from some of Calasanz’ letters, in the boarding school he insisted even more on good manners, on politeness and on the kindness of the students. He made sure to instill in them a sincere love of work, mutual respect and a spirit of fraternal equality.

2050 Cf. p.465-501.

6. Before concluding our brief overview of the main points of boarding school education as conceived by Calasanz, we must rightly emphasize the great and fatherly care with which the Saint took care of the physical and mental health of his students. While it is true that his pedagogical prudence and paternal love did not neglect the hygienic-sanitary problem in the common schools[2051], it is evident that Calasanz worked with greater energy and even more careful prudence to solve such problems in his boarding school. This was due to the greater commitment, the greater effort of his students and the same closed environment of boarding school life. For this reason, he wrote in the regulations of Collegio Nazareno that only students with a healthy and robust constitution were admitted, who took great care with their personal cleanliness, the neatness of their underclothes and their outfits[2052]. With the care of a diligent mother, he prescribed the quality and quantity of daily food[2053] and demanded special treatment for the sick[2054].

2051 Cf. p.661-668.

2052 Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno c.4 «Del modo del vestire»: «... et si procuri che tutti siano netti e politi et che ogni mattina si lavino le mani et volto, si tondino ogni mese, et che tenghano tanto i propri tavolini, sedie e libri, come le vesti, netti dalla polvere.»

2053 Ibid., c.5 «Del refettorio», cit. en la n.1997.

2054 Ibid., c.9 «Dell’Infermeria»: «Accadendo che alcuno si ammalasse di qualsivoglia infermità sia con diligenza curato nel Collegio e con gran carità, essendo che piace oltre modo a Dio, quando si essercita la carità con li poveri infermi, però procurino tutti quanto potranno mostrar questo pio affetto verso l’infermi, e sentendosi alcuno indisposto ne avvisi il Prefetto della Camera il quale lo faccia sapere al Superiore; acciò bisognando chiami il medico e procuri il Superior ritrovarsi presente, quando vi sarà il Medico, acciò intendendo bene le cose che si ordinano, le faccia esseguire puntualmente e come vero Padre comandarà che nella cucina si condiscano i cibi per li infermi con molta diligenza, andandovi in persona, ne fidandosi in questo di alcuno. Nessuno ardisca di dare cosa alcuna all’infermo senza licenza del Superiore né anco di andarlo a visitare senza la detta licenza; e similmente si avverte a tutti li Alunni che nissuno ardisca di simulare alcun male per fuggire li essercitij delli studij, che inoltre al peccato grave, che commetteria, potria esser, che li riuscisse vero quello che fingesse.»

In addition to these measures, which were directly related to maintaining the physical health of his students, Calasanz also took great care to ensure that their minds, exhausted by the fatigue of their studies, were properly restored. This was achieved above all by the healthy daily recreational activities, which lasted an hour in the morning and an hour in the afternoon, as well as the weekly excursions to the vineyards near the city and the summer sojourns in the countryside[2055].

2055 Cf. p.661-678.

The daily leisure activities were particularly well organized. On this point we would only add to the observations already made[2056], that in the constant presence of the Fathers and Prefects, which the Saint desired, and in other minute regulations concerning the smallest details of the behavior and entertainment of the students[2057], it can be admirably seen that not only modern pedagogues, but Calasanz had already understood and appreciated with happy intuition the importance of recreations in school education to its full extent[2058].

2056 Ibid.

2057 These prescriptions referred to the nature and conditions of the games to be chosen, the conduct of the players, the participation of all in the common recreation, good manners, the modesty of the pupils, etc.; see on this subject c.6. of Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno, cit. in n.2007.

2058 Don Bosco’s esteem for recreation is well illustrated in the book by D. RICALDONE, Don Bosco Educatore vol. I p.403-406; vol.2 p.30-32.

As a conclusion from what we have been able to highlight on the subject of boarding school education, as Calasanz saw it and implemented it in a particular and concrete way in the Collegio Nazareno, we can affirm that the Saint, even if he did not see boarding school education as the most suitable means to achieve his goal, namely the Catholic education, especially of the great mass of the children of the people, he nevertheless, after accepting the task, found and concretized the cornerstones of this new form of education with a sure hand and unusual pedagogical intuition. He succeeded in systematizing them in such a way that the principles established by the Saint can still be followed today by anyone who wants to teach and educate schoolchildren with lasting success in both piety and letters. Moreover, the glorious and more than three times secular history of Collegio Nazareno, developed by Calasanz and henceforth always guided by the orientation and spirit of the Saint, can serve as a brilliant proof of all that we have said on this subject[2059].

2059 For the history of the Collegio Nazareno see, first of all, the book of Fr. PASQUALE VANNUCCI ll Collegio Nazareno MDCXXX-MCMXXX (Rome 1930), and also that of Fr. ANDREA LEONETTI Memorie del Collegio Nazareno (Bologna 1882); regarding the Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno, see the analysis recently done by Fr. QUIRINO SANTOLOCCI, Attualità e Sapienza della Pedagogia Calasanziana nelle Costituzioni del Collegio Nazareno (Extract from the Acts of the Santander Pedagogical Congress, 1949.) p.383-384.

Conclusion

To conclude our investigation, we consider it useful to present a brief critical synthesis of Calasanz’ entire pedagogical work. It is useful not only to summarize the images and details found throughout the different chapters in a single, clear, simple and easily perceptible picture, but also to be able to clearly indicate the place that Calasanz and his Pious Schools deserve in the history of European pedagogy.

Such a synthesis and historical assessment is not only extremely instructive, but also a pious duty. With it, we pay the obligatory tribute to the one who, in a sacred way, brought a great work into being and drew our attention to the birth, development and flowering of some of those spiritual and intellectual ideals which, despite all human pessimism, were present in Calasanz’ time and still guide the history of Europe and the conscience of its best children.

Let us go straight into medias res. On the basis of the remarks made and presented in the previous chapters, we can state the following:

Main assertions and conquests

There is no doubt that Calasanz is the founder of the first free elementary schools in Europe. No one before him had founded an elementary school that was so well systematized in terms of teaching, program, timetable and moral, religious and social education. And no one had ever founded a school that was so well organized in its teaching staff and that, while serving primarily the poor, at the same time served all those in need of knowledge and piety. It is true that before Calasanz there were educational theorists, educators and statesmen, both Catholic and Protestant, who were intensely concerned with the problem of popular education. But the theorists never got beyond the limits of pious and useful considerations or theoretical reasoning, while the others - educators and statesmen, especially in the Protestant camp, not excluding Luther and the programs of the Saxon educators - soon came to a standstill with their embryonic initiatives and lacked a sufficient flow of life.

Nor did the various schools of Christian doctrine that existed and operated in various Italian cities at the time of Calasanz, especially in Rome, Milan and Bologna. They only took on some of the tasks of elementary instruction and education. They generally only took care of moral and religious education and only sporadically, i.e. on Sundays and public holidays, did they teach children reading, writing and arithmetic. Calasanz was the first to succeed in uniting the three absolutely essential and, until then, almost always separate elements into a happy and stable unit to create a genuine elementary school. That is, a comprehensive intellectual education, a solid moral education and the absolute free-of-charge teaching. Therefore, he rightly received the thoughtful words of Pope Pius XII on his merits[2060] and the honorable and effective title of heavenly patron of all Christian elementary schools decreed by the same pope[2061].

2060 Cf. la Bula Providentissimus Deus: «Gravissimis et indubiis probatum est documentis ipsum Calasanctium, hac Alma in Urbe, ad Sanctae Dorotheae templum, trans Xystum pontem, anno MDXCVII, primam in Europa Scholam Publicam pueris e populo egenis et derelictis gratuito instituendis aperuisse» (L’eco dei nostril centenari, 4-5 [1948] 8).

2061 Cf. ibid. (p.10): «Sanctum Iosephum Calasanctium Confessorem omnium scholarum popularium christianarum ubique existentium caelestem apud Deum Patronum constituimus, eligimus, declaramus.»

However, Calasanz is not only the founder of the first elementary and free school in Europe, but in his person, we must also venerate the founder of the first free secondary school in Europe. With this expression we refer to the school founded by Calasanz, which, although it was not a preparatory school for higher and college studies, at least for all, was not content with the cultural and intellectual program of the elementary school, but sought to broaden the intellectual and spiritual horizons of the students. Thus, he directed them towards literary-humanistic culture or towards perfecting their knowledge in the positive sciences (physics, arithmetic, etc.). Calasanz hoped that after three or four years of such studies, the student who had mastered Latin, arithmetic or physics would be able to work in various professions that were not accessible to those endowed with just an elementary culture. On the other hand, with his spiritual and intellectual training, he would be able to live at a more universal level in a more human and Christian way. Furthermore, this middle school founded by Calasanz, although it offers the student a perfect and complete organic system of studies and programs, and offers most students the possibility of a definitive systematization of their lives, does not close the door to further intellectual and social development to anyone. It was designed so that the most intelligent and economically advantaged students[2062] could continue their studies without major difficulties.

2062 I refer here particularly to the economic state of the parents of the pupils that would allow them to renounce the economic help that their child of sixteen to eighteen years of age could have given them by dedicating himself to productive work instead of attending classes; because the expenses of the studies, even of the higher ones, were paid by the Pious Schools.

The creation of a middle school with such a structure was truly one of Calasanz’ happiest inspirations. He realized that the culture offered should not be based on the low level of the majority, but that, within reasonable limits, everyone should be offered the possibility of a culture of the quality and degree that best suits their desires, intellectual abilities and economic possibilities. Only in this way can one really respond to the just social demands of the people and design and pursue a cultural policy that allows the full development of all true human values.

It is therefore easy to see that Calasanz was ahead of his time with this school, from the moment that the creation of a similar type of secondary school was first considered in various countries in our own day. He indicated to all those responsible for the reform of the school the spirit and criteria with which they should work to carry it out.

Furthermore, Calasanz not only founded the first free elementary school in Europe and the first equally free middle school, but he also created, shaped and outlined the ideal of the Catholic educator for his schools. Such a conquest may seem easy in our time, but in Calasanz’ day this was certainly not the case, as it was difficult to find not only impeccable, but even tolerable teachers.

Calasanz, who had conferred the important title of “cooperator veritatis” on the teacher, could justifiably demand that his scholarship and habits corresponded to the high mission that the title implied. For this reason, he wanted him to possess the most important pedagogical qualities and virtues and, if possible, to be a priest and a religious. Priest, so that he could guide the student with the authority and possibilities of Christ, the high priest and unique teacher. Religious, so that he could attract the student with the exemplary holiness of his life and encourage him to do good. At the same time, without private and selfish interests, he could achieve the greatest possible pedagogical effectiveness with his total dedication to the cause of education.

However, it would be too short-sighted to say that Calasanz only formulated the ideal of the Catholic educator. Other educators of his time and even those before him did something similar, even if they did not arrive at such a happy formulation and definition of the ideal and concept of the educator. But he really did form such educators for his Institute: priests full of apostolic zeal and pedagogical eros. By shaping the Christian character and conscience of the new generations through careful and renewed instruction, they could respond fully to the hopes placed in them by both Holy Mother Church - then shaken by the great storms of the Protestant Reformation - and by human society, no less troubled by the uncertainties and hardships that accompanied the birth of the new era.

These educators were role models for future pedagogical generations. The sublime ideal of the educator formulated by Calasanz became a common treasure of Christian pedagogy. Since Calasanz, we must recognize that every true Catholic educator must have some of the fervor, authority and pastoral responsibility that comes from the common priesthood. And every Catholic educator worthy of the name must strive for the perfection of the Christian life and, setting aside all interests, dedicate himself completely, absolutely and unconditionally, almost with solemn promise, to the holy cause of children[2063].

2063 It would be really exaggerated and wrong to affirm that, before Calasanz, the Holy Mother Church did not have a clear and richly nuanced concept of the Catholic educator and that before Calasanz there were no true Christian educators; but, even assuming all this, no one can deny that Calasanz contributed not a little to the realization of such a concept and to the formation of such educators.

In addition to the pedagogical achievements mentioned above, Calasanz also has the merit of being the first founder of a religious Order dedicated exclusively to teaching. Some religious Orders, such as the Benedictines, Dominicans and Jesuits, were already dedicated to teaching children before the founding of the Pious Schools. At the time of Calasanz, the Jesuits had more schools in Europe and on other continents than the Pious Schools at the time of their greatest expansion. However, none of these Orders was founded with the exclusive aim and mission of educating children, and in none of them were the religious bound by a fourth vow to the teaching and education of youth.

The foundation of this first specialized educational Order brought with it, as it should, many other benefits and educational achievements that Calasanz wanted. First of all, having such a powerful and vital institution as a religious Order, Calasanz ensured the recruitment, education and training of the exemplary educators, priests and religious wanted in his schools. This was certainly no small advantage at a time when so few made themselves available for the sacred task of the pedagogical profession, which was so despised and neglected. Even these few had a deficient culture and a moral conduct that was not always irreproachable[2064].

2064 One of the causes of the not few moral failings of the educators of Calasanz’ time could be their great economic misery. We must not forget that most of the professional teachers were made up of useless elements of the intellectual life of the time, that is, individuals who either had not completed their studies or, for other reasons, were not capable of any other ministry.

At that time, there was no systematic training of future educators in any European nation.

This fact deserves our attention, because perhaps for the first time in the history of European education, the special intellectual, moral and pedagogical training of future educators, and especially of primary school teachers, was effectively and categorically demanded[2065].

2065 It is true that in the Society, too, thought was given to the formation of future teachers, but this formation was neither exclusive nor principally pedagogical, since the members of the Order were not definitively destined to the pedagogical ministry, and often the pedagogical activity and function was considered by them as a transient activity of a temporary nature.

It was more difficult, therefore, for both a sincere eros and a delicate pedagogical ethos to originate in them, since both presuppose the definitive consecration of the individual to the educational ministry. Moreover, the Society thought only of the formation of teachers of middle and high schools, while Calasanz’ particular concern was the formation of relevant primary school teachers, which no one really thought of before him.

In addition, the foundation of the first educational Order achieved another remarkable advantage. With the spread of the Order, a certain universality of Calasanzian education and pedagogy was achieved. The Order soon opened schools in many European countries, and Calasanz’ intention was to reach all ends of the world, even among the Turks. In all countries, the same intellectual and moral education was imparted with the same methods and by the same educators. Such a powerful and universal pedagogical system could only promote the spread of the Catholic faith and morals in Europe. It undoubtedly contributed to the formation of a common European culture and mentality, which was very suitable for promoting “peace and concord among the Christian princes”, as Calasanz wished.

Furthermore, the foundation of the first educational Order also ensured the stability of the Institute itself, its spirit and its new pedagogical achievements. Indeed, without the Order, the Piarist institution would have been doomed to extinction with the death of its founder, as is the case with so many similar organizations. On the contrary, the everlasting vitality of the Order ensured that the same Calasanzian spirit that launched the great pedagogical work more than three and a half centuries ago was always and everywhere at the service of the Church and the country.

It was the same educational Order founded by Calasanz that, with its organization, with the vitality of its members, made possible that absolute totality in educational work and disinterested activity without which it would have been difficult to achieve any activity and truly lasting formative effect.

This educational Order also made possible an extremely powerful and effective school organization, with the hierarchy of its teaching staff, its central management, all its regulations, its scholastic experiences and traditions, with the systematization of its teaching and its programs. It was the first of its kind in the history of European education after the Jesuits[2066].

2066 The Frates Vitae Communis, born in the Middle Ages, also had a certain scholastic organization. But each school had its own laws, without a central direction. On the other hand, most of their regulations concerned just boarding schools.

Moreover, this educational Order guaranteed the freedom and independence of teaching and consciences from any harmful influence or domination of the state and the various political parties and ideologies. In accordance with the Founder’s intentions and thanks to the support of such a strong moral authority as a religious Order, the Calasanzian Institute was dependent on no one but God and its legitimate representatives. Thus, the orthodoxy of teaching was untouched by anyone, and free scientific and pedagogical research was not hindered in any way. Educators and learners had the great, the only freedom worthy of the name: the freedom to know the holy law of God and its truth and to act freely according to their knowledge and their conscience thus formed.

This fact was a true pedagogical conquest, especially at a time when the Protestant faction subjected schools absolutely and unreservedly to civil authority and the whims of the state. But even if one disregards the historical circumstances of the time and looks at the question itself, one cannot help but realize that without this freedom of teaching, no pedagogical organism can function validly and effectively and there can be no real education. It must always be a matter of serious moral and intellectual help given to the student so that he himself can reach his perfection and move as surely as possible towards his Creator, and never a kind of forced education.

As far as the freedom of teaching is concerned, it can rightly be said that the new educational Order founded by Calasanz took an important step towards the existence of real teaching and real formation of young people in Europe.

Finally, the Order founded by Calasanz was a realization and a very effective implementation of the rights of the Church in the field of education. It is true that this right would have continued to exist even if it had not been exercised through the foundation of an educational institution. But we know that rights that are not exercised are easily forgotten and are increasingly difficult to recognize in the practice of daily life. Therefore, the foundation of the Pious Schools contributed not a little to practically consolidating and historically confirming the rights of the Church in the field of education, so that everyone recognized its competence in this area.

But Calasanz not only founded the first elementary school, he also gave Europe and the entire Christian world the first educational Order. In the free education and instruction of all, especially the poorest, he was also the first to find the only effective solution to many of the social problems that arose with vigor and vehemence in those dawning modern times.

Indeed, he admirably recognized that a perfect social order will only be restored when every man, however poor he may be, is assured of his inviolable right to knowledge through free education and instruction, and when the moral principles of the Christian life are duly and commendably imparted to him. Without these solid foundations of a just social order, any solution will be ephemeral, because it neither explores the roots of evil nor tackles the problems effectively. In accordance with this certainty, his Institute did much in this direction with its absolute gratuitousness, its school patronage, its program organized according to the real needs of the poor and with its explicitly social education. This led to the general recognition of his contemporaries and the demand for numerous foundations by many cities, princes and Christian statesmen who wanted to radically solve the most urgent social problems of their peoples.

Having already attempted to evaluate the importance and transcendence of Calasanz’ pedagogical work in its most important and fundamental points, in order to arrive at a synthetic judgment that is as fair and precise as possible, we cannot fail to also consider some of his particular achievements, both in the field of intellectual education and didactics and in the field of moral education and school discipline.

As far as the latter is concerned, we would just like to point out that we owe to the Pious Schools of Calasanz the confirmation of the principle of compulsory attendance in class and also the first serious attempts to put this principle into practice. It is true that Luther had already thought of the need to introduce compulsory attendance in the schools he had planned, but he did very little, or rather nothing, to put this principle into practice. Calasanz, on the other hand, did not hesitate for long and, as we have already seen, called for cooperation with the civil authorities for this purpose.

Fundamental principles of intellectual education

As for the intellectual education given in the Pious Schools, we must underline as the first great merit, the great importance given to the methodical and systematic teaching of the main subjects in the elementary classes, also entrusted to priests. From the existence of such a concern, we can conclude that already in the first Pious Schools, that is to say, at a time when little or no attention was paid to elementary education, the key importance of the first elements learned by the child was admirably intuited. On the clear and well assimilated perception of them depends, as on solid foundations, all the security of the future intellectual building. No one before Calasanz taught the first elements with as much commitment as he and his Institute, and no one did it with a greater spirit of sacrifice, with greater preparation and didactic competence.

It is a great merit of the intellectual education of the Pious Schools to have chosen and composed with great prudence and discretion the cycle of subjects to be taught in their classes. This was the fruit of happy didactic considerations and of a prudent and cordial interest of a social character, as we have already seen in its place.

Both the school program of the elementary section and that of the humanistic section were combined in such a way that they responded to the main didactic demands and to the most urgent social needs of the students, who were generally poor. At the same time, both the main interests of a general culture as broad as possible, and the development and new directions of European civilization and thought, were taken into account. All of this, it is understood, always within the reduced limits of the specific economic situation and the intellectual capacity of the student. Among the main subjects, special emphasis was placed on writing, arithmetic, Latin and Christian doctrine, without neglecting the national language. Moreover, although the Pious Schools had an undeniable inclination towards the positive sciences, they were careful to maintain a sober balance between humanistic and literary culture, technical culture and religious and moral culture, both in the general composition of the program and in its execution. In this way it was possible to avoid the fatal split between technical culture and religious-moral culture that exists in our time.

Continuing on the theme of the intellectual formation program of the Pious Schools, the noble struggle undertaken and carried out by Calasanz defending the right of the poor to a culture superior to elementary culture, and particularly to Latin culture, deserves our particular attention. We must justly note here the deep cultural and social interest of Calasanz, who saw how a true European culture demanded an ever greater and more extensive participation of men in the common spiritual patrimony left by the Romans. He also saw that the cultural, spiritual and social interests of concrete individuals demanded not a minimum, but the maximum possible of all that is true and solid culture.

Along with the teaching of Latin, it should be noted the great importance given in the early Pious Schools to the teaching of arithmetic. In fact, arithmetic was extremely useful for the performance of various trades and professions. But in addition to these considerations of a social nature, Calasanz may also have been moved by the just appreciation of the new directions of European culture from the time of Galileo, Kepler or Newton. Likewise, it is necessary to take into account the spirit of the new Order itself, with its interest in everything that is simple, clear and positive and with great freedom for not having the restraint and impediment of an official doctrinal tradition. All this was undoubtedly the right field for the cultivation of the “scienza nuova”.

We can still emphasize with regard to this school program that, even though the national language did not appear in it as a subject independent and distinct from the others, in the reading and writing classes and in the grammar classes much was done in its favor.

It can be deduced from the various documents that, indeed, in Calasanz’ time, no school paid so much attention to spelling with the various morphological, syntactic and stylistic rules of the national language as in the Pious Schools. This fact also indicates very clearly the modern orientation and the great sensitivity they felt for the problems and demands of the new times. And perhaps it is not so difficult to discover in all this the first manifestation of the noble commitment of the Institution to reconcile, once and for all, the national spirit and the Catholic faith and doctrine.

Another great merit to be recorded here in praise of the intellectual education imparted in the Pious Schools is the methodical and very effective application of the intuitive method in all the schools and in all the classes, but especially in the elementary ones.

Other teachers of the time also insisted on the application of this method, but it is certainly no exaggeration to say that only the Pious Schools did it methodically and successfully. They seemed indeed destined for this mission because of their almost innate tendency and inclination towards brevity, simplicity and clarity, indispensable elements for a fruitful application of the intuitive method. Certainly, the very fact that the Pious Schools so successfully applied the intuitive method clearly indicates the vast and profound pedagogical and didactic preparation of their teachers. No one could really apply the intuitive method well without an absolute mastery of the subject itself, without knowledge of the psychology of children and their perception, and without a special plastic art to be able to express clearly to others what is essential in problems and in things.

Another characteristic note of the first Pious Schools was the zealous search for the essential, a natural consequence of an uncommon practical sense. This tendency was of great importance and value at a time when nothing was considered beautiful or good if it was not expressed with the baroque packaging of a thousand wonderful phrases and a thousand ornaments, and when the complication of things was considered almost the only adequate measure of their value. Such a Calasanzian tendency also corresponded admirably to the increasingly heartfelt demands of the modern age. And this was pedagogical par excellence. Thanks to this tendency, the mind of the learner was not impregnated with useless phrases and questions. With a profound practical sense, by means of a brief and simple method, the aim was to bring the student to the very core of the problems and to make him formulate a clear concept of them. This was done in the first Pious Schools, and in the teaching of Latin according to the method of Scioppio and Father Apa, as well as in the teaching of arithmetic and Christian doctrine.

It is really impossible not to see with immense satisfaction and admiration how in the Pious Schools of Calasanz all that which was only a pious desire in the other pedagogues of the time became a reality.

In addition to the methodical search for the essential content of phenomena and things, identifiable in any subject taught in the first Pious Schools, his great sensitivity and openness to the latest advances in science, didactics and pedagogy are characteristic of the spirit of his intellectual and moral education. Such sensitivity and openness undoubtedly owe their origin to the spirit and the open and docile mentality of the holy Founder himself, who, erudite and intelligent as he was, never wanted to close the way to new horizons. It is also due to his very prudent dispositions, already codified in the Constitutions, according to which the Calasanzian educator, detaching himself from all pride of caste and self-sufficiency, should find himself and live in a continuous search for better books, doctrines and methods.

Also the youthful ductility of the newly founded Order favored in a remarkable way the development, almost spontaneous, of such a sensitivity. While other Orders bore a certain burden of a long tradition of their own doctrines, sometimes a little inveterate, the Pious Schools, with youthful freshness and with the humility of the little ones, presented themselves everywhere as humble and industrious cooperators of the Truth. It was precisely because of this sensitivity that they embraced so ardently the education of children, then neglected by all, and by virtue of this same sensitivity they paid so much attention to the teaching of mathematics, Latin and the national language, not to speak now of their new conquests in the field of moral education.

So it is not easy to judge objectively in our times how much the whole of modern education in Europe owes to this intellectual sensitivity and to this humble and docile open-mindedness of the Pious Schools for all that is best. But we can affirm that such a posture is admirably pedagogical. In fact, the educator, at least the one worthy of the name, must always learn and let himself be instructed. Only by being always abreast of the latest achievements of intellectual and spiritual life and of the most recent pedagogical questions, and in possession of the best possible methods and means, he will be able to educate and instruct with a certain sense of responsibility. Otherwise, how can he be a cooperator of the Truth without this love, without this passionate search for the Truth itself?

Fundamental principles of moral education

But although the merits of the first Pious Schools in the field of intellectual education are so numerous and considerable, their pedagogical achievements in the field of the moral and religious education of children and young people are no less important or less great. We have no intention of repeating everything we could and wanted to say in the relevant chapters on this subject, and it would be superfluous. We would simply like to highlight some aspects and the most important and characteristic achievements, as is appropriate.

Thus, we can and must affirm that the so-called preventive system was already applied with full effectiveness and success in the first Pious Schools, although it was not clearly and methodically set out, as done by Don Bosco much later. Moreover, we must affirm that one of the most characteristic features of the moral and religious education of youth, as it was carried out in the Pious Schools was precisely the methodical and conscious application of this system so much to prevent sins as to avoid punishments.

The education already begun a teneris annis, the constant control of the pupil and the timely use of the sacraments served this purpose. The application of this system was suggested to Calasanz by the declarations of various Councils which, with regard to the problem of education, reminded him in serious terms of the sad consequences of original sin. Also by the spirit of his own time, which had Horace’s saying as its motto: “Quo semel est imbuta recens, servabit diu testa odorem”. Added to this is the personal experience that the Saint himself had when confessing children in Rome. He saw clearly with how much care and opportunity the educator must intervene in order to preserve baptismal grace in the children and to keep them away from evil and sin. If the application of this method did not lead to the complete exclusion of corporal punishment, as we would wish today, we should not blame Calasanz for this, nor should we infer that the method itself is imperfect in the way the Holy Pedagogue had it applied. In an era of harsh corporal punishment, which was commonly used even in middle schools, Calasanz achieved much in this area as well with his moderate and fatherly punishment.

Another remarkable point in the moral and religious education of the first Pious Schools was the noble commitment with which they tried to propose powerful ideals with sufficient appeal to the pupils. Thus, without any coercion, through convictions and through the active participation of will and love, they were led to a constant and sincere practice of their Catholic faith.

This orientation is extremely modern and an undeniably effective method, which can only be rightly appreciated in our time, in the century of psychology, since the value of the strong-ideas, of mother-ideas, in the moral life of youth and man is evident to all.

Indeed, Calasanz was not satisfied with the easy but temporary successes of a “training”, an external discipline. With this method, he sought an education that went to the bottom and tried to grasp the vital point of the student’s will and personality and to direct precisely this vital point, this core of his existence and personality, towards eternal values. And all this not through external coercion, but according to the principles of a purely Christian liberality and freedom, which makes use of the free decision and love as well as the spontaneous inclination of the student.

That is why this method was also modern. It did not force the freedom or personality of the student in any way. On the contrary, it wanted to free him from all the shackles of enforced customs and habits, from practices of piety that lacked conviction and sincerity. This method wanted the learner to choose the ideals freely and with inner certainty, and for his practice of piety to be a natural consequence of his choice.

And in order to achieve the greatest possible success in this attempt, after the holy and lovable figures of the Lord and the Blessed Virgin, the holy children were proposed to the student as easier and more concrete models through meditations, lectures, art and decoration of the church, and so on. If the holiness of the Lord and the Virgin was offered to them as the highest ideal to be attained, the holiness of these children showed them practically, in the most comfortable and attractive way, the way to this imitation of Christ and Our Lady.

With such a pedagogical use of this method of education through ideals appropriately proposed to the student, with a method so appropriate to the fundamental laws of the psychology of the human personality, how could one not admire the modernity of Calasanz and his extraordinary psychological vision regarding the fundamental problems of how to lead children and, in general, all youth to Jesus Christ? In fact, even in our day, it has not been sufficiently recognized how useful it would be to build churches and oratories, especially in large cities and near large schools, precisely for the use and service of young people and children. Churches with altars dedicated to these saints, decorated with statues and paintings depicting the most important events of their lives. Such churches, with their decorations and inscriptions, could also represent and touch the most important problems in the lives of children and young people, so that when they enter the church, they would find the continuation and solution to their problems and thus receive strong inspiration and valuable stimuli for their sanctification. Calasanz and the new Pious Schools had already taken the first and most difficult steps in this field. It would now be up to posterity, to their children and to the modern Catholic pedagogy to make use of such an opportunity for the benefit of so many young souls.

Besides the deliberate application of the preventive system and the education by ideals which was suitably offered to the boys, there is another point worth emphasizing in the first Pious Schools. We refer to the fact that the Pious Schools, in their moral and religious education regarding the existing relations between nature and grace, followed without any reservation the famous thesis of St. Thomas: “Gratia non destruit sed supponit et perficit naturam”. This is why they insisted so much - especially through meditations and daily acts of virtue - on the solid formation of the cardinal virtues in the minds of children and on the frequency of the sacraments of confession and communion. They were well aware that, on the one hand, grace cannot fully develop in the pupil without his rational nature being ready for it. On the other hand, the nature of the learner, weakened by the sad consequences of original sin and often also by personal sins, if left to itself, cannot reach the goal set by its Creator without the help of grace.

As far as practice is concerned, it appears from the surviving documents of the first Pious Schools, and also from an examination of the various methods of moral education applied in the different institutes contemporaneous with or prior to Calasanz, that only the Pious Schools took great care in the formation of the cardinal virtues of the student, as if everything depended on them, and only the Pious Schools had so much confidence in grace and in the frequency of the sacraments, as if everything was to be expected from these supernatural means.

Thus, Calasanz happily combined the relationship between nature and grace in his system of moral education. In reality, other pedagogues had placed enough emphasis on the formation and perfection of the cardinal virtues of the student, but little on the frequency of the sacraments. Calasanz wanted confession and communion to be obligatory for his pupils every month and only optional, but highly recommended, every week. With this practice, he became the father of Christian pedagogy in modern times. Saint John Baptist de La Salle and Saint John Bosco did nothing other than adopt and put into practice this method of sacramental education, which had already been clearly emphasized by Calasanz. Later, let us say, Pope Pius X’s decrees on the frequent communion of children confirmed the Calasanzian idea.

After the above-mentioned points on moral and religious education, the great importance given in this system to methodical and regular catechetical instruction deserves special mention.

Based on the principle that nothing is wanted without first being known, Calasanz wanted this conditio sine qua non of Christian faith and charity to be fully realized in the lives of his students. Normally, the intensity and activity of the will generally depend on the clarity, perfection and firmness of the knowledge in question. For this reason, the Saint did not want to neglect anything that could contribute to the perfection of a believer’s knowledge of life. Therefore, Christian doctrine was the main subject taught in his Pious Schools, and he attached particular importance to its teaching in the formation of ideas and clear concepts about the entire Christian doctrine, the entire depositum fidei. On a practical level, the conscientious preparation of religious teachers and the systematic application of the most modern and effective teaching methods served this purpose. We have considered it useful to emphasize this point of moral and religious instruction in the first Pious Schools, because it is precisely in our time that there are those who, under the pretext of the training that has become indispensable today and God knows what psychological laws, want to degrade religious instruction and reduce it to a kind of pleasant conversation between teacher and pupil. Calasanz shows them all the precise and sure way; and modern experience shows that only where the orientation and norms he gives are followed are religion and its practices taught with effectiveness.

As for religious and moral education in the Pious Schools, it seems to me necessary to emphasize also the happy introduction of children by Calasanz and his first collaborators to the spirit and life of prayer. And if it is true that in other schools and other institutes in Calasanz’ time children were also taught to pray and to pray well, perhaps in no other institute was so much done as in the Pious Schools, where a special effort was made to teach children how to pray and to make them pray effectively. A precious fruit of this truly paternal and priestly care is the pious practice of Continuous Prayer, in which the entire school community prostrates itself in trusting and humble prayer before the Blessed Sacrament, asking for the blessing and divine grace for itself and for the entire Christian community in its most important concerns.

And who does not see that such a practice sensitized the children to the problems of Christianity and at the same time moved them to do everything possible for the happy solution of these problems through their prayer, which was so powerful before God? It was also a very effective means of making the children ever more conscious and active members of the Mystical Body of Christ.

In emphasizing the children’s prayer for the vital interests of the entire Christian community, the social education imparted by Calasanz reached its highest level.

With regard to this social education, so much in keeping with the spirit and purpose of an Institute with a purely social character, we must also emphasize the solid and valid principles that Calasanz defended with energy and perseverance: the equality of fundamental human rights, mutual respect within human society, a true, sincere and active charity for duty. On these fundamental bases, which became soul and life in his disciples, the saint hoped to bring about the long-awaited social and moral reform of society. I believe that especially in our time, when there are so many less useful, false or exaggerated attempts to solve the social problem, a program of education or social re-education such as that proposed and carried out by Calasanz must be presented to us as an object of serious reflection and sincere admiration full of topicality.

The place of Calasanz in the european and in the so-called “perennial” pedagogy. His “pedagogical” holiness

Having examined the historical and pedagogical significance and importance of the various Calasanzian achievements and innovations, and having tried to evaluate, in a brief review, the many accomplishments and the numerous merits of the intellectual and moral education of the Calasanzian Institute, it is logical and easy to arrive at the conclusion that Pope Pius XII. in his apostolic letter to the Superior General of the Pious Schools; namely, that in everything he did, moved by his charity and his pedagogical daimonion, supported by Divine Providence, Calasanz always and everywhere proved to be a sedulus vigilque Ecclesiae interpres ac minister.

In his works, in fact, he fulfilled the pedagogical decisions already formulated by various Councils and openly showed that he wanted nothing other than to put into practice the teaching and pedagogical precepts of Holy Mother Church. The Saint did indeed act in this way. This can be seen in the numerous similarities between his teaching and pedagogical practice and those of Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, who, as we all know, was, if not officially, at least the unofficial interpreter of the pedagogical precepts and instructions of the post-Tridentine Church. Moreover, a concrete and detailed study of the various pedagogical facts of the time clearly shows that perhaps no one before Calasanz did as much in the field of Catholic and European education as he did with his achievements, his pedagogical innovations, the very successful didactic methods, with the orthodox and at the same time modern spirit of his entire pedagogical system.

But Calasanz was “sedulus vigilque Ecclesiae interpres ac minister”, also in the following sense. It was a time when the Protestant camp was doing everything it could to create a new type of school that would better meet the demands of modern times and at the same time be a powerful vehicle for its religious teachings. Calasanz, recognizing the seriousness of the danger and the extraordinary importance that the school would have had in the gigantic struggle between Catholicism and Protestantism, won it, we would say, the initiative and created the first true popular school, a powerful organ of faith and Catholic culture not only in the believing countries but also in those afflicted by heresy.

To the inspired words of Pius XII, we can add that Calasanz was also “sedulus vigilque novorum temporum interpres ac minister” in everything he did. Certainly, few felt the profound social problems of his time as much as he did, and none created an organ for this like his Institute, nor did he find more effective means to tackle such problems successfully. His social program, so fundamental and radical, shows the right way and the most effective means for a Christian and radical solution to the most serious difficulties and the most urgent social needs, even in our socially troubled times.

At the same time, Calasanz also intuitively discovered the new horizons and the new cultural problems of modernity. He wanted his institute, which was open to the new scientific achievements and the just balance between technical and literary-humanistic culture, to be a vital organism of the new era in the field of intellectual and cultural life as well. In any case, Calasanz has the merit of wanting to keep the development and progress of the new positive scientific direction of the time in Catholic hands in order to be a faithful help to the Church and not to let it become radically secular.

In general, such a direction, even if it could have been continued in the following centuries to the great benefit of the Church and the true cultural progress of Europe, became less so in the last century, eventually leading to the tragic split between spiritual and humanistic culture and technical culture in modern man, which today threatens the foundations and existence of any true human culture. From such an abyss of dangers, I believe one can admire even better the true greatness of the wise and prudent cultural and pedagogical plan of Calasanz, who was truly “sedulus ac vigil Ecclesiae ac novorum temporum interpres ac minister”.

Apart from all this, Calasanz is rightly considered a “fidelis vigilque Ecclesiae interpres ac minister”, because in his work he utilized the entire treasure and experience of Catholic pedagogy of the past centuries. But a careful examination of his entire pedagogical work shows that it is also necessary to honor in his person the father of all modern post-Tridentine Catholic pedagogy. The Saint not only brought all the earlier pedagogical efforts of Christianity to a successful conclusion, but also laid the solid foundations of modern Catholic pedagogy, especially with the persistent application of the preventive system, with the constant insistence on the frequency of confession and communion, with his social interest, with his purely Christian liberality, with the commitment to the formation of characters and the conscientious training of future teachers and educators,

And we can better understand what the greatest Catholic educators after him did, such as St. John Baptist de La Salle or St. John Bosco, if we see their works as a direct continuation and natural development of the new pedagogical orientation that Calasanz fortunately initiated. Whether we examine the question of the preventive method, sacramental education or character formation in the pedagogical system of these three great saintly educators, whether we examine the fundamental problem of training good educators or the question of the school program that best meets the demands of modern life and Christian morality, we always come to the same conclusion. Calasanz was the first to correctly recognize the relevant questions and problems, and he was the first to find the first theoretical and practical solutions. If the practical solutions may not always correspond to the latest pedagogical requirements, this is more due to the unavoidable influence of the historical environment in which Calasanz lived than to any pedagogical shortcomings on his part.

It would certainly be worthwhile to produce a careful “synopsis”, a comparative study of all the works and pedagogical ideas of these three great saintly educators of the post-Tridentine Church. The priority of Calasanz would then be better recognized and the path of the other two would be better delineated according to Calasanzian thought, and it would also be easier to see where their direction took a different course. Such a work would certainly make a remarkable contribution to the entire history of modern pedagogy and would be very useful in shaping the final chapters of the “pedagogia catholica et perennis”,

After that, it will not seem an exaggeration to claim that Calasanz is one of the greatest pedagogues in the entire history of Christian education. This title is due to him not only for all that he developed in the field of institutions, pedagogical systems and methods, but also for what he personally did and carried out in his daily pedagogical practice. From the documentation of the previous chapters, we can conclude that he educated children and educators of children with admirable efficiency. His intelligence was amazing, his erudition extensive, his pedagogical experience incomparable, his practical sense extraordinary, his patience luminous, his actions and his words clear. In the development of his daily activities, his spirit of sacrifice knew no bounds. The secret driving force behind his outstanding pedagogical qualities, his whole life, and his entire activity, was his heroic love of God and charity, always ready and active towards his neighbor.

Even in his holiness, he maintained his pedagogical exemplarity. St. Augustine rightly remarked: “The saints have done many things that are more to be admired than imitated”. Calasanz was not an inimitable saint, nor did he experience in his life the noise of a conversion, nor strange or conspicuous penitential exercises. As befits an exemplary pedagogue, his every action was exemplary in every way and worthy of imitation, even emulation. He became a saint in the simplicity and humility of his life, in sacrifice, in suffering, in patience, in work and daily struggle, in service to God and his ideals. He became a saint in quiet but active love, in faithfulness, without the temptation of extraordinary adventures, in the trusting acceptance of the simple reality of daily life.

Undoubtedly, such “pedagogical” holiness demanded an unusual effort from Calasanz, also because he had to sanctify in himself the ordinary weakness of others, showing everyone with this “intuitive method” that there is no human weakness that cannot be purified with divine mercy and good will, and even elevated to the highest peaks of holiness.

In the face of such “pedagogical” holiness, who does not think of the divine Master, who also wanted to incarnate himself for “pedagogical purposes” - In similitudinem hominum factus et inventus est ut homo, et exinanivit semetipsum - in order to purify and elevate us? And who does not immediately recall the simple, clear and pedagogical holiness of the Mother of God, the most sublime educator, both by association of ideas and by example?

In fact, such holiness demanded a greater effort from Calasanz, because to achieve it, the previous goodness of deeds and intentions was not enough, nor was the silence and secrecy of the evangelical cubiculum, where everything could have developed in the exclusive intimacy between God and the soul. To all this should be added the intelligibility, clarity and imitability of actions and intentions, always respecting and following the evangelical precept sic luceat lux vestra.

We are not mistaken when we say that it was here, in the humble and patient exercise of this pedagogical holiness, that Calasanz made the greatest sacrifice of his life, and that it was here, in the perfect exercise of the happy binomial “saint-pedagogue”, that he reached the highest limits of human greatness. Who does not see the risk of such an adventure? The facts speak for themselves. There are not many pedagogical saints, and very few pedagogues are truly saints. But Calasanz did it, he was a saint and a pedagogue, one of the greatest saints and one of the greatest pedagogues. Hardly anyone among them - even if they were sometimes better and more profound in the theoretical field than he was - did as much as he did personally and effectively for the cause of public education and Christian education. Calasanz undoubtedly takes first place among his contemporaries, not excepting the great Protestant pedagogues of his or the immediately preceding period, such as Trotzendorf, Ratke, Sturm and especially Comenius. In fact, a simple comparison of their activities, works and pedagogical ideas shows the clear superiority of Calasanz, both in terms of the breadth, modernity and social conception of his system and its perfect and stable execution. While Comenius, for example, realized only a few ideas expressed in the Illustris Schola Sarospatakensis, and his pedagogical-didactic orientation was partially forgotten after his death[2067], Calasanz, during his fifty years of pedagogical activity and later through his educational Order, realized, humanly speaking, all his projects and programs. The same could be said of Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, whose certainly not insignificant principles in terms of general and popular education were only realized by Calasanz. As for the pedagogues after the Saint, we have already shown in one of the previous paragraphs that it is Calasanz himself who fully deserves the title “pater paedagogiae catholicae postridentinae”.

2067 Among the treatises on pedagogy and the contemporary educators of Calasanz, the Protestant Comenius (1592-1670) undoubtedly deserves the first place. He comes close to Calasanz in his effort for the realization of a true popular instruction, as well as in the affirmation that the school must prepare the student for eternal life, but at the same time must take into account his earthly career. Like Calasanz, he also attributed an uncommon importance to the good organization of the school, to the timetable, to the teaching staff, to hygiene and to the practicality of the school building, and he insisted very much on the adoption of good school books. In intellectual education he also fully applied the intuitive method. In moral education Comenius also saw the great importance of the practice and exercise of the cardinal virtues.

Comenius seems superior to Calasanz, as a theoretician of pedagogy, in the conscientious elaboration of his didactics, of his school and cultural programs, in the composition of his famous books for the pupils and in his insistence on the methodical teaching of the mother tongue.

But Calasanz, for his part, surpassed him as an active pedagogue in the effective realization and propagation of the first popular schools in Europe, an organization that responded almost fully to all the demands that Comenius himself established somewhat later in that field of theory. And he also surpassed him in the definition of the concept of the ideal educator, as well as in the effective formation of such educators. Calasanz was also happier in his decision to use the reading of classical authors, while Comenius, because of moral concerns, wanted to completely eliminate the teaching of Latin.

But it is especially in moral and religious education that Calasanz is far superior to Comenius. The latter, in fact, had to be content with the natural means of this education, while Calasanz also made use of the supernatural ones, and applied with great profit the sacramental education, the preventive method, education through ideals, etc.

On the other hand, we must not forget that while the pedagogical work of Comenius, already during his life and particularly after his death, ended up losing more and more its vitality, the work of Calasanz, thanks to his vital forces, grew more and more strongly, became a very effective factor of European education and contributed in a remarkable way to the elevation of the cultural, moral and social level of the people.

It is noteworthy, finally, the fact that, although they were contemporaries, Calasanz is always about twenty years ahead of Comenius, if not more, in doctrine and pedagogical activity. There is no indication of a possible direct or indirect relationship between the two great pedagogues.

Among Protestant pedagogues, only Pestalozzi (1746-1827) could resist the comparison - and only in certain aspects. Both were united in their great love for the neglected children of the people and both also saw the elementary school as the most important means for the social, moral and intellectual reform of the people. Both also insisted with equal strength and clarity of vision on a good moral and religious education for children. But while Pestalozzi almost always failed after his first attempts, Calasanz succeeded with his Pious Schools in actually realizing the long-awaited reform of the Christian republic.

On a theoretical level, Pestalozzi was perhaps the most original[2068] in his profound intuitions regarding the problems of the spiritual education of the child. But in the whole system of moral and religious education, Calasanz was much more successful and effective. He knew how to modestly and skillfully use all the natural and supernatural means offered by the paedagogia perennis of Holy Mother Church for this purpose. Pestalozzi, on the other hand, a Protestant who lacked such means and such powerful help, wanted to achieve everything on the basis of the almost instinctive inspirations of his pedagogical and moral genius and relied entirely on the natural development of the child’s innate moral sense.

2068 We say “perhaps” because, even if Calasanz was not a pedagogical treatise writer, and, as a consequence, he dealt little with theoretical questions, nevertheless, in the examination of the program of intellectual education developed in his schools, as well as in the method always applied by him, it is very clear that in the practical realization of the main points, he followed, more or less, the same principles as those advocated by Pestalozzi. For example, he too wanted to communicate everything according to the nature and capacity of the child. He wanted the spontaneous activity of the learner and he also wanted the child’s new ideas to always be united with those already assimilated, etc.

Calasanz did not have the philosophical substrate that almost unconsciously characterized the system of Pestalozzi, a great connoisseur of Rousseau and close friend of Fichte. Consequently, the Saint never tried to create a pedagogical system that corresponded to an earlier philosophical system, but he wanted to realize and always realized the only possible pedagogy, namely the one that corresponded entirely to the great realities of Catholic life and thought.

Panoramic view of the past and present problems of the Institute

And now that we have attempted to synthesize the entire pedagogical work of Calasanz and its place in the history of European pedagogy, but especially in the history of Catholic pedagogy, we could end the present study. But it is true that any historical Institution can be better understood and more objectively evaluated if we examine not only the period of its creation and initial consolidation, but also its subsequent development, its present state and the possibilities for the future. In order to understand the historical significance of Calasanz’ pedagogical work and to evaluate it more accurately, it would therefore be necessary to study the life and development of the Calasanzian Institute in the centuries following the time of the Saint carefully and with historical scrupulousness. Since such a work has yet to be written (there are partial papers, but no critical accounts of the entire history of the Institute), we must content ourselves at this point with a brief outline of both the Order’s Fortleben and its characteristic notes of the present, which are also valid for all times.

As far as the Fortleben of the particular history of the various provinces is concerned, we can state that in the centuries following the death of the Holy Founder, the Institute of the Pious Schools endeavoured to continue the noblest Calasanzian traditions. His main concern was always the education of poor children. In the meantime, however, due to new historical circumstances, but in accordance with their right, schools were also opened for nobles, which were not free, and the number of high schools, which corresponded to the modern classical scientific lyceum, also increased. After the French Revolution, the confiscation of ecclesiastical property, which gradually took place in almost all the countries where the Order had branches, and the great poverty of the Institute made it impossible to provide free education for all. But even in these cases, a large percentage of students were educated free of charge in the common schools and boarding schools.

During this time, the Order took on the care of deaf-mute children as a new area of social assistance. Its love, its fondness for children, is truly unbroken. The Calasanzian Order took care of them even in the golden century of its cultural and scientific activity, i.e. the XVIII century. And it takes care of them in our century, when elementary education is already well organized by the state, at least officially, according to the legal regulations of the various nations. The reason for this, according to Calasanz’ teaching, is obvious, a teaching that is also confirmed by the latest results of child psychology. The education that a child receives in the first ten or twelve years of life is of extraordinary, if not decisive, importance, and therefore it would be tantamount to betraying the child and at the same time betraying the teachings of the Holy Founder to leave this phase of education to others who are perhaps less competent and less aware.

In the field of intellectual education, his penchant for simplicity, clarity and brevity and his love for the essentials of facts and things became more and more evident in all areas of didactics. His undeniable practical sense and his original inclination towards the positive sciences, mathematics and physics, led to the establishment of famous schools for the teaching of the above-mentioned subjects in many parts of Europe, but especially in the provinces of Tuscany, Austria, Poland, Hungary and Spain. The same spirit gave rise to various technical schools for engineering, architecture, commerce, etc. At the same time, many members of the Order became professors of the positive sciences at various state universities.

But if the field of physical-positive sciences was so eagerly cultivated, the philosophical-literary field was not neglected. In some places, such as Vienna, Florence and Budapest, there was no lack of famous philosophers, who were even given chairs at universities. The same applies to classical and modern literary subjects. And as soon as it was possible, the teaching of history and geography was introduced in the Order’s schools, as was the teaching of the local language, which became increasingly intensive. Thus, the members of the Order became more and more eager promoters and encouragers of the national spirit everywhere. With their literary activities and patriotic spirit, they themselves were often active and fruitful promoters of national culture.

The orientation given by Calasanz in the field of the various pedagogical sciences was also not abandoned. In various states, such as Hungary, Poland and Austria, the Fathers of the Pious Schools played a very notable role in the various school reforms of the past centuries, and it was often they who drafted and proposed the plans of the various programs, the various school organizations. Not infrequently, they were entrusted with almost all the tasks of public education, both theoretical and practical.

The most successful norms of St. Joseph Calasanz were also followed in the field of moral and religious education, both in the application of the preventive system and in sacramental education. Systematic and serious religious instruction always remained the basis of this education. His method was imitated in various places and was even positively received by the competent authorities of the various dioceses or nations. With regard to the delicate relationship between nature and grace in the life and moral development of the student, the orientation given by Calasanz was followed, i.e. the preparation, especially through the cardinal virtues, of solid natural foundations for the entire supernatural structure of the student’s spiritual and religious life.

Thanks to this very prudent and sober method and thanks to the method of educating children through attractive and opportunistic ideals already used by Calasanz, the Pious Schools of the post-Calasanzian period produced for the Church, for the country and for the sciences an outstanding band of illustrious men: cardinals, bishops, generals, patriots, statesmen, scientists and artists, who were everywhere distinguished by their noble ideals, their purity of morals and their strength of character. Often, especially in Hungary and Poland, in times and difficult situations for the fatherland, there were men under these conditions who were educated in the Pious Schools, who knew how to act with strength and Christian spirit and who guided the fate of the Church or the fatherland in danger with strength and wisdom. It is no exaggeration to say that the most glorious pages of the modern national history of these countries are full of the immortal deeds of priests and former students of the Pious Schools. If someone wanted to apply the Lord’s famous words “by their fruits you will know them” to the Piarist Order, pointing to the rich fruits and abundant harvest of its education, he could certainly boast of the founder and his Calasanzian work.

As far as religious and moral education is concerned, we must mention, as a natural consequence of the preventive system, the great esteem that the Pious Schools always had for nature and the spontaneous resources of the pupil. And finally, the great respect that Calasanzian educators had for the personality and moral freedom of the student in order to educate strong characters for God and the country.

In few other institutes was Juvenal’s famous saying “maxima debetur puero reverentia” so well observed. In the Pious Schools, following the best Calasanzian traditions, the personality and moral freedom of the student were so respected that even Hebrew and Protestant children were admitted without the slightest pressure to convert them. The work of conversion, which often took place, was left to the irresistible power of the truth imparted and the mysterious intervention of divine grace. Many Calasanzian schools can speak of this distinctly Christian liberalism that the Fathers of the Pious Schools practiced with their students for more than three centuries.

Finally, in more recent times, in the field of moral and religious education, we must consider the not inconsiderable merit of the Pious Schools in having welcomed, favored and rapidly developed two modern means and organizations for the moral and religious education of youth, namely Catholic Youth Action and the Scout Movement. The traditional openness of the Pious Schools to everything that can serve the good education of youth has made the Calasanzian Institute, like the father of the family who profert de thesauro suo nova et vetera, one of the first to welcome the appearance of the Boy Scouts and Catholic Action among its students.

As for the present activity of the Pious Schools, an unbiased observer can see that even now, in the midst of the not few and small demands of the present historical moment, they are successfully following the masterful path indicated by Calasanz, as they did in the past. Moreover, with their missionary activity, they are expanding their sphere of action and their intellectual apostolate. As far as free education is concerned, the situation has changed somewhat. Whereas in the past, the Pious Schools were almost the only schools available free to all the poor, today it is the modern states that have made primary education free or almost free everywhere, and often even secondary education. The Pious Schools, which in many countries receive no or insufficient state subsidies, are forced to charge their pupils a certain amount of school fees in order to maintain their institutes and their teachers. It is not that the generosity of the Order, which maintains a large number of poor students at its own expense, has already been extinguished. But if public education and its remuneration are always a serious concern for those who take care of the state balance sheet, how could an educational Order, deprived of all means and not supported by the state, take on the task of free education alone? It is up to future legislation to remedy this inconvenience, based on the equal right of all children to education.

Another serious problem in many countries today arises from the worrying fact that the state as such, which is becoming increasingly totalitarian, wants to interfere more and more in the education of young people in order to mold them “in its image and likeness”. The Order is almost powerless in the face of such arrogance. Here too, it is up to the future to find a just solution to the problem that guarantees the freedom of the Church in teaching and education, and certain indisputable rights of the state in relation to the civic education of its subjects.

And there remains a third problem, which is neither small nor insignificant for an educational Order such as the Pious Schools. It arises from the fact that, while in the past religious schools were almost the only ones that existed and their activity represented the highest level of pedagogical activity of the time, today pedagogy, the secular experience of religious Orders, and the most modern means and methods of didactics, have become the common treasure of the university and all state institutes. Therefore, the teaching religious Orders must make a determined effort to be at the forefront of any truly pedagogical movement in order to contribute something new and better to the institutions of the state.

Faced with such problems, one might think that the Pious Schools and religious schools in general, have fulfilled their mission and that the time has come for state institutes. And nothing could be more wrong. Religious institutes have a special pedagogical mission that no other state educational institute could fulfil, since they have neither the apostolic mission nor the necessary spiritual and religious competence. Indeed, in the field of intellectual formation, of modern science - often the fruit of human passions, often the incitement to them - it is the task of Catholic schools to examine, select and evaluate everything in the unique balance of truth and faith. And to create a clear, objective synthesis of this teaching and true, and therefore also Catholic, science, which can be an easy and sure guide of the human mind to Him who has the words of eternal life.

Catholic schools have the sacred task of instilling this teaching into the tender minds of children and young people with patience, energy, love and apostolic zeal. It is not enough to be in possession of the truth. It is necessary to know it and to want to pass it on despite all difficulties and setbacks.

Thus, instead of the chaotic and confused man of today, the man with lofty ideals, the man with “clear, sure and profound convictions”, so much desired in our time and also invoked by Pius XII[2069], will be able to appear through Catholic schools.

2069 Cf. Allocution of 22 November 1948 in L’eco dei nostri centenari 3-4 (1949) 8. It should not be forgotten that the author, Fr. Sántha, was writing these pages some ten years before the promulgation of the decree Gravissimum educationis momentum (28-10-1965) of the Second Vatican Council, which clearly set out the problem of Catholic education, highlighting the rights and duties of the Church and the State in the field of education.

In the field of moral and religious education, Catholic schools have the obligatory task, in this age of “moral instability, to which young people are attracted in a thousand ways by superculture, books, images, films... to form a man who knows how to control himself, who can preserve and defend his human and Christian dignity”[2070].

2070 Cf. The same Allocution, ibid., p.9.

In the field of social education, Catholic schools have the task of showing their students that true social reform, so much desired in our time, must begin with the total interior renewal of man, in the moderation of his own desires, in the appreciation and love of work, and in respect for the dignity of the human person. It cannot come from occasional, sometimes revolutionary measures that do not cure the evil or uproot its roots, but only make the symptoms disappear for a short time. Rather, it will come from the total application of Christian morality in all areas of human life, including economics and politics, as Calasanz taught more than three centuries ago.

To devote oneself to the fulfillment of these fundamental and urgent tasks of modern pedagogy and education would be the noble task of every educational institution, whether state or Catholic-religious. But only Catholic schools are in a position to do so under the present circumstances, as long as state schools do not adopt the educational principles of Christian schools, i.e. the basic principles of paedagogia perennis. And the preparation of the Pious Schools to fulfill this mission is well suited by a tradition almost four times centennial. A tradition based on love, on the search for the essential, on the commitment to the formation of character, which consists in a conscientious and radical social education. It can be said that if Christian schools at all times have a pedagogical mission to fulfill, this is providential precisely in our time, in which not only the solid principles of all Catholic education are neglected and abandoned, but the enemies of truth and goodness, who have united and organized themselves as never before in the history of Christianity and humanity, are doing everything they can to combat Christianity everywhere, especially in its inviolable right and duty to educate the new generations ut conformes fierent imagini Filii eius.

In these difficult times, which - to an even greater extent - present all the problems of the time of the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, i.e. the time of Calasanz, the humble and energetic voice of the Saint resounds more than ever, affirming that for the reform of the Christian republic, “for the reform of the corrupt morals of the century, the institute of the Pious Schools is truly the most worthy... most useful..., most natural”[2071].

2071 Memorandum to card. Tonti (o.c.)

Here is the work and the author in all its historical fullness. How could one fail to recognize the granite foundations of the one and the extraordinary greatness of the other? Pius XII aptly said: “Illud profecto quod felici ausu Sanctus Ioseph Calasanctius perfecit, ut primum exhibuerit exemplum christianae popularis eruditionis universae, dignum sane est memoratu suavissimo et longe maius opus, quam ullis laudibus exaequetur”[2072].

2072 Letter addressed to the Superior General of the Pious Schools, on July 12, 1948 (cf. L’eco dei nostri centenari 4-5 [1948] 3).

St. Joseph Calasanz is one of the greatest educators of mankind, and his pedagogical work, the Institute of Pious Schools, is one of the most perfect achievements of a Catholic institute that places itself entirely at the service of paedagogia perennis.

One can never admire enough how the modesty, simplicity, tenacity, spirit of sacrifice, commitment and love of one man have achieved such greatness, making his work, although modest and humble, one of the most effective means of that great plan of God who wants to lead all men to his ineffable Trinitarian joy, enlightening their understanding and enkindling them in the fire of love. It was certainly the only Master and the supreme Pedagogue who wanted his holy image to shine in his humble servant; and his most holy Mother, the greatest educator, could not fail to grant her maternal help to this simple religious who always and for all time wanted to be called Joseph of the Mother of God.

Onomastic index

Academy of «Abietti»,

Agatha, Saint, in Trastevere, church

Agathists,

Alcalá de Henares,

Aldobrandini, H., cardinal,

Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi),

Alfio, Saint

Althan (n), M., count,

Álvarez, M.,

Ambrosi, A.,

Ameyden (Amideno) T.,

Anerio, F.,

Angelini, F.,

Animuccia, J.,

Antoniano, Silvio, cardenal,

Apa, J. F .,

Apollinaris, Saint, church,

Apuleius,

Archconfraternity of the Charity,

Archconfraternity of the Holy Trinity,

Archconfraternity of the orphans of Santa María in Aquiro,

Archconfraternity of Twelve Apostles,

Aristotle,

Augustine, Saint,

Augustinians,

Baiano, A.,

Balaguer, place,

Baldi, F.,

Barbastro, place

Barberini, F., cardinal,

Barnabites,

Baronio, C., cardinal,

Belarmino, R., Saint, cardinal,

Bembo, P.,

Benabarre, place

Benedict XIV,

Benedicti, J.,

Benedictines,

Berro, V.,

Boethius,

Borghi, P.,

Borromeo, C., Saint, cardinal,

Borromeo, F., cardinal,

Brendani, A.,

Brocense, cf. Sánchez, F.

Busca, G.,

Caesar, J.,

Calasanz, Joseph, Saint,

organizes and directs the Academy of his clerics,

accompanies the schoolchildren to their homes,

learns arithmetic,

learns calligraphy,

his character has a positive and volitional aspect,

he punishes with the meekness of Christ,

has a robust physical build,

composes mathematical problems for his pupils,

his eucharistic devotion,

his Marian devotion,

defends the right of the poor to culture,

teaches arithmetic,

teaches calligraphy,

he teaches how to correct the compositions of schoolchildren,

he is learned and erudite,

he wants the educators of his Order to be priests,

he writes and sends numerous letters full of pedagogical, moral and spiritual instructions,

he does everything possible for the efficacy of the teaching of Christian doctrine.

his studies,

he exhorts his clerics to studies,

he is a most able exhorter of children,

he forms distinguished educators,

It was his first Roman experiences that led him to found the Pious Schools,

he founds the Order of the Pious Schools,

his glorification,

he takes great care of school hygiene,

he develops and perfects the ideal and concept of the Catholic educator,

he is “sedulus vigilque Ecclesiae interpres ac minister”,

he is “sedulus vigilque novorum temporum interpres ac minister”,

he does and works much for the modern teaching of the Latin language,

he himself provides his educators with the necessary books,

he provides free, or at least at low cost, textbooks to school children,

he is competent in sacred liturgy,

he inaugurates the preventive method,

he promotes the study and teaching of sacred and profane music,

he does not have great confidence in the musicians,

he proposes and promotes the obligatory nature of school attendance,

is a very orderly man,

he is the father of the post-Tridentine Catholic pedagogy,

he is universal Patron of all the Christian Popular Schools,

he wants absolute poverty for his educators,

his pedagogical vocation,

he insists a lot on the prayer of the student and of the educator as well,

he foreshadows the practical scientific direction of the new times,

he wants “the reform of the young people” and that of the “Republic” through good education,

he sweeps himself the toilets of the schoolchildren,

his relations with Count M. A. Althan,

with T. Campanella,

with Father Domenico Ruzzola of Jesus Maria,

with Cardinal F. Dietrichstein,

with St. Philip Neri,

with Galileo Galilei,

with the Jesuits,

with St. John Leonardi,

with Ven. Father John of Jesus Mary;

with Cardinal B. Giustiniani,

with Bishop John Baptist Gramay,

with Jorge Ossolinski, Chancellor of Poland,

with the statesman philosopher G. Scioppio (Schoppe);

with Vladislaus IV, king of Poland,

Calasanz promotes “sacramental” education,

he takes great care of the educator’s health,

he takes great care of the health of the learner as well,

he proposes the saints as ideals to be followed by the learner, and particularly the holy children,

his “pedagogical” holiness,

his opinion concerning the school theater,

his tenacity and firmness,

his Thomistic orientation,

his interior life and spiritual orientation,

his insistence among the school children on the daily practice of the cardinal and theological virtues,

his holy death,

Camilo de Lelis, Saint,

Campanella, T.,

Canisio, Peter, Saint,

Capella, A., bishop of Urgel,

Capuchins,

Carbone, L.,

Casani, P.,

Castelli, B., mathematician abbot,

Castelli, F.,

Castellino de Castello,

Catulo,

Cayetano de Thiene, Saint,

Cerusi, L., il Literato,

Chigi, F. (Alexander VII),

Christian Doctrine, archconfraternity of,

Cicero,

Cirino, Saint

Claverol, place,

Clavio (Schlussel), Cr.,

Clement IX,

Clement VIII,

Clement XII,

Clement XIII,

Collegio Capranica,

Collegio Clementino,

Collegio Crivelli,

Collegio Germanico-Hungarico,

Collegio Nardini,

Collegio Nazareno,

Collegio Romano,

Collegio Salviati,

Colonna, Marco Antonio, cardenal,

Comenio (Komensky), J. A.,

Confraternity of Christian Doctrine,

Congregation of clerics of Christian Doctrine,

Congregation of Saint Ivo,

Conservators of Roma,

Constantini, J. B.,

Conti, C.,

Council Lateran III,

Council Lateran IV,

Council Lateran V,

Council of Toledo,

Council of Trento,

Cresci, M. J. F.,

Crusca, vocabulary of,

Cungi, C.,

Curcio, Q.,

Cusani, M.,

De Ferraris, J. B.,

Despauterius (Spenter), J.,

Dietrichstein, F., cardinal,

Dolce, L.,

Dominic (Ruzzola) of Jesus Maria, OCD,

Dominicans,

Donatus, Aelius,

Doricetto, S.,

Dorotea, Santa, in Trastevere, Church

Dragonetti, G.,

Erasmus,

Estacious,

Estadilla, place,

Euclid,

Fatebenefratelli, hospital of,

Feliciano, F.,

Ferdinand II, Gran Duque de Toscana,

Fiammelli, J. F.,

Filadelfio, Saint,

Firmiani, F.,

Forestani (o), L.,

Franciotti, C.,

Franciscans,

Fulgencio, F. Pl.,

Galileo Galilei,

García, M.,

Gelio, A.,

Gervás de las Eras, P.,

Ghaligai (Chaligai), F.,

Giginta, M.,

Giustiniani, B., cardinal,

Gloriosi, J. C.,

Gramay, J. B.,

Grazioli, J. B.,

Gregory XIII,

Gregory XV,

Grise, S.,

Harrach, E., cardinal,

Horacio, Q. F.,

Hospital of Fatebenefratelli,

Hospital of Holy Spirit en Sassia,

Hospital of incurables,

Hospital of Saint Roque,

Hospital of the Trinity of Pilgrims and Convalescent,

Ignatius of Loyola, Saint,

Immaculate Conception,

Innocent X,

Innocent XI,

Jesuits,

John Baptist de La Salle, Saint,

John Bosco, Saint,

John Leonardi, Saint,

John of the Cross, Saint,

John, of Jesus Maria, OCD,

Joseph, Saint,

Judischi, M.,

Just and Pastor, Saints,

Juvenal,

Kempis, T.,

La Figuera, G.,

Landriani, GI., Ven.,

Lawrence in Damaso, Saint, basilica,

Lérida, place,

Literato, il,

Livy, Titus,

Lombardelli, H.,

Loris, J. D.,

Lutero, M.,

Magni, F., count,

Magni, V., capuchin,

Marcial, V.,

Maria de la Strada, Santa, church,

Mazzei, C.,

Melanchton,

Michelini, F.,

Moncada, H. A. de,

Montserrat, place,

Monzón, place

Morelli, A.,

Nebrija, E. D.,

Nicholas in Carcere, Saint, church,

Nihusi, B.

Odeschalchi, C. T.,

Oratorians,

Oratory of Divine Love,

Orphanage of Literato,

Orphanage of Saint Michael,

Orphanage of Santa María in Aquiro,

Ortoneda, place,

Ossolinski, J., chancellor of Poland,

Ovid,

Paleotti, G., archbishop of Bolonia,

Palestrina, P. L.,

Panciroli, cardinal,

Pastor and Just, Saints Martyrs,

Paul III,

Paul of the Regola, Saint, church,

Paul V,

Peralta de la Sal, place,

Pérez de Herrera, Cr.,

Pergamini, J.,

Pestalozzi, E.,

Petrarca,

Petronio, Arbiter,

Philip IV, King of Spain,

Philip Neri, Saint,

Pietra, E.,

Pious V, Saint,

Pious X, Saint,

Pious XII,

Plautus,

Priscian,

Propertius,

Prudence,

Quintilian,

Rabanus Maurus,

Ratke (Ratichius), W.,

Roma, J., cardinal,

Romani, J. D.,

Rome, place,

the seat of classical Calasanzian studies,

its moral and social situation towards the end of the 16th century,

its pedagogical situation,

its “Rioni”,

Rosa, D.,

Rossi, G. V.,

Ruinetti, T.,

Ruscelli, J.,

Sacred Family,

Sadoleto, J.,

Salust,

Salvator, Saint, church,

Salviati, A. M., cardinal,

Sánchez, F. (the Brocense),

Santini, A.,

Sapienza, La, university of Rome,

Sarafellini, V.,

Scaligero, J. C.,

Scassellati, C.,

Scioppio (Schoppe), G.,

Seneca,

Servants of the children in Charity,

Settimi, Cl.,

Simone, J.,

Sixtus IV,

Sixtus V,

Smet, E.,

Societies of Christian Doctrine,

Society of the Blessed Sacrament,

Somascan,

Sort, place,

Sozzi, M.,

Suetonius, C. Tr.,

Tacitus,

Tartaglia, N.,

Tasso, T.,

Terence,

Theatines,

Theresa of Jesus, Saint,

Thomas Aquinas, Saint,

Tibullus,

Tirvia, place,

Tortoletti, B.,

Tremp, place,

Trinitarian,

Trinity, Most Holy,

Twelve Apostles, archconfraternity of,

Urban VIII,

Urgel, place,

Urríes, F., Dominican bishop,

Valencia, place,

Valerius, Maximus,

Valla, L.,

Valle, P. di,

Valmerana, O.,

Valuta, J.,

Vieta (Viete), F.,

Virgil,

Vitali, M. A.,

Vives, L.,

Vladislaus IV, King of Poland,

Wallenstein (Waldstein), A.,

Table of contents

Abandoned children,

Academies of schoolchildren,

Accompaniment of school children,

Acts of faith, hope and charity,

Acts of humility and contrition,

Arithmetic, teaching - , class (classroom)- , study - ,

Attendance, see Compulsory attendance at school

Authority of the educator,

Authors “purged”,

Awards,

Baths, prohibited

Boarding school education,

Books of devotion,

Books on pedagogy and sociology,

Brothers

Calasanzian educator, love - , authority - , chastity - , discretion - , exemplarity - , training in arithmetic - , in Christian doctrine - , in writing - , in classical studies - , in philosophy - , in reading - , in vernacular language - , in music and singing - , in theology - , the ideal of - , patience - , humility - , poverty - , - is religious , - is a priest , simplicity - , inner life - .

Cardinal and theological virtues in schoolchildren,

Catechisms,

Catholic pedagogy (Post-Tridentine),

Charity, acts of – in students,

Chastity of the Calasanzian educator,

Chastity,

Christ-centered education

Christian doctrine , teaching , study , in Rome before the arrival of Calasanz .

Church for children and youth,

Classes, division into classes , - in the elementary section , - in the middle section,

Classical studies,

Cleanliness of the Institute, person in-charge

Cleric “brothers”,

Common places of the schoolchildren, person in charge

Communion, first , general - of the Marian Congregations,

Compositions, (class compositions)

Compulsory attendance at school,

Confession, monthly , weekly , general , - and general communion of students,

Confessor of students,

Conscience, study of the cases of - , class of cases of - , examination of - ,

Continuous prayer, prefect , - of the educator, - of the student,

Contrition, acts of - ,

Cooperation of contemporaries with the Institute,

Cooperation of the Institute with civil and ecclesiastical authorities,

Cooperation of the Institute with the parents of the students,

Corrector of the pupils,

Crown of the Twelve Stars,

Custodians of school children,

Dancing,

Deaf and Dumb, education of

Decurions,

Discretion of the educator,

Disputes of the pupils,

Doposcuola,

Ecclesiastical and civil authorities, cooperation with them,

Education, a teneris annis , Christocentric - , aesthetic - , physical - , intellectual - , - at boarding school, moral and religious - , - for purity, “sacramental” - , social - ,

Elementary section of the Institute,

Emulation,

Eucharist,

Examination of conscience,

Examiner of teachers,

Faith, acts of

Fear of God,

Feasts of the school year, manner of celebrating the feast of the Church,

Fervent prayers

Fortleben of the Pious Schools,

Free tuition,

Freedom, respect for the - and the personality of the learner,

Galileans Piarists,

Games,

Geography,

Grammar classes

Greek,

Grown-up students

Guardian Angel,

Guides for schoolchildren,

Hatred of sin,

Health, of body and spirit in the Calasanzian educator , - of the learner,

Hebrew,

History, teaching of -

Hope, acts of

Humility, acts of - , - and contrition , of the educator , of the learner .

Hygienic measures,

Ideals proposed to the learner,

Independence of the Institute,

Indulgences for the Marian Congregations,

Inquisitor of Florence,

Intellectual education

Intellectual formation of the Calasanzian educator,

Interior life of the Calasanzian educator,

Italian, teaching of -, study of - .

Latin, - teaching , - study, right of the poor to the - .

Latinists, Illustrious Latinists cooperators of Calasanz,

Laudi Spirituali,

Lauretan children

Learner, control of the - , portrait of the Calasanzian learner,

Librarian,

Libraries,

Liturgy,

Lives of the Saints,

Love of God in the educator,

Love of neighbor in the educator: paternal, pedagogical, prudent

Marian Congregations,

Marian devotion in the Institute, - slavery

Mary, act of offering to - ,

Mary, devotion to - in the Institute;

Mass, Holy Mass

Mathematics, see also Arithmetic.

Melancholy,

Method of commenting on classical authors , - unique and uniform in each class of the Institute , search for the best - , preventive - , simultaneous - , mixed - .

Middle school,

Minister in the Pious Schools,

Minor offices,

Missions,

Modesty of the educator , - of the learner ,

Mortification, voluntary - of the learner,

Music teaching , - study .

Mythology, (Classical mythology)

Natural sciences,

Nobles, educators , School of Nobles in Florence ,

Number of pupils in each class , of teachers of each class ,

Obedience of schoolchildren ,

Openness and sensitivity of the Pious Schools to the progress of science,

Parents, relations of the Institute with the parents of the students,

Particular friendship , - which the educator must be avoided ,

Patience, - of the Calasanzian educator ,

Pedagogical conferences ,

Philosophical and theological studies,

Philosophy, teaching , study of philosophy ,

Pious Schools; origins , name .

Poor, their right to culture,

Post-Tridentine Catholic pedagogy,

Poverty, of the educator , love of poverty in students ,

Prefect, of the Pious Schools , - of continuous prayer , - of the courtyard,

Preferred authors in the schools,

Processions,

Program, scholastic - , classical section - , elementary section - , classical studies - , social program of the Institute,

Provincial Superior

Punishments

Pupils, the number in each class,

Purity, education

Quaestors, (cercatori)

Ratio studiorum pro exteris,

Ratio studiorum pro religiosis nostris,

Reading, teaching of - , - classroom, - study

Recreation of schoolchildren,

Reformation, - of “the youngsters”, - of the Republic,

Relations of the Institute with ecclesiastical and civil authorities,

Religious, educator

Renunciation of the world, made by the Calasanzian educator,

Respect of the educator for the student,

Rhetoric, class of

Rosary,

Sacraments, “sacramental” education

Sacred eloquence,

Sacred pictures,

Saints, worship of - ,holy children ,

Scholastic schedule,

School building,

School exams,

School of Nobles;

School patronage,

School regulations,

School trips,

Section, elementary – of the Institute , grammar - .

Silence, love of - in the Calasanzian educator,

Simplicity of the Calasanzian educator,

Simultaneous, method

Singing and music, teaching - , study - ,

Small Office of Our Lady,

Social education, program and activity of the Institute , value and social function of the scholastic program of the Institute ,

Spiritual direction,

Spiritual formation of the Calasanzian educator,

Spiritual talks,

Summer periods in the countryside,

Superior General

Supernatural means for moral and religious education,

Syndics,

Teacher according to Calasanz , see also Calasanzian educator .

Teachers, specialized teachers , “rioni” teachers , number in each class,

Teaching Order,

Teaching staff,

Theater, school -

Theology, study of -

Thomistic, orientation of theological studies,

Tuition, Free school tuition

Uniformity in teaching,

Union and disunion of the Pious Schools with the Congregation of the Mother of God,

Vacations, school -

Vacations, summer vacation of the students,

Veritatis Cooperator,

Vernacular language teaching, study of -

Versions, of Latin, in Latin ,

Visitors,

Vocabulary of the Crusca,

Vow, the fourth vow of teaching,

Worship of the Saints

Writing, teaching, classroom, study

Youth ideal according to Calasanz, the protection of the most gifted young people,

Foreword

Introduction to the first edition

Preface to the second edition

General introduction

Bibliography

Manuscript sources

I. General Archives of San Pantaleo, Rome

II. Library of San Pantaleo

III. Provincial Archive of Tuscan Province, Florence

IV. Biblioteca Vaticana

V. Biblioteca Casanatense (Roma)

PRINTED WORKS

Acronyms and abbreviations

Historical introduction

I. The life of Calasanz

II. Rome towards the end of the sixteenth century. Its social, moral and educational situation

III. Calasanz´ first roman experiences. The reasons for founding the Pious Schools. The ideal and purpose of Saint Joseph of Calasanz

Calasanz’ pedagogical work

I. The calasanzian educator

II. The Calasanctian Institute

III. Intellectual education, its methods and means

IV. Moral and religious education

V. Aesthetic education

VI. Health care of the students. Physical education

VII. Education in the boarding school

Conclusion

Main assertions and conquests

Fundamental principles of intellectual education

Fundamental principles of moral education

The place of Calasanz in the european and in the so-called “perennial” pedagogy. His “pedagogical” holiness

Panoramic view of the past and present problems of the Institute

Onomastic index

Table of contents

Table of Contents

Foreword

Introduction to the first edition

Preface to the second edition

General introduction

Bibliography

Manuscript sources

I. General Archives of San Pantaleo, Rome

II. Library of San Pantaleo

III. Provincial Archive of Tuscan Province, Florence

IV. Biblioteca Vaticana

V. Biblioteca Casanatense (Roma)

PRINTED WORKS

Acronyms and abbreviations

Historical introduction

I. The life of Calasanz

II. Rome towards the end of the sixteenth century. Its social, moral and educational situation

III. Calasanz´ first roman experiences. The reasons for founding the Pious Schools. The ideal and purpose of Saint Joseph of Calasanz

Calasanz’ pedagogical work

I. The calasanzian educator

II. The Calasanctian Institute

III. Intellectual education, its methods and means

IV. Moral and religious education

V. Aesthetic education

VI. Health care of the students. Physical education

VII. Education in the boarding school

Conclusion

Main assertions and conquests

Fundamental principles of intellectual education

Fundamental principles of moral education

The place of Calasanz in the european and in the so-called “perennial” pedagogy. His “pedagogical” holiness

Panoramic view of the past and present problems of the Institute

Onomastic index

Table of contents